Anarchic update news all over the world - Part One - 25.08.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  cgt.org.es: Press release: Comparative grievances,
      politicians and mega-fire (ca, it, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #285 - Review: The
      Utopics, "May 68, it was only a beginning" (fr, it, pt)[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  [Spain] Why do we practice self-management? By ANA (pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  alas barricadas: More libertarian voices from Nicaragua:
      "our anarchist tendency is minority, but not weak or testimonial"
      (ca) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 5.  CNT, Rojava Azadî I, The 'Brigada 19 de Julio' delivers the
      flag of the Council of Aragon to the diplomatic representative of
      Makhmur. (ca, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  [Uruguay] 7th Anarchist Book Fair of Montevideo, September
      21 to 23 By ANA (pt) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






The first major forest fire of the season has been spreading with unusual virulence. And 
not only because of the new climate and environmental context, warned long ago and 
repeatedly by the collective of forest firefighters. The political, social and 
professional context has led to an extremely flammable fuel supply that has unleashed a 
mega fire in the minds of the services of forest firefighters throughout Spain. We, the 
professionals of all this, those who never left because we are where the TV does not 
arrive, those who die in the vacuum that remains between the fire and the rest of the 
world, we can not take it anymore. Accustomed to spending sleepless nights among the 
embers and ashes of calcined arsons, we can not bear, however, the apathy with which we 
are treated and mistreated by the managers of all this nonsense.

A few days ago, the central government now headed by Pedro Sanchez, opposed the salary 
increase of the forest firefighters of the Valencian Community, alleging that there was a 
grievance comparative with other autonomous communities. A rise that was nothing other 
than an adaptation to new functions and new categories.

We want to explain to Maria Jesus Montero, Luis Planas, Ximo Puig, Pedro Sanchez and any 
present or future politician who will cross our path, which is a grievance.

A grievance is that emergency professionals lose their lives in fires with agricultural 
pawn contracts and miserable salaries, commanded by officials who charge double for doing 
the same. A grievance is to take the service of a professional who has dedicated his whole 
life to fires but age, his legs begin to fail, while in public administration there is a 
second activity. A grievance is entrusting month to month an essential service of 
structural character to an instrumental company managed by billionaires, when several 
courts of autonomous accounts, the court of accounts of the State and even the European 
Union have already said that this is an abuse. A grievance is the great temporality 
suffered by workers in the sector despite constituting a structural service of the 
administrations. A grievance is to keep a professional glued to the phone 2,282 hours a 
year, between 0 and 59 cents / hour, when in any public emergency service the localized 
guards compute as effective work time. A grievance is forcing you to wash at home with the 
clothes of your wife and children, an intervention suit full of carcinogenic toxins, while 
the public system is responsible for an external company that has to certify each wash. A 
grievance is to enter an urban interface with your paper mask and your suit of € 50, when 
others enter with autonomous breathing equipment, full-face helmets and four-figure suits. 
A comparative grievance is running between ashes and temperatures of 50ºC uphill with 30 
kg and 65 years behind on the orders of an official who retires before 60.

Because this group is going through so badly, that the relationships that have been woven 
between the devices of different autonomous communities have created fraternal bonds that 
are far above the envy or the comparative grievance. The struggle of some is the struggle 
of all. The strike in Valencia is supported by Madrid, Galicia or Seville. As they would 
say in the novel by Alexandre Dumas: "all for one and one for all".

Therefore, it only fits in a petty head to think that some autonomous community will feel 
aggrieved by colleagues who only ask for what they deserve. And if what is feared is the 
effect called, gentlemen ... look around. In Galicia, the Government of Feijoo has the 
forest agents of the Xunta on strike, and they have put a minimum of 100% services 
violating one of the most sacred rights of any worker. But it is that in Madrid, the 
government of Angel Garrido also has the forest firemen of the Emergency Agency with 
strike, rallies and 24-hour strikes throughout the month of August. In Andalusia, the 
Board of Susana Díaz has the forest firefighters of the Infoca with enclosures in the 
Forest Defense Centers. In Aragon, the professionals of the SARGA have also mobilized to 
extend their hiring period that did not reach even half a year and to claim the category 
of forest firefighter. And we can not forget the movement initiated by the BRIF of the 
whole State, which were more than 100 days of strike, voluntarily going to the fires and 
that have not achieved practically anything more than a minimum agreement that they 
continue leaving in the misery.

Contagion effect? No, gentlemen. This is how a mega fire works. When the precariousness of 
the collective reaches its flammability range and the spirits are heated above the point

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Message: 2






In this spring of 2018, the seventh issue of the "Cahiers de Réflexeurs" of the Union 
Syndicale Solidaires is published. From Renault to SNCF, from Besançon to Paris, from 
postal checks to the French Navy, from Billancourt to Caen, from Lip to Saviem, from Flins 
to Tours ... This new edition of the Les Utopiques notebooks offers testimonials from the 
68's. ---- An extension to the useful reminder "  Under the beach, the strike ", Which 
looks back on a decade of workers struggles at the time of this month of May. Following, a 
panorama of 68 in the world, with focus on Germany, the Spanish State, Italy, Senegal, 
Uruguay, Czechoslovakia, the USSR, Japan and Guadeloupe. If the action of the workers is 
put back in the foreground, because that was its place in this history and thus history, 
there is no question of erasing all the other dimensions of the world. Unef and the 
Movement of March 22 at the University of today, the role of peasants and women in the 
feminist movement, cinema at the Beaux-Arts, the homosexual front to the revolution ... 
There is trace here, privileging, here again, the narration of experiences. All this is of 
interest only related to present and future times. Chapters "  May 68 and the CGT "," 
Return on May 68  ","  May 68 a current issue  ","  Something of 68  ", draw perspectives 
in this direction.

The contributions in this issue are based on different individual and collective stories ; 
This makes it so rich: Ana María Araújo, Henri Benoist, Machù Cal, Anouk Colombani, 
Christophe Cordier, Christine Delphy, Michel Desmars, Maryse Dumas, Jean-Pierre Duteuil, 
Jean-Pierre Gueguen Daniel Guerrier, Willi Hajek Pierre Khalfa, Jacques Kergoat , Robert 
Kosmann, Marie-Paule Lambert, Fabienne Lauret, Christian Mahieux, Thomas Martin, Alain 
Martinez, Gus Massiah, Robi Morder, Daniel Moth, Gisele Moulie, Gerard Paris-Clavel, 
Charles Piaget, Françoise Picq, George Ribeill, Guy Robert, Théo Roumier, Patrick Rummler, 
Momar Sall, Jacques Sauvageot, Cosimo Scarinzi, Jean-Pierre Thorn, Joan Zambrana, Pierre 
Zarka.

Christian (AL Southeast Suburbs)

The Utopics No. 7, Syllepse, 2018, 320 pages, 10 euros.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Revue-Les-Utopiques-Mai-68-ce-n-etait-qu-un-debut

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Message: 3





"Self-management is the specific revolutionary economic form of anarchism arising out of 
equality and freedom, not hierarchies and domination. Anarchist self-management, in 
addition to economic, involving the field of decision and organization, is also political 
and therefore social. " ---- Because we want to learn to live more freely, and we use 
self-management as a concept / theory and tool / practice at the same time, truly useful 
for that purpose. ---- We understand that self-management alone does not guarantee 
freedom. One example is that there are "self-managed" companies and cooperatives with 
bosses and salaried or voluntary workers, funded by grants, or only working for public 
institutions. ---- We are aware that self-management as an isolated idea is easily 
manipulated, and is currently one of the novelties and varied progressive faces that the 
new left political parties use.

Facilitating, on the one hand, the imposition of a new "more participatory" social 
management system; that is, with taxes we pay politicians to manage our needs, and if they 
do wrong we can hold them accountable. But now, they want us to continue to pay their 
wages, take credit (by putting the logo or city hallmark) and give us some crumbs of our 
own taxes (so that more for them), but that we manage our needs , and still, if something 
goes wrong, it will be our responsibility!

And on the other hand, opening the way for the implementation of the new labor form of 
Capitalism, in which the worker assumes all costs and risks involved in production: 
insurance, facilities, machinery, casualties, contributions, potential losses ... with 
companies acting as intermediaries, placing their mark and taking practically all the 
benefit. Something like that if we all worked for freelancers, what would be an atrocious 
competition, with more isolation, total loss of rights and forces when any protest.

Therefore, we argue that real self-management is a part of a whole and therefore must be 
accompanied by other concepts / tools for the same purpose. Such as: direct action, 
horizontality, honesty, solidarity, mutual support, respect, free association ... thus 
achieving self-management is not reduced to a mere economic concept, but becomes a moral 
concept aimed at freedom, individual and collective well-being and the interest of the 
people, not the benefit.

We practice self-management because it allows us to take care of our own affairs, that is, 
to mature and take responsibility; whether they are political (how to organize), economic 
(obtaining resources and means of production), social (culture, health, learning ...) and 
/ or human (relationships ...). Allowing us to have a more comprehensive, understandable 
and complete view of our lives, thus regaining control over them.

As living beings we will have basic needs that either we cover or who is responsible for 
managing them will have the capacity to submit to their interests, will have the strength 
to enforce their rules (patriarchy, wage-labor, private property, money , etc.). While 
self-management offers us the possibility of breaking this dependence / obedience we 
suffer from the State and Capitalism. Because when confronted, we decide to take 
responsibility directly from our problems and needs in a collective way, we demonstrate 
that we are capable and that we do not need to live, nor its intermediation (management) 
or permission (laws), nor its bribes in the form subsidies.

Because in practicing self-management we are learning and experiencing what autonomy 
means, being independent, enjoying our efforts, not needing anyone to direct us or anyone 
who obeys us. Creating, thus, freer relations, different from those instilled in the 
democratic system, based solely on isolation and individual interest and profit at all 
costs. Creating relationships both social and personal where we change the dependencies, 
insecurity and property by mutual support, trust and solidarity.

Because you can self-administer what you want, and in fact, you take time practicing it; 
from basketball and soccer leagues, to libraries, to gymnasiums ... through work 
cooperatives, cultural associations and social centers rented and squatted, parks, squares 
and vegetable gardens ... houses, communities, cities ... to self-manage our entire lives.

Self-management is the solution!

Source: jornal Aquí y Ahora # 2, Madrid, 2018.

Translation> Liberto

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Message: 4





After 4 months of protests in Nicaragua, news arrives that they are loosening and that the 
repression is intensifying, with new arrests taking place. In mid-August COPEL-Mangua was 
presented with the healthy intention of extending the protests (which from the beginning 
have had a strong anti-repressive motivation) to the organization within the prisons: ---- 
Coordinator of Presxs in Lucha - Managua ---- COPEL Managua twitter: @copelmanagua ---- To 
the people of Nicaragua: ---- We have received with joy the news that a new Nicaragua is 
determined to carry out a necessary historical process capable of inspiring a new course 
in humanity. ---- New brothers and sisters have come to our lives, we felt alienated. They 
made us believe that we were apathetic and selfish. We have all mobilized, conscience and 
effort to break the ropes of this suffocating reality of the Ortega-Murillo government. 
Some have put their lives in the middle and every day we remind them and help us not to 
let us win. Others have gone through the presidios and we know the reality of Chipote. 
Some of us have managed to leave but not before our most intimate humanity has been vexed, 
they have forced us to sign documents and make statements under torture and after that we 
keep on lists and we know that we are watched.

To the political prisoners our most powerful weapon that we can grant is solidarity, since 
the COPEL proposes:

Hunger strikes behind the walls.
Massive letters sent to prisoners showing affection that COPEL will make public so that 
they know they are not alone, that we need them, we want to touch their hands. Send 
images, text and video to copelmanagua@tutanota.de
Accompany the needs of our new mothers of this new Nicaragua who do not leave Chipote. 
That they feel sheltered.
#Abajolosmurosdelasprisiones

Although Ortega has stimulated some action that aims to show commitment to the needs of 
the people, such as the occupation of land by unemployed people (in some cases owned by 
members of the opposition), many sectors of the left openly criticize not only its 
"management" of the crisis, but its policies. In the last communication of the EZLN ( 300 
) the conflict in Nicaragua is mentioned in this way:

We continue to Central America (where in Nicaragua Shakespeare is reissued, and the couple 
Macbeth, Daniel and Rosario, ask themselves " Who would have imagined that the old man 
(Sandino) had so much blood on his body?" While trying, in vain, to cleanse himself hands 
on a red and black flag)
* * *
We have tried to look for libertarian voices that give us their perspective of the 
conflict. In this case we present the answers given by people who have participated in the 
university protest movement and that can help us to get a better idea of what is happening 
in Nicaragua and the role the anarchists have played.

The language we know limits and captures the powers of the current movement, but the risk 
of not naming an anarchist tendency or affinity to libertarian ideas has caused the denial 
of the existence of a living current within the movement.

present yourself

I am from a country with few inhabitants and personal identification data is not a luxury 
that we can afford. They want to identify us, they have a problem they say for the kingdom 
of Spain. Well, that.

Contact: amigaseverinas@tutanota.com amigaseverinas@paranoici.org

How would you summarize with a few words what is happening in Nicaragua?

At the moment that this document is being prepared, what is happening the government is 
trying to project towards the international gallery is that the rebellion has been 
stifled. This statement is not entirely true but neither is it false. In these moments, 
for the joy of a good part of the civic alliance or dialogue table, a process of 
cleanliness and order is being carried out. The private company can no longer maintain the 
farce that they have imported human rights, their participation as opposition was merely 
opportunistic. At this moment what is happening in Nicaragua is a double awakening, which 
we have to take advantage of is the one that distrusts the national police, of which the 
term "pesca shit" gives faith and the second is the one that points to the COSEP as guilty 
of the origin and preservation of state brutality.

"[...]in the twenties of this century, more than a century of popular rebelliousness was 
culminated in Nicaragua, betrayed almost always by the local oligarchs" Carlos Fonseca 
(the intelligent, not his son)

The first phase took 10 years, the second involves a deeper reflection process. If the 
improvised popular committees know how to organize themselves as the situation requires, 
we could enter a more complex phase if possible. For many of those involved there is no 
choice, there is no freedom to choose: either you keep fighting or you are eliminated and 
there is no exile that takes you far enough from the pain.

Are we faced with a government of a liberal nature - which has underpinned liberalism - or 
with a government that benefits the people (despite corruption)?

The Nicaraguan government, until the events of April, was part of that constellation of 
self-proclaimed progressive governments (it is the most entrenched term and we can see 
that Nicaragua has sent a delegation of these Progressive Latin American Meetings). The 
term left is the least problematic. If the left refers to the fact that the party is a 
kind of social catalyst for the emancipation of the workers, it is not from the left.

In other words, we are faced with a government that, in discursive terms, maintains a 
rhetoric of the left and appeals to the recent history of Nicaragua while in practice the 
pragmatism of any representative democracies reigns and in the absence of a counter-power 
cash has gone straight. This is evident against the events of recent days and its genesis 
would be in the approval of the free trade agreement Cafta-DR (2004) in the National 
Assembly with the votes of the Sandinista bloc.

Now, what have been your social and economic policies? In the best case plans of 
redistribution of wealth as zero hunger in the period 2007-2010 that coincides with the 
first term, the theoretical commitment was exciting because it gave greater prominence to 
women in the management of the family economy. It also happens that since its inception 
autonomy has not been respected and there is no popular control that promoted the opacity 
of these resources, in this sense we refer to the report of the Venancia group called 
"Zero Citizenship?". Having the resources and social support was the ideal moment to at 
least consider the need for an agrarian reform in which women had a renewed role, but that 
did not happen, it was never part of the party's agenda. In this example,

We must recognize that we came from three legislatures of neoliberal character headed by 
Violeta Barrios, Arnoldo Aleman and Enrique Bolaños. This period was used to sell the 
railroad, cut public sanitation in half, reinstate illiteracy as public policy and obey 
the word of the north. The three previous governments on the Sandinista front did not 
worry at all about creating new ideas, social projects, some people of legal age did not 
even have an identity card. The most avant-garde of those parties was their corruption, I 
would dare to say that the front has not reached those levels of corruption as divert 
funds from the hurricane mitch for their own benefit. No, the main problem on the front is 
not corruption, at least comparatively.

Until before the events of April, the Nicaraguan government had continuity characteristics 
with the previous neoliberal governments but that bet on reforming them towards 
developmentalist and neo-extractive models that are visible in the protests of the mines, 
the advance of the agricultural frontier and the expropriation of land for the canal. 
These changes were presented as revolution or second stage of revolution when we insist 
that the structural causes that generate depauperization have not been questioned in the 
least. A whole socialist government!

It is meritorious to say that Ortega's strategy has been from the beginning on the one 
hand to pacify the streets through its parapolitical forces and on the other to negotiate 
at the top with the private enterprise and the yellow unions, always from above with the 
traitors of their class. It is easy to argue the latter when we see that the third in the 
line of government mandate just behind Murillo is Gustavo Porras, forever boss of the 
union FNT since 1984 and current president of the national assembly.

After the April events that have dragged on without a ceasefire, we must abandon any idea 
of a leftist or progressive government. When the existence of people is systematically 
violated and the dissidence and their families are persecuted with threats, coercion and 
torture, even once exiled, we face a totalitarian state. Different from other democracies 
in the region? This is where we can err in the analysis and fall into the criticism of CNN 
/ Telecinco. No, it is a model of government whose moment of participatory splendor is 
given every five years. This is called bourgeois democracy, liberal parliamentarism and is 
completely comparable to other forms of government in the region. Hardly, from an honest 
anarchist point of view, we can distinguish the Honduran Public Order Military Police in 
the streets, the Temer army in Brazil, the state terrorism in Colombia of the parapolicial 
/ paramilitary actions of Nicaragua. When you hear that Daniel Ortega is a dictator is the 
perfect excuse to invite foreign invasions, he is not a dictator, he is a democrat as 
despicable as any Netanyahu or Jimmy Morales. Serve this to reveal the low level of 
perception of democracy in terms of the common, when from the Roman Empire is understood 
that state of exception = dictatorship. Fortunately, for the anarchists representative 
democracy and dictatorship are just ways in which domination is presented to the 
spectacle. When you hear that Daniel Ortega is a dictator is the perfect excuse to invite 
foreign invasions, he is not a dictator, he is a democrat as despicable as any Netanyahu 
or Jimmy Morales. Serve this to reveal the low level of perception of democracy in terms 
of the common, when from the Roman Empire is understood that state of exception = 
dictatorship. Fortunately, for the anarchists representative democracy and dictatorship 
are just ways in which domination is presented to the spectacle. When you hear that Daniel 
Ortega is a dictator is the perfect excuse to invite foreign invasions, he is not a 
dictator, he is a democrat as despicable as any Netanyahu or Jimmy Morales. Serve this to 
reveal the low level of perception of democracy in terms of the common, when from the 
Roman Empire is understood that state of exception = dictatorship. Fortunately, for the 
anarchists representative democracy and dictatorship are just ways in which domination is 
presented to the spectacle. when from the Roman Empire it is understood that state of 
exception = dictatorship. Fortunately, for the anarchists representative democracy and 
dictatorship are just ways in which domination is presented to the spectacle. when from 
the Roman Empire it is understood that state of exception = dictatorship. Fortunately, for 
the anarchists representative democracy and dictatorship are just ways in which domination 
is presented to the spectacle.

What, in your opinion, were the triggers of the events?

The historicist or fatalistic exercise should not be our work or projection. Let the 
intellectuals in their offices dedicate themselves to rewriting history. As the collective 
Tiqqun says "All the reasons for making a revolution are there, there is no lack ... All 
the reasons are gathered, but it is not the reasons that make the revolutions, they are 
the bodies. They are in front of the screens "At times we left those screens and went from 
the show to the limelight.

To return to the question, the roots of state impunity could be sought in colonial 
stories, but for practical purposes we can grant that the protests against the tax reform 
promoted by the IMF and that affects popular interests and private enterprise coincide in 
time with the liberation of the living forces of society. We recognize that there is a 
process of amplification of the facts dependent on the machinery of the media opposed to 
the Ortega-Murillo government, which had not tangled their personal interests in the 
organic protest would not have had the same multiplier effect or the same potential of 
change whose course is still to be defined. It is not the reforms or the marches that 
initiate the events but the effects on the bodies of the demonstrators, that neither the 
government nor the oligarchy can effectively control. It is disproportion the fundamental 
fact. In this sense and being honest it is a movement whoseorigin is rebellious, not 
revolutionary. The demonstrations have contradictory signs, partial demands and even a 
transversal component that has hardly built a political proposal beyond the (necessary but 
insufficient) criticism of human rights.

At the top an inter-bourgeois crisis is taking place in which the right to subjugation of 
the population is disputed on the one hand by the traditional oligarchy whose visible head 
is COSEP 1 and on the other by the new bourgeoisie formed from the generosity 
VenezuelanDenying the existence of one of those parties and which are currently in 
contradiction would do us a disservice. In a veiled manner, the government has declared 
war on the opposition, which to a large extent is a mirror of the Sandinista bourgeoisie. 
With regard to this new bourgeoisie, we should remember that they have positioned 
themselves in key sectors such as energy, private security, tourism and finance. The case 
of alba caruna is a case to analyze thoroughly in which the financial capital disguises 
itself as a human face, when the destiny to social projects (that non-socialists) barely 
reached a third. Under the pretext of local development called the second revolution, the 
agency of globalized capitalism takes place.

The origin of the social crisis, at the bottom, is the disproportionate use of force to 
repress demonstrations that were weakly capable of destabilizing the government. At this 
point comes the most intense reflection that we must do. Why the disproportionality in the 
use of force? Why use lethal weapons? In any Nicaraguan urban house, in all the analyzes 
the same story is repeated with equal perplexity, but it is only if we listen to the 
traditionally excluded communities as the groups of women, indigenous people, peasants and 
miners that perplexity becomes obvious. It is 10 years of carrying out practices of siege, 
intimidation and discrediting those identities that for the government have never ceased 
to be agents of the empire. If an independent union clamored for the law of outsourcing 
was an agent of the empire, if the police exercised atrocities like the crimes of the 
jaguitas were the responsibility of destabilizing agents. We will have to see the 
prophetic words of the women who were part of the protests in which they correctly said in 
October of 2015 "Daniel Ortega died in the mine El Limón", this occurred in the context of 
the protests that claimed property rights of the B2Gold complex, if we follow the money, 
the production of wealth and debt we will find our definitive enemies.

Even so, the possibility of an insurrectional articulation of these magnitudes was posed 
as a 10-year possibility, our anarchist tendency is a minority and in the process of 
building alliances, but not weak or testimonial. You have to admit, they caught us. But, 
following this reflection and taking seriously the military-political strategic capacity 
of which the leadership of the Sandinista front still enjoys health, a tentative proposal 
of the present is born, a reading of the present in the Benjaminian sense. It was now the 
best scenario to establish the bases of an authoritarian state, with part of the militancy 
of the 80s still alive that associates the face of the party with its revolutionary 
history and are more susceptible to being deceived. The generational rupture of a 
demographically young country according to Murillo's calculations could still be 
insufficient, but it is this generational rupture that opens up emancipatory possibilities 
in which the greatest amount of popular participation is required. When the speeches of 
the party spokesmen are heard, the slogan of being a stronger party is repeated because 
they were able to identify those who truly owed them submission and those who could still 
have critical capacity. It is not the first time in history that these phenomena occur in 
which a centralist party is committed to making clean within their ranks. Saving the 
distances, we remember the campaign of the one hundred flowers Maoist and the Bolshevik 
betrayal of the soviets in favor of a party structure.

In these moments the power of the state apparatus has proven to be totally bowed to the 
presidential couple, continues to have sympathizers and above all the army is tamed, 
bought and constitutionally armored to defend national sovereignty. In a constitutional 
reform the doctrine of democratic security in favor of sovereign security was changed, the 
speech that it is a legitimate foreign intervention the participation of the army to 
defend the sovereignty .

Within the party a new company has been founded, that of state terrorism. At the time we 
recognize that it is a habitual form in other Latin American, North American and European 
democracies, what is unprecedented is the magnitude and the rapidity of turn towards an 
unnecessary a priori model. What is the preparation of the local, regional and 
transnational capital that needs so much militarization?

What kind of groups have led the protests? Who are in the lead?

The main role is collective and anonymous street struggles. Only from the intervention of 
the popular fury is that a negotiation threat established by the civic alliance and 
represented in the dialogue table is created. This dialogue table serves as parliament, 
which delegitimizes the garbage of the so-called zancudo parties. We still do not 
understand why the COSEP, is part of that table when who has forced a counterpower has 
been the same people, initially as a student movement followed by massive support in the 
neighborhoods and all departments. Now, there are more legitimated leaders to be at that 
dialogue table such as the student bloc, peasantry, intellectuals and civil organizations. 
The greater visibility has been given disproportionately to virile voices and emptied not 
only content. Those who lead the movement are not going to see them in front of the 
microphones or the television cameras, for security, for strategy, for tactics and forhood 
ethic in which the importance of individual acts is reduced.

We live like lost children our incomplete adventures G. Debord
This question is the most complicated to answer since on the part of the government there 
is no fissure in matters of leadership, but everything that is not government is a mess. 
If leadership is the capacity to call, the leaders are self-appointed. If leadership is 
the one that manages the capital, the leaders are the COSEP. If the leadership is the one 
who grants more interviews, it can be from German Lesther to Doña Chica going through the 
flirtation of Piero Coen. The protests in each neighborhood have leaderships that can be 
said spontaneous, but which are rotating. If you ask me about the cultural hegemony in 
networks, @mapachejambado has it, but we must consider that Internet access in Nicaragua 
is the lowest in Central America.

What do you know about the towns that, like Masaya, proclaimed their self-government? 
Could it be similar to the Popular Committees of Syria?

The short experiences that led self-governments in Masaya and León find more similarities 
in practice with the neighborhood juntas of the October uprising in Bolivia or the Iranian 
shoras, but in our case we do not have even by far the war tools of the latter and for the 
moment the bet is still a civic exit, that is to say without the use of lethal weapons.

Ways of relation to the margin of the capital were given whose objective was the defense, 
the cleaning of the streets and the coordination of barricades. The brief period of this 
spontaneous organization is perhaps what we should most hope for. The self-criticism of 
why in the table of self-government of Masaya was all male, but in the universities the 
participation of women and other non-hegemonic forms of gender were protagonists.

Seeing who leads the opposition, is there any possibility of a change on the left?

There is a confusion in this regard, the experiences of defending neighborhoods, 
universities and towns through the lifting of barricades are what cause the clock to get 
going. The opposition, which is really national sovereignty, belongs to the people. Our 
referents are Doña Chica, the vandalism grandmother and those communicated to the 
commissioner Avellán. It is absurd to think that someone is leading the mother of Gerald 
Vázquez, his pain is our pain, it is impossible to abandon the fight or lead us. Another 
thing very different is who is wanting to take advantage of us. Although it is necessary 
to say that there is no revolutionary project in ideological terms, it has been more 
rebellious.

The maximum exponent of this confusion is inhabited in the body of Victor Cuadras, whose 
short biography invites to distrust to a maximum degree: first he was part of the 
Sandinista youth and later meets with right-wing senators and the Salvadoran ARENA party. 
Let's see if he fits the next flash of Carlos Fonseca (the audacious, not his son):

"We are alone, the cause of Nicaragua has been abandoned[...]The American money, on the 
other hand, buys people and interposes influences to restrict news abroad; and that 
isolation annihilates us.[...]We needed it, not weapons or money or cartridges, but moral 
support[...]We were overwhelmed by the silence, the isolation, the desperation to remain 
ignored. "

IT CAN ONLY BE CHANGED BY THE LEFT, the right is incapable of articulating a speech or 
articulating itself to give it the exit that the peasants of Lóvago deserve. The right is 
incapable of seeing the complexities that arise, of putting itself before its individual 
interests and agglutinating the emancipatory desires. On more than one occasion these 
alliances have had results that we continue to pay.

But, if a purism without contradictions is expected from this movement, we would be saints 
or liars. Even so, many people feel uncomfortable and have come to hate the term left. If 
to be an Ortegaist is to be left, if being in Bolivia is to be left, if being from the 
Uruguayan broad front is to be left but it would be better to leave that term forever, it 
is as much as to say HUSITA, a total anachronism.

The movement from the beginning claims to be self-convened, whose method mistrusts the 
institutions, precisely with the aim of unmasking them and opposing the practices of 
exclusion and domination. Autoconvocado is the one who places his home as an emergency 
health center, the little boy who passes water to university colleagues and so many 
individuals who want to resume their lives. In this sense, Madeleine Caracas said at the 
time that she wanted a new nicaragua to return to her production of plastic arts. These 
behaviors and personalities are the ones who lead the heart of the insurrection.

The dialogue table is the attempt of cooptation by parties that can be contradictory with 
the government but not antagonistic except the most authentic participation of the peasant 
leader Medardo Mairena. Above, it is a person who is uncomfortable to the traditional 
oligarchy and the new oligarchy for which for the moment and for lack of another name we 
will use the term boliburguesía.

The fall of Ortega, would not open the way to a worse regime for the people? What options 
do you see?

"The objective of any insurrection is to become irreversible, it becomes irreversible when 
you have defeated both authority and the need for authority." The invisible committee

On the one hand, what is posed to the fall of Ortega is a vacuum, but once seen the 
solidarity implementation of so many sectors there is no fear of freedom. There are those 
who still do not decide to support us because of the fear of disorder, because of the 
advent of brutal egoisms or vindications. We are conscious of these problems and they take 
away our sleep, but at the same time we know that they are pretexts for propping up tyranny.

Our proposal, is a confederal in which self-government is prioritized, spontaneously is 
what has been tried. Moving from the personal survival of persecution and jail to a moment 
of coordination of forces is the strategic work to be built. Break with the speech in 
which a hypothetical advance of the elections will magically purify the police, the army 
and demobilize the shock forces. Create consensus that are at least antifascist.

We understand that suspicion and obstruction of eyes are declared from the outside, a 
criticism with accompaniment is healthy and positive. One of the worst outings is that 
which the brother Argentine people are suffering. The criticism of the Kirchner period had 
a strong social movement, but with the arrival of the "new policy" macrista that same 
social movement was drowned by betrayal of its leaders and we see how the Macrist 
government has led to a setback of any progressive policy.

That is why the critique of corruption is the criticism that has its origin in the most 
liberal meritocratic discourse. In the same way, to focus all criticism on a clean-up of 
the magistracy by virtue of a right state has in its origin a thought of the one who 
already has some possession to claim. What would it be for the domestic worker to have 
impartial courts if she has no labor rights? Orient always towards the dispossessed. In 
this sense, the discursive accompaniment of the Argentine and Brazilian militants would be 
an eye-watch in the now into the future. We howl for you The threat of a change of 
government from above invites the failure of the revolution, the germ of the future is in 
the discourse of the present

What are the challenges?

There is a food crisis that affects the most impoverished, the immediate challenge is to 
procure bread for these sectors. As persecution, kidnapping and murder occur, the most 
impoverished people are being especially affected. This is where the self-appointed, 
grassroots Christians and more honest Sandinistas will meet, making sure that needs are 
met through cooperation, hand in hand without ecclesiastical charitable practices or 
institutional assistance. In general terms in the short term this process is taking place 
in silence, invisible to the government, to the media, and is as tragic as it is precious. 
It is not at all unreasonable to see that Masaya is becoming Sancti Spiritus whose 
Valeriano Weyler is the commissioner Avellán. It is worrisome that there is an agreement 
between official and traditional media not to mention this circumstance. Why silence in 
the face of hunger from the elites? Because the traditional oligarchy care less than 
anything and because the new oligarchy fears that it is a welcome for what Bricmont 
calledHumanitarian Imperialism. That is why, making self-criticism, the whole opposition 
with all its tendencies has focused on the discourse on human rights and the help 
governments of the region, as a paradigmatic example are the constant mentions of Ros 
Lethinen and his saber teeth or the massive applause Paula María Bertol at the UN Error! 
Only the people save the people, any intervention would only complicate the situation.

You also have to be sensible, for more trappings seductions that subjects like Zayda 
Hernández and Victor Cuadras have had or still have with the north does not mean that they 
decide the total foreign intervention or not, but if they level the land of the collective 
imagination in favor of a "lesser evil".

Articulate national forces strengthen the emancipatory discourse and generate proposals 
without risking life. The invisibility of authentic grassroots experiences are not part of 
official and Western media. To both tendencies it suits them to overrepresent individual 
subjects that bet by a reform, by the parliamentary route and by the lobbying with 
congressmen gringos. These media prefer to present the focus on empty voices of manhood 
will. They do not want us to do so, if this process generates any sympathy unless it is 
dedicated to seeking sympathy in the peasant, mining, indigenous and Afro-Caribbean 
movements. It invites to recognize the presence of an organic movement and not to judge 
the whole to an imperialist conspiracy. To believe that the advance of other powers such 
as the Chinese or the Russian to destabilize the gringos on the geopolitical board can per 
se improve the lives of women workers in the free zones by some simpler revisionism. In 
this topic we have been working, understanding from the anarchist point of view the theory 
of Marxist dependency (TDM), structural dualism and other concepts that serve as the basis 
for the greater idea-force Ortega-Murillo that is that we are in a Second stage of the 
revolution. We hope we can finish this analysis. Some of these ideologues that 
Ortega-Murillo has used met Deleuze, we smoke him. Jerónimo, you know who you were, who we 
are and what you have done.

In affinity circles we ask ourselves what will become of these people participating in 
state barbarism. Families and friends demand justice How to find justice without falling 
into punitive (which would equal us and then have won) or total amnesty? Before the 
victory is necessary to elaborate a praxis on the matter. Any previous theorizing is 
ideological puritanism, any lack of collective reflection is to fall into revolutionary 
excesses.

At the end of May Sergio Ramirez baptized us as the grandchildren of the revolution, but 
in all his analysis he sees us in the same way as this government: confused kids who do 
not know history or can not elaborate a future. Saying that "we are the grandchildren of a 
distant revolution but ABSENT IN MEMORY" or that "it is in the GENES" presents us as young 
(and not so young) that we run away from books when in reality we have always been so 
close to them, in the poetry festivals of Granada, still wearing uniforms without going 
through the house to not miss anything. We have read the living thought of Sandino, 
sometimes stealing books from our mothers' shelves, sometimes hacking into the memories 
page of Lasuchasandinista.org. Not a few of us know by heart the poems Ernesto Cardenal or 
Gioconda Belli. To those intellectuals we tell them to first listen without an instrument 
in our wounded bodies before speaking. Do not be wrong the respectable elderly, if the 
guard today points to our heads is because we bring light and that at any time will be 
dangerous.

"- You are a Republican.
- Republican, yes; but this word does not define anything. Res publica means public 
affairs ... Kings are also republicans. " Proudhon

In a sense we feel more heirs of Carlos Fonseca (the good, not the pseudo-intellectual of 
his son) of what the front is at the moment. Carlos never advised a terrorist tactic, we 
follow in his footsteps, it is the FSLN that has strayed so far from the path that our 
enemy has become. In many ways the thought of Carlos Fonseca is still valid although we 
are not heirs of his sobriety and his scowling.

We are heirs of the primitive Sandinista praxis, adding support with the battered lumpen 
to whom Sergio Miranda devotes his anger. Even so, we must learn from the most beautiful 
mistake of the Niquano Indian, not to agree with dictators, when any government speaks to 
you of peace, it flees. We want to return to our brushes, to become anonymous to live.

The biggest challenge is the ideological and organizational, the formation of committees, 
the feminization of self-defense. If the committee sounds too Rococo, there is the clique, 
the herd, the Bonnot gangs, the Warriors, clandestine nihilist groups, the psychological 
support groups, the associations of sportsmen, arming the war machine against the 
state-capital to the way in which the clubs were previous to the commune of paris.

We are at the mercy of the meetings.

1. Superior Council of Private Enterprise of Nicaragua. See conformation on your website .

http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/40570

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Message: 5






On August 10, 2018, 81 years of the dissolution of the Council of Aragon were completed. A 
day before this date, and after having previously participated in the human shield 
campaign "Serî Hilde" in Qandil and in the commemoration of the Yazidi genocide on August 
3 in the refugee camp of Chemishko, a representation of the Brigada 19 de Julio with the 
intention of soaking up and getting to know closely the operation of this camp of Kurdish 
refugees that for twenty years has been ruled by the principles of Democratic 
Confederalism. ---- Among the revolutionary processes that took place after the fascist 
coup in Spain in 36 and the revolution that is taking place in Kurdistan (mainly in 
northern Syria), there is a clear temporal and longitudinal distance, but There are many 
points in common between both processes, being these pioneers, each in his time and space, 
in implementing new forms of democracy and new ways of managing resources, where women had 
and have a leading role.

The Regional Council of Defense of Aragon was a body founded on October 6, 1936 within the 
framework of the revolution that took place after the start of the Spanish Civil War. This 
autonomous entity was composed of representatives of various organizations and parties of 
different political tendencies, but the majority influence was of the anarchist 
organization CNT, which occupied seven of the fourteen positions of the Council. This fact 
has made many people talk about the Council of Aragon as the first anarchist "State" in 
history. Obviating this oxymoron, the truth is that it was a management body that governed 
the lives of thousands of people of rural Aragon through the establishment of Libertarian 
Communism, creating a network of agricultural collectives and starting various projects in 
infrastructure,

Volunteers from different parts of the world came to the defense of this revolutionary 
project, as happens today in Rojava, where many internationalist comrades are coming to 
support the revolution of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria.

On August 15, the 34th anniversary of the beginning of the armed struggle against the 
Turkish State by the Kurdistan Liberation Movement was held in Makhmur. Taking advantage 
of this festive date and the stay of the July 19 Brigade in Makhmur, the flag of the 
Council of Aragon was handed over to the diplomatic representative of Makhmur, 
understanding this gesture as a way to share struggles and history and to build bridges 
with the revolution that is taking place in Kurdistan.

https://rojavaazadimadrid.wordpress.com/2018/08/21/la-brigada-19-de-julio-entrega-la-bandera-del-consejo-de-aragon-al-representante-diplomatico-de-makhmur/

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Message: 6






Event takes place between 21 and 23 September at the Cordon Nordon Social Center, J. 
Requena 1758, Daniel Munoz corner, Montevideo. ---- The machine of capitalism continues 
its colonization in every sphere of our lives, marketizing relations and ravaging the 
ecosystem. Civilization remains framed in its productivist and consumerist routine, while 
development is refining the devices of surveillance and repression, which keeps the eye on 
all those who break with the imposed codes and alter normality. ---- We live in times of 
excessive information, where the mass media are increasingly efficient in the task of 
forming absolute truths, constructed through reports that provide fear and submission that 
play the state domain. It increases the blindness mounted by the show's media, generating 
a focus of attention manipulated and clipped to the taste of the powerful. This further 
assures dependency and worship of punitive and repressive institutions, as well as 
favoring the old military-type mechanisms and the "hard hand", which are another symptom 
of social decomposition.

The planet is in the stage of environmental collapse, fruit of capitalist productive 
methods that dominate the environment, causing in it a systematic decay that, as a 
consequence, results in a murder and impoverishment of life.

While democracy offers a reassuring policy based on dialogue and mediation, right-wing or 
left-wing governments offer a variety of ways to manage the same misery, leaving 
macro-enterprises and multinational exploiters free rein. Reformist solutions emanate on 
all sides as numbing tablets, propitiating the rearrangement of a system that perpetuates 
its hegemony and tries to achieve a more benevolent and acceptable appearance.

As anarchists and anti-authoritarians our position must be firm and sustained. If we wish 
to be protagonists of social change and move towards a world of reciprocal solidarity, 
where each individuality lives with others in total freedom, we must fight against the 
capitalist monster in all its facets and variants. Confrontation is inevitable as long as 
we maintain the conviction of transformation intact, but we must think strategically. 
Tracing a revolutionary practical imaginary in the present is a necessary and vital 
challenge, because taking responsibility for a world that is dismantled into pieces 
requires an incorruptible commitment, in which the means do not work. That's why we called 
the  Seventh Anarchist Book Fair, to carry out instances of reflection and dialogue that 
nourish our capacity for insertion in the present, since now it is more necessary that we 
exercise ourselves to develop a creative force that opens the way to another way of life.

We have to rethink dynamic ways of defending ourselves against the powerful and their 
puppets, those responsible for the devastation. It is high time to expand and propagate 
the transformative practice as a power of a life in freedom, opposed to the interests of 
politicians and businessmen who seek our conformist approval. It is necessary to replace 
the installed passivity with a lively and rebellious attitude, which infects the desire 
for change, which encourages us to reaffirm ourselves on the basis of horizontal 
self-organization as a generalizable model. We still have much to think and project in 
this direction, because lowering our guard and resigning ourselves is not an option for 
lovers of freedom.

Organizing Group of the Seventh Anarchist Book Fair of Montevideo

feriaanarquistamvd.wordpress.com

Translation> Sol de Abril

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