Anarchic update news all over the world - 29.08.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Russia, Avtonom: "This is a period of lawlessness." Why the
      anti-fascists of the "Penza case" figurants were taken from St.
      Petersburg to Penza for a whole month [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Libertarian Initiative of Thessaloniki: Solidarity in the
      struggle of striking prisoners in US prisons by Greece Anarchist
      Federation (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Rojava,  Internationalist Commune: From Semalka to Kandil:
      Solidarity! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  alas barricadas: Breed CDRs and you will get your eyes out
      ": reflections, about how some anquistas fell their own grave,
      through the experience of Bulgaria (ca, it) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  asranarshism: Anarchist Union of Afghanistan and Iran:
      Psychology of the police -- September 3rd notes [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






On August 22, the figurants of the "Penza case" Viktor Filinkov and Yulia Boyarshinov, who 
were taken to the investigative authorities in Penza from the pre-trial detention center 
in the Leningrad region at the end of July, were taken. Nikita Sologub explains why the 
way, which takes one day for free passengers of the railway, is extended in the FSIN 
system for a month, and what happens to the prisoners during the stage when they are 
deprived of connection with relatives and lawyers. ---- Stages of the "Penza case" ---- 
The first arrests on the case of the "terrorist network" Network "" took place at the end 
of January. On January 25, a court in St. Petersburg arrested the left-wing activist 
Viktor Filinkov (the next day he told about torture). Two days later an antifascist Igor 
Shishkin set off for the SIZO . Later it became known that their case was connected with 
accusations against six Penza residents detained in October-November last year - Yegor 
Zorin, Ilya Shakursky, Vasily Kuksov, Dmitry Pchelintsev, Andrei Chernov and Arman 
Sagynbaev (they also talked about torture). In April 2018, it became known about the new 
defendant - Julia Boyarshinov, detained three months earlier. On July 5, a court in Penza 
arrested the most recent figurants of the case - Mikhail Kulkov and Maxim Ivankin.

According to the investigation, there was a cell in St. Petersburg called "Networks" 
called "Jordan-St. Petersburg". In Penza, according to the case materials, the 
organization had two cells at once: "5.11" and "Sunrise." Although all the arrested are 
accused of participating in the same organization, two criminal cases - in St. Petersburg 
and Penza - have never been merged into one production and are being investigated in 
parallel. Therefore, in July, their suspects began to be taken to investigative actions 
from one city to another.

On July 4, Dmitry Pchelintsev was taken from the Penza SIZO . On July 6, members of the 
PSC found him in the IVS of the Interior Ministry in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad 
region. The accused told them that they were carrying his FSB operatives on the minivan; 
the journey took 24 hours. In St. Petersburg, he took part in the confrontation with Igor 
Shishkin, while confrontation with Filinkov and Boyarshinov, who also were kept in the St. 
Petersburg pre-trial detention center, did not take place. Pchelintsev refused his 
previous confessions, referring to Article 51 of the Constitution. On 8 July, the accused 
- also on a minibus, accompanied by FSB officers - was brought back to Penza's pretrial 
detention facility. About that, whether carried out for carrying out of investigatory 
actions outside of region of other figurants of the business excited in Penza, it is 
nothing known.

On July 21, member of the SPC of St. Petersburg Jana Teplitskaya reported that Viktor 
Filinkov and Julius Boyarshinov had disappeared from the Leningrad Region SIZO-6; on the 
eve of the city SIZO-3 in an unknown direction was staged by Igor Shishkin. About where 
they are being taken, neither the relatives nor the lawyers of the accused knew. Five days 
later the girl who is in conversationwith "OVD-Info" asked to keep her anonymity, tried to 
make a transfer to the names of the defendants in SIZO-1 Yaroslavl. Employees of the 
detention center confirmed that the young people are there, but refused to accept the 
transfer, citing the ban on transmissions to "those who transit". The defendants did not 
contact either lawyers or relatives, but on August 3, Vitaly Cherkasov, the defender of 
Filinkov, managed to meet with his principal.

"I moved by train in a special wagon, at the same time we were first brought to the city 
of Pskov, then through the station Bottom was taken to the city of Novgorod, and then, on 
the fourth day, the train arrived in Yaroslavl.[On the first day in Yaroslavl], I was kept 
in the transit department[...], where there was an unbearable stench due to the fact that 
pigs were kept in the same building. A few days after arrival, I fell ill,[but I was not 
given a medicine]. I learned about the unsuccessful attempts of Yaroslavl's social workers 
to transfer the medicines from my wife only now, from my lawyer. <...> I need medicines, 
because I have serious problems with the liver, osteochondrosis, stomach problems and 
psoriasis.[In response to a request to take me out for a walk], the employees told the 
cellmates that for such demands I need to break my glasses, "the lawyer wrote Filinkov's 
words.

In the transit isolator, the defendants waited until 10 August. In total, they spent 20 
days there. August 14 Boyarshinov and Filinkov were in Nizhny Novgorod, and Shishkin, 
according to Filinkov, stayed in Yaroslavl. Six days later the stage continued. In Penza, 
two accused were not brought until 22 August. About where the third, Igor Shishkin, is 
still unknown - he did not go out to communicate. Thus, the way that occupies the daily 
passengers of Railways for a day, stretched out more than a month in the railway car.

Mother Julia Boyarshinova in court.

Pressure Tool
Advocates of Boyarshinov and Shishkin have not yet seen their clients, so they refrain 
from answering the question whether the prolonged staging can be considered an instrument 
of pressure on the accused. "To say whether my client thinks this way is a pressure or 
not, I can only after I talk with him: during this month he did not contact me, I did not 
receive any official information about his whereabouts; that he was brought to this or 
that point, relatives found out by sending letters through the "FSIN-Letter" system. But 
we got the situation that he got better at the stage than in the SIZO, where he was in a 
crowded (according to the reportIn the Boyarshinov's cell, about 130 people were kept in 
the Boyarshinov's cell with 116 beds, there was no hot water, and for each prisoner there 
were two square meters of the area - MZ) to the cell, "says Boyarshinova's lawyer Olga 
Krivonos.

Pchelintsev, who was brought from Penza to St. Petersburg by the FSB operatives on a 
minivan, told the POC members that he was fed on the way and, as a whole, as if "trying to 
appease." At the same time, it was precisely the trip that was threatened by Viktor 
Filinkov. "" You now sign or a day in another region of the Russian Federation for 
identification you will go with these same people. You understand, FSB officers always 
achieve their goals! It will still be the way we will decide! "- Bondarev KA intimidated 
me[FSB officer]. The threat to go to another region of the Russian Federation will be 
repeated once more in my address, in one of the last editions it was supplemented: "And a 
day back!" - and sounded like not only from his mouth. They called it "a car with 
specialists", "he said shortly after his arrest.

Unbearable conditions were created for Filinkov and at the stage in the railway car, says 
his lawyer Vitaly Cherkasov. The defender believes that this month was a continuation of 
the ongoing pressure on his principal, who is not going to admit the blame: FSB officers 
already threatened with transfer to the crowded detention center, where if "his cellmates 
beat him, no one will hear", and sent to the remand prison, which his wife arrested person 
calls "torture".

According to the defender, Filinkov was not accidentally taken out on the same day and 
along the same route with other defendants, allowing the persons involved in the case to 
communicate on the road. "We can not exclude that this is a peculiar method of 
psychological impact - my client refuses to cooperate with the investigation, it gives 
some headache. I think that it is for this reason - and I will think so, until the FSIN 
reasonably explains what was happening and why it was carried in such roundabout ways - 
the stage was so long. When I visited him in Yaroslavl, in communication with him, in 
behavior, I realized that he was brainwashed. As I understand, Victor was given the 
opportunity to communicate with two other defendants in this case, who were also sentenced 
the same way, and I do not rule out that this was done on purpose. From the communication 
with them, Victor, as he told me, that they hold a different position than he does. I 
think it was a psychological device that he thought: do I do the right thing, resisting 
the system, will not it make me worse? "- explains Cherkasov.

"Filinkov was much more complicated than the others, he was not given medicines, and they 
put him in a building next to which there were rooms for pigs, and he was threatened with 
glasses to break because he" shakes right. " As I understand from his explanations, for 
him this whole trip is an expectation of something even more dangerous, because even at 
the initial stage, when the officers of the operational service communicated with him 
after informal detention, they specifically said to him: "If you refuse from confessions, 
you will be given a trip to Penza, during which you will get up at all. " And they bring 
him there for a reason - from the words of Penza figurants, in the local jail there is a 
free entrance for FSB officers. If here in Petersburg he understood perfectly well that 
there is to some extent a civil society, a workable PSC and a lawyer at his side, then 
there he has reasons for concern. If Boyarshinov is not particularly worried, my trustee 
is in a constant tense situation, and she bothers him: "What awaits me there?" - argues 
the lawyer.

Victor Filinkov in court.

Sealed Rules
Advocates Boyarshinova and Filinkov agree in one thing - the stage of their clients could 
last as long as necessary and run along any route. "In fact, this was the usual stage of 
the UFSIN: this is the way the logistics of this department are organized - in order to 
get from one point to another, it is necessary to go some more number of transshipment 
points. This is a logistics problem and so all the other prisoners are being imprisoned, 
therefore, in fact, because it lasted so long, there is nothing out of the ordinary. The 
entire system of the FSIN is so built - it is not incarcerated for human rights and 
compliance with its legitimate interests, "says attorney Krivonos.

"This is normal practice for the FSIN in the sense that it is impossible to understand the 
logic of this department, it is impossible to understand logistics, it is impossible to 
understand how a decision is made. Even if there is a straight line between point a and 
point b, and the distance is small, deviations from the route will still occur, arrivals 
to other quite cities and institutions where people are forced to go through the transit 
offices for a long time, as a result, the journey takes one, two, three months. I am not 
inclined to think that in all cases this is due only to complicating the life of the 
convict or pursuing the goal of forcing them to do something, to have a psychological 
effect. This is more likely due to some internal FSIN settings, and the question should be 
asked to them, which is why this happens, "Cherkasov adds.

According to him, the rules for transferring suspects to investigative actions remain 
"behind the seals" - Cherkasov knows only one of them, according to which the transit jail 
should not contain more than 20 days in a transit SIZO (such paragraph is contained in 
article 76 of the PEC). However, it is often ignored: "They will always find the 
justification - the schedules, the lack of a sufficient number of wagons and car wagons, 
will always find explanations - there they waited for other prisoners, they tried to 
collect a certain number of transients in order to drive them from different regions and 
send them in one direction."

Lawyer Svetlana Sidorkina, who defended, among other things, the defendant in the case of 
"Crimean terrorists" Alexander Kolchenko and radical publicist Boris Stomakhin, who also 
survived the long stages, said that in the FSIN "the grading process is not regulated in 
any way, it is painted only in some internal documents, instructions, it is completely 
closed. "

"The issue of the stage as such - how much it goes, how it goes, in what order, it is 
completely regulated within the system. That is, the investigation gave a person a step, 
and then the FSIN decides. And they have no regulations as such. It often happens that a 
person is on the mail waiting for the next stage. And the next stage, in a particular 
direction, it can be composed of different circumstances - the presence of transport, a 
certain number of people whom it would be advantageous for them to send in this or that 
direction, the presence of a convoy that would accompany these people to the stage. This 
is made up of a combination of different circumstances, and no specific deadlines for how 
long a stage can last - to serve a sentence or to conduct investigative actions - does not 
exist, "she explains.

At the same time, Sidorkin notes, if the investigator needed to bring the accused to Penza 
for a day or two, the FSIN would easily carry out this task. "The decision, in what time 
frame and where to deliver, is taken by the investigator, and the investigation and the 
FSIN, of course, have agreements on this matter. For example, my client[accused of 
participating in the battalion of the banned "Right Sector" Denis]Bakholdin was taken from 
Bryansk to Moscow for a day, and then back - for one more. And if there is no indication 
from the investigation, they can pull the bagpipes with delivery as much as they want. But 
the fact that there are no specific terms in the legislation is unambiguous. It is also 
not specified anywhere, in which cases the participation in the escort can be taken by the 
staff of operational services, as was the case with Pchelintsev - these are their internal 
service documents,

What is the Russian stage. Testimonies
"We went to Samara for four days without bed linen, in the same clothes, without 
everything. They did not even give us the opportunity to brush our teeth. It was forty 
degrees, and in the tank and in the toilet there was no water. Forty degrees. The train 
stopped and a fire engine arrived. She doused the Stolypin with water - it was all wrapped 
in steam. After fifteen minutes, we again began to suffocate. It's just an iron box, 
"recalled Gennady Afanasyev, convicted in the case of" Crimean terrorists, "who was sent 
from Rostov-on-Don to the Komi colony after his release.

Afanasyev was taken almost as long as Boyarshinov, Filinkov and Shishkin - five weeks. 
Prison wagons - the so-called "Stolypins" - are attached to ordinary passenger trains and 
delivered to their destination, depending on the availability of trains. At each stage of 
transportation, prisoners are transferred to a transit isolator and searched. Sometimes 
the process of search is extended for the whole day.

According to Amnesty Inetrnational , which prepared a report on the transfer in Russia, 
the standards for the transportation of prisoners are set out in the order of the Ministry 
of Justice and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of May 24, 2006, the content of which can 
be judged by judicial decisions. According to this document, in large cells (size 3.5 
square meters) special wagons can hold up to 12 people, in small (two square meters) - up 
to five, and with a travel time of less than four hours, these rates increase to 16 and 
six, respectively. However, in practice, the order is not fulfilled - so, the prisoner 
Alexander Melnikov in conversation with human rights activists recalled a trip with 19 
neighbors over a large cell.

Vladimir Pereverzev, convicted in the YUKOS case, recalled the eternal overcrowding of the 
cars. "People climb up and fit on the upper shelves. At the bottom, on the lower shelves, 
five persons fit comfortably. Free space between the benches and under them is filled with 
trunks. Eighteen people are packed in the compartment! Tightness, very stuffy. According 
to the instructions, the convoy can open windows only while the train is moving. Bring to 
the toilet - also only while driving. The end of July is in the yard, the heat is 
incredible, - he wrote in his book. -[Wagon]goes its own route, it is attached to one 
train, then to another. We are going to Vladimir, the road to which takes almost a day. 
I'm all sticky with sweat, thoroughly soaked with cigarette smoke, stupefied with stench 
and empty conversations, everything was crammed with hours of sitting in one position. 
This is a real torture, which I will remember with horror. "

In addition to the lack of hot food - water for brewing fast food is more often served 
cold - all prisoners interviewed by Amnesty complained about the deprivation of medicines 
and basic amenities. "The problem is not the availability of water, but how often you are 
taken to the toilet. I was very tormented because they said that they would not take us to 
the toilet at night. Later I learned what I should do. Prisoners take plastic bags with 
them, and if it turns out, they are also plastic bottles. I survived, but it was an 
extremely stressful situation. I suffered. I was then 49 years old. With water, too, there 
are problems, but people try not to drink. If I had known this before, I would have 
stopped drinking, I would have followed the consumption of water. It is better to suffer 
from thirst than to suffer in the train, "- said the prisoner Dmitry Vasiliev.

Since prisoners are not allowed to have a watch at the stage, there are no windows in the 
"stolypin", and the grill separating the cameras from the corridor lets only the dim light 
go out, it is difficult to follow the time at the stage. Communication with the outside 
world on the road disappears completely, as attorney Cherkasov explains, the notice of the 
prisoner's arrival in the SIZO is sent to his relatives only from the end point of the 
stage, however, as it goes by mail, it can take a long time to wait for the notice, so 
lawyers and relatives take various tricks to find out where the prisoner is - for example, 
try to make transmissions or send emails through the service "FSIN-Letter." In this case, 
the prisoners themselves learn that they go to the stage only when they are given the 
command to collect things "on the way out."

Unable to rest the prisoners and in the transit points of the stage. According to lawyer 
Sidorkina, intractable prisoners are often specifically sent to transit jails with a bad 
reputation - those whose employees are particularly inhumane. "In my opinion, this 
transfer is Kirov. There, Boris Stomakhin was forced to strip naked, squat around 
surrounded by a bunch of people, which, given Stomakhin's physique, was especially 
mocking; threatened to rape him with a baton, specially mocked him with a beard - on the 
one hand shaved, because he did not want to shave, called a woman, humiliated. Therefore, 
Stomakhin knows that Kirov's shipment is a separate hell, they feed poorly, do not give 
anything, they take everything away, humiliate. When Kolchenko and Sentsov walked along 
the stage, Sasha told me that when they were walking along the stage with the other zeks, 
he said,

"The stage, duration, getting into a certain transfer - this, of course, can be used as a 
tool for exerting pressure. This is a period of lawlessness, lawlessness, the period when 
they use[those]that they have no right to give any information, so to monitor, it is 
impossible to control where and how[the prisoner]moves, and in these conditions they can 
do whatever they want " , - she concludes.

Nikita Sologub.

A source

Support the anarchists and anti-fascists arrested in St. Petersburg and Penza!
Yandex-purse ???-????? - 41001160378989

https://avtonom.org/news/eto-period-bespredela-pochemu-antifashistov-figurantov-penzenskogo-dela-vezli-iz-peterburga-v

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Message: 2





Prisoners and prisoners in at least 17 states in the US have planned to strike from August 
21 to September 9 away from working in jail, organizing sedentary protests and boycotts, 
and hunger strikes to claim a series of demands summarized as follows: ---- 1. Improve 
both prison conditions and treatment of detainees and the current prisons policy.  ---- 2. 
Remuneration of incapacitated workers equal to the salary determined by the respective 
state or territory to which the prison belongs.  ---- 3. Abolish the Prison Litigation 
Reform Act and find an effective way of submitting complaints and complaints of violations 
of prisoners' rights. The abovementioned law, in force since 1996, was introduced in order 
to limit the large number of applications made by prisoners for the judicial settlement of 
violations of their rights by prison officers.  ---- 4.The abolition of the Truth in 
Sentencing Act and the Sentencing Reform Act, which denied the possibility of suspending 
prisoners.
5. Eliminate the racist treatment of black prisoners involving bullied charges against 
them, the extensive sentences they are ordered to serve and the refusal to grant a suspension.
6. Termination of racist laws on criminal organization, targeting blacks and whites.
7. No deprivation of the right of access to the reintegration programs of detainees in the 
area in which they are imprisoned due to their being described as a violent offender.
8.Strengthening the funding of state prisons.
9. Resumption of study grants for prisoners across the United States.
10 . Recognition of the electoral rights of all detainees, defendants and those described 
as former convicts.

Detachment committees planned this strike for next summer. However, they decided to take 
immediate action after the bloody developments that occurred on April 15 in the Lee 
Correctional Institution in South Carolina, where after 7 hours of improvised knives, 7 
detainees (6 of whom were African Americans), they died and 17 others were seriously 
injured. Prisoners, as well as the expected medical assistance from the ambulance, never 
occurred, with the result that the prisoners involved in the engagement died of bleeding. 
Detainees complain that prison staff have deliberately put rival gangs on the same wing. 
Strike strike in US dollars is a move that seeks to address the oppression and degradation 
it harbors in US prisons, while domestic and international regime media are attempting to 
medicalize the cases of those who are imprisoned and to exaggerate with sensitivity and 
racism horizontal violence among prisoners rather than the vertical violence 
systematically exercised by the US State. and prison managers.

The start and end dates of the strike were targeted to highlight the historical continuity 
of matches in the US. for the abolition of slavery and the liberation of the Blacks. On 
August 21, 1831, Afro-American Natter Terner participated with other slaves in a major 
revolt that freed slaves from plantations and executed slave merchants. On September 9, 
1971, the revolt in Attica began. The 1,200 prisoners captured three prisons by September 
13, holding hostages of 38 prison officers, amnesty petitioners, and release of all 
political prisoners in the US. and the abolition of torture. New York State prisoner 
officer, Russell Oswold, however, failed to negotiate with prisoners, by ordering the 
immediate repression of the rebellion, which, after a military-type operation, eventually 
left behind 43 people (10 of them were prison officers, but they were killed by the police 
in accordance with the forensic decision, the prisoners had no firearms weapons) and 250 
injured. The then president of the United States, Richard Nixon, promptly rushed to cover 
New York state republican governor Nelson Rockefeller. The upsurge in suppression of the 
rebellion was the outbreak of a wave of upheavals and clashes with suppressive forces in 
all of the US, particularly in the Black Sea communities. but they were killed by the 
police in accordance with the forensic decision, and the prisoners had no firearms) and 
250 injured. The then president of the United States, Richard Nixon, promptly rushed to 
cover New York state republican governor Nelson Rockefeller. The upsurge in suppression of 
the rebellion was the outbreak of a wave of upheavals and clashes with suppressive forces 
in all of the US, particularly in the Black Sea communities. but they were killed by the 
police in accordance with the forensic decision, and the prisoners had no firearms) and 
250 injured. The then president of the United States, Richard Nixon, promptly rushed to 
cover New York state republican governor Nelson Rockefeller. The upsurge in suppression of 
the rebellion was the outbreak of a wave of upheavals and clashes with suppressive forces 
in all of the US, particularly in the Black Sea communities.

USA. are an illustrative example and live proof of how embarrassment can be transformed 
beyond an enforcement and control mechanism into an industry that generates enormous 
profits each year in private capital. USA. although they account for 5% of the world's 
population, account for 25% of the world's prisoners, or 2,000,000 prisoners, of which 10% 
are held in private prisons because the state is crowded. The privatization of American 
prisons dates back to the 1980s, with prime-ranging President-elect Ronald Reagan being 
elected to escalate rapidly in the 1990s by the Bill Clinton government, which, after 
making successive cuts in the number of federal civil servants, subsequently instructed 
the Ministry of Justice to assign prison management mainly to undocumented migrants to 
private contractors. Private prison companies are subsidized by the state with a fixed 
amount for each prisoner, regardless of the actual cost of keeping the prisoners. As you 
can see, these cunning drones in the free market are gathering money with the scoop eating 
from the public funds. Private CoreCivic Prison Management Company (formerly CCA), e.g. 
receives $ 90 a day for each prison prisoner, according to data presented by Bloomberg. 
Private prison companies are subsidized by the state with a fixed amount for each 
prisoner, regardless of the actual cost of keeping the prisoners. As you can see, these 
cunning drones in the free market are gathering money with the scoop eating from the 
public funds. Private CoreCivic Prison Management Company (formerly CCA), e.g. receives $ 
90 a day for each prison prisoner, according to data presented by Bloomberg. Private 
prison companies are subsidized by the state with a fixed amount for each prisoner, 
regardless of the actual cost of keeping the prisoners. As you can see, these cunning 
drones in the free market are gathering money with the scoop eating from the public funds. 
Private CoreCivic Prison Management Company (formerly CCA), e.g. receives $ 90 a day for 
each prison prisoner, according to data presented by Bloomberg. Private CoreCivic Prison 
Management Company (formerly CCA), e.g. receives $ 90 a day for each prison prisoner, 
according to data presented by Bloomberg. Private CoreCivic Prison Management Company 
(formerly CCA), e.g. receives $ 90 a day for each prison prisoner, according to data 
presented by Bloomberg.

In August 2016, a few months before the election of the Trump, the US Department of 
Justice announced that it would gradually start to leave private prisons due to degraded 
conditions of detention and increased violence and why they did not actually offer 
substantial savings to state funds. But Trab, with his election, has overturned this 
policy, while at the same time proceeding to the further authorification of criminal 
provisions. The issue does not want so much thought. With the accumulation of detainees in 
private prisons, the state funds received by the prison management company are rising 
proportionally. Stricter criminal provisions mean more detainees in private prisons, so 
more money from government funds, the bulk of which will end up in the pocket of the 
individual and not in improving the conditions of detention. In CoreCivic's prisons, 
detainees are charged with an additional 30 days of punishment for each offense they 
commit in jail. This prolongation in serving the sentence means, of course, more revenue 
for the company.

The accumulation of capital from private prison companies is not, however, only parasitic. 
The 13th amendment to the US Constitution provides for the abolition of slavery and 
involuntary slavery, with the sole exception of a conviction for a crime, which shows that 
forced labor survives to date in US prisons, both prominent and sophisticated, marvelous 
capitalist paradise (mainly for the hunting of petty bourgeois dreams) and an alleged 
lighthouse of democracy and human rights. Of course, these slimy and antisocial 
compliments belong, as perceived, only to the propagators of bourgeois propaganda. At 
least 37 states have legitimized the exploitation of the labor force of detainees from 
companies setting up their productive activities in prisons. The working prisoners appear 
to be the immediate descendants of slaves. In private prisons, they are at best paid off 
with a devaluation of $ 1.25 per hour, a pay much lower than the basic salary, while the 
average hourly fee in state prisons is estimated at $ 0.20! There is not a small number of 
multinationals who have smelled the opportunity for quick and easy profits through the 
wrath of prisoners in the US, as their labor hands cost the same or cheaper (free of 
charge) than those of workers in countries of the so-called Third World, especially if one 
takes into account that strikes and trade unionization of detainees are in a weak dynamic, 
while the workers' compensations of the prisoners are also scarcely the same as their 
enrollment in the unemployment fund. Moreover, if state prisons do not comply with 
international human rights provisions, circumventing them in private prisons proves to be 
far more extensive.

Over the years, private prison companies have proven to be the most brave donors of US 
governments. We can mention some typical cases of misery, which among other things also 
demonstrate the obvious reasons for supporting these companies for election of Donald 
Trump. CoreCivic donated $ 254,000 to the Republicans and offered another $ 250,000 to 
celebrate the Trab election. For the same company, it is known to fund lobbying around 
Congress in exchange for stricter criminal laws that will fill prison cells more easily 
and for longer. The GEO Group also gave Republicans $ 1,000,000. End,

When talking about repression and imprisonment in the US we obviously can not speak 
outside the framework of racist policies that primarily target the black population. 
Blacks and Latins account for 60% of prisoners in US prisons. Generally, those who fill 
prisons are overwhelmingly those who are excluded and marginalized. The election of Trab 
was an encouraging development for the rise of extreme right, police repression, and 
diffuse racial and gender racism in the United States. Naturally, racism that ravages 
US-led society by state policies the walls and the bars of the prisons and is extinguished 
to the Blacks and the other marginalized social groups.

In US prisons the most prolific prostitution circuit has been set up in time, with 
prisoners imprisoned and gravitationalists who are trying to find the way for their 
release or redeem. In many states of the United States personal data and criminal record 
of detainees are freely circulated on the internet, with the result that pimples make 
entire lists with the women they intend to exploit. Puppies recruit their victims while 
they are in prison and re-re-engage in prostitution this time when they are released. 
Thus, in many cases, the release of female prisoners comes at the cost of violating their 
self-determination and the exploitation of women by trafficking. The more the prison is 
filled,

Prisons are the culprits of bourgeois democracy. These are the places where violence and 
the imposition of the dominant system are a daily routine for the incarcerated. They are 
the warehouses where all those who are left over from the productive design of capital, as 
well as fighters who are confronted with sovereignty, aim to overthrow it. In prisons, 
intensified processes of discipline, obedience and consolidation of sovereign social and 
productive relations are intensified. It is violent - or by using psychological and 
sometimes using physical violence - the detachment of prisoners' consent to the tyranny of 
the state and capital. At the same time, however, they are bullied out of the walls. They 
show them what awaits them if they think of putting them with their state, their capital 
and their auxiliary mechanisms.

In the prison of prisoners in the US. against the decriminalizing embassy that makes their 
lives behind the benches and the struggle of prisoners in Greek prisons against the new 
prisons and penal code that brings about the further autocraticisation of the conditions 
of imprisonment, we stand solidarity, recognizing the need of the prisoners to even in 
their prisoners. Much more, we recognize that prisons are the birthplace of the society of 
class divisions and state despotism. Prisons can remove people from the public sphere, 
especially from the lower social strata, but they do not in any case preserve any social 
pathogenicity, because that should mean the overthrow of state and capitalist barbarism, 
which, among other things, is responsible for the alienation of slave layers and social 
cannibalism. In the struggle for universal human emancipation and social self-management 
that we choose to give as anarchists and as a part of the social basis, we recognize the 
necessity of creating common struggles for the prisoners and the exploited and oppressed 
outside the walls because at the end of this difficult road, we seek to build a society of 
freedom, equality, solidarity and community, without prisons and coercion, putting the 
service at the forefront of collective human needs. In the struggle for universal human 
emancipation and social self-management that we choose to give as anarchists and as a part 
of the social basis, we recognize the necessity of creating common struggles for the 
prisoners and the exploited and oppressed outside the walls because at the end of this 
difficult road, we seek to build a society of freedom, equality, solidarity and community, 
without prisons and coercion, putting the service at the forefront of collective human 
needs. In the struggle for universal human emancipation and social self-management that we 
choose to give as anarchists and as a part of the social basis, we recognize the necessity 
of creating common struggles for the prisoners and the exploited and oppressed outside the 
walls because at the end of this difficult road, we seek to build a society of freedom, 
equality, solidarity and community, without prisons and coercion, putting the service at 
the forefront of collective human needs.

NIKI IN THE WORLD OF STRONG DREAMS IN THE US SECRETARIAT

COMMON GAMES WITHIN AND OUT OF WAYS FOR A FREE AND EXCLUSIVE SOCIETY, WITHOUT RUNNING, 
BREAKDOWN AND EXCLUSION

Anarchist Federation anarchist-federation.gr anarchist-federation @ riseup.net twitter: 
twitter.com/anarchistfedGr fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015 Youtube: Anarchist 
Federation

https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2018/08/24

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Message: 3





After several demonstrations and a two-day march to the border of Basur to go to Kandil, 
in order to resist the Turkish attacks, people were not allowed to cross the border. 
Therefore, a solidarity tent was erected on the border of Rojava with Basur in Semalka, 
north-east of Rojava, to protest against the turkish attacks on Kandil. Initiator of this 
several-week action was the youth of Rojava. ---- Since 24th July 2018 next to the border 
that follows the course of the Dicle, on a large parking lot is a tent surrounded by 
banners. On the banners there are various messages in Arabic and Kurdish for the Guerrilla 
in the mountains and the Kurdish Workers' Party PKK. Surrounded by hills, small villages, 
checkpoints, trucks and dried-up soil, Semalka Camp has become more than a place of 
resistance. It also became a place of encounter and collective resistance. Every day many 
young people, but also older people from various cities and villages Rojavas come to stand 
together against the attacks against Kandil.

It came the MSD youth from Heseke (Meclisa Syria Democratik - the Syrian Democratic 
Council) with the YCR (Yekitiya Ciwanen Rojava), also the youth of Deriks. >From Qamishli, 
Til Temer, Sere Kanyi, Til Kocer, Kobane came buses.

The Internationalist Commune was also present together with the youth of the PYD. Very 
impressive was the fact that young people from seven different Arab places come here, 
discuss the philosophy of Abdullah Öcalan, the relation to their homeland and about 
legitimate self-defense. We cook together, organize education on the meaning of homeland 
and escape, the capitalist north, ethics and culture. We discussed, languages were 
exchanged, we laughed, danced, we got to know each other, builded connections, made friends.

Behind these weeks there is an impressive organization. Organized groups and individuals, 
arabs, kurds, turkmen and assyrish youths arriving from the youth centers together in 
convoys. Every three days the groups alternate. The youth from Raqqa, Deir el Zor and 
Tapqa drove over 12 hours to stay a few hours in Semalka and sended a militant signal. The 
workers, who load their trucks here every day on the square around the tent and drive 
through the country, made a united press statement in solidarity with Kandil.
Each evening, various structures such as TEV-DEM, YPJ / YPG, Kongra Star, Malbata Sehidan 
(family organization of the fallen), families from the surrounding villages, dancing 
groups or musicians come here to emphasize the relevance of solidarity with Kandil.

Seen from the outside, a tent that can accommodate a hundred or so people has thousands 
inside. Here come together those who have been building self-government for years in these 
confused wars. And those who join this fight. A movement that builds on connecting 
elements in the contradictions and challenges (of different cultures, religions, ethnic 
groups and history). A movement that takes the women's revolution in the first place. 
Older kurdish women and men who know the revolutionary movement and Abdullah Öcalan come 
here to strengthen morale and make speeches. Young people who have spent half their lives 
in war and are confronted at a young age with situations and decisions that are difficult 
to imagine for many coming from Europe.

The choice to stay in Rojava and the try to survive. The choice to join the islamist gangs 
or the Syrian state or flee the enticing lie of capitalism of a life in freedom. Or to 
fight against all this with the revolutionary movement in Rojava. For Democratic 
Confederalism, for a communal life along the needs of the people living here. For freedom 
of choice within a social, communal life. For the women's revolution. For a world beyond 
state power and violence.

The war leaves deep traces. But there is an organized revolutionary perspective that 
fights tirelessly for the freedom of all, and has been supporting the population for 
decades, an indescribable force that has been concentrat

http://internationalistcommune.com/from-semalka-to-kandil-solidarity/

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Message: 4





The Defense Committees of the Republic (CDR) are the most radical expression of 
transversal independentism and seem to have stolen the role of the National Assembly of 
Catalonia (ANC) in the case of street mobilization. Its character, in principle, more 
anchored to the left with respect to the latter (although this is true only in some of its 
expressions, especially metropolitan) has enthusiastically exerted sectors of the 
libertarian movement that have decided to participate , accusing the critics of 
"ideological purism", to be isolated in an "ivory tower", appearing as anarchists of 
"hands rubbing" with real contradictions in order to move forward. All this is just 
ideological discourses to justify what is unjustifiable and they are not part of the 
typical song that historically has used reformism to put an end to all the spark that 
could lead to a revolutionary fire.

Let's go back a little: the current CDRs were born, initially, as "Referendum Defense 
Committees" in order to guarantee the opening of the polling stations on October 1, 2017, 
in the face of the threat of thousands of national police officers and civilian guards 
deployed in Catalonia, and from other areas of the State, in order to avoid it by force. 
This is where the participation of anarchists, and other minority sectors of the 
revolutionary left, began in these inter-class genesis structures. And this is where I 
would like to ask a question: The repressive threat of a fascist state, and Spanish is by 
so much a democratic make-up that is put, necessarily justifies participation in 
inter-class structures?

  The story of Bulgarian anarchism, as explained by South African colleague Michael 
Schmidt in "Bulgarian anarchy in arms," shows us the opposite: In 1941 Bulgaria, ruled by 
Tsar Boris III, had allied with the Nazis Germans who, as a result, stationed their troops 
in the national territory. Faced with the occupation of the country, a sector of the 
Socialists, the Communists and even the fascists of the "Zveno" movement (opposed to the 
invasion of the German Nazis due to their Bulgarian ultranationalism) parked their 
differences and created the "Front of the Homeland "that initiated a" war of guerrillas 
"against the German Nazis, through its armed arm" Rebel Army of National Liberation. " The 
Anarchist-Communist Federation of Bulgaria (FACB), which had an important social 
implantation, opted for a different strategy: it decided to wage war against the German 
Nazis and the Bulgarian fascists and not join the interclassist "In front of the 
Fatherland", although he helped him "from outside" successfully culminating in the 
insurgency of September 9, 1944 against the Nazi forces stationed in Bulgaria.

The reality was complex, and we would lack more concrete information on how this 
two-frontal struggle of the guerrilla movement was developed, but what is clear is that 
the Nazi threat was not enough reason for the Bulgarian anarchists to renounce the its 
revolutionary approaches, or to ideally embrace interclassism much less to integrate it 
organically. This was no excuse, let alone, stop fighting as has been seen (and here I 
have to point out the anarchist initiatives that, without participating in transversal 
independentism, manifested the days before the 1st of October against the police presence 
or the resistance of anarcho-syndicalist sectors in the Port of Barcelona). How can it be 
then that, in a situation that, although worrying, was not so extreme, much of the 
minority Catalan anarchist movement would integrate organically into mass structures of 
our own native version of the "Front of the Fatherland "? In this case, they have been 
dragged by the progressive right-wingization of the Independentist Left (the main defender 
and impeller of these structures) that represents the hegemony of "Poble Lliure", an 
organization from the MDT that, in its At the moment, he was also a defender of the 
"Patriotic Front"?

  But we see how the experience of Bulgarian interclassist patriotism ended in order to 
get the relevant lessons: in the end the insurrection of September 9, 1944, succeeded and, 
with the help of the Soviet Army, Going to Bulgaria, a government chaired by Kimon 
Georgiev ... leader of the fascist movement Zveno! And with the support of the Communists! 
Grancharoff called this aberration "the unity between National Socialism and Communism" 
(after all, the difference between fascists and Nazis is in shades) that was dedicated to 
repressing the anarchists, the workers' movement and, what It is more significant, to 
political and social sectors that had previously supported the "Front of the Homeland". 
"Crow ravens and they will take your eyes": the Bulgarian experience shows how the fact 
that the left, and in our case sectors of the anarchist movement in Catalonia, give oxygen 
to the interclass is only a double-stranded weapon will return as a boomerang against who 
has participated in its launch.

Some "hyperventilated" independentists, whom some of the fellow players make up the game, 
will surely answer that Bulgaria has expelled the invader while maintaining national 
sovereignty, willing to pay if its terrible price in Catalonia is needed, for surely, they 
will not be who pay the consequences. Before that, it must be said that the "Front of the 
Homeland" as it was constituted was only one of the possibilities in which the resistance 
could be configured and that a "Revolutionary Front", which Zveno had excluded, could also 
To have been a solid alternative and thus force the latter to position themselves or with 
the German Nazis or undertake the solo struggle as did the anarchists, although with a 
totally different ideological and practical sense.

In short: the threat of an explicitly fascist state such as Espanyol does not justify 
meeting commonly with the "wolf-dressed wolf" of interclassist independentism. The 
experience of Bulgarian companions of anarchists exemplifies this.

Stateless soul

http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/40578

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Message: 5





An issue that needs to be addressed more by the anarchist theorists is the question of why 
some people go to the police? ---- A class that seems to have power, but in fact a sort of 
slave that has become mercenary. In fact, the protection of capitalism and the defense of 
the rape of money against the poor society, which results in a very small part of that 
capital, is the story of this whole story. ---- Undoubtedly, one of the factors that 
people in the age of becoming a policeman are television and filmPrograms that contain a 
lot of lying ads. Television and cinema with nonsensical videos made in praise by the 
police and the control forces are programs that, from the very beginning, prepare people 
for the police, programs that may seem simple and exciting, but they are the result of 
months and months. Even years of psychological work and spending are huge to make the most 
impact on public opinion.
The next issue we will deal with is nationalist thinking, nationalist thinking can bring a 
person to a degree of madness that enters his country's army and formally invites fascism 
to his own, a fascist who is ready to kill other people, Just because they were born in 
another country, a thought that could make a person so stupid is very good for a 
policeman, because many nationalists prefer or serve the army, or They are working in the 
police; they think they are serving the country by becoming a police officer or into an 
army. There are bias on it.
The next issue is the economic situation; when the society is poor, we will have more 
policemen; in fact, many of them have to be policemen, because there is no other job for 
them; in fact, they have experienced poverty and they have to go through it. , Not 
fighting alongside the rest of the poor against the main problem that is the system, but 
also choosing to do with the system, for more pieces of bread that are really active 
against the same poor society that once was part of it.

Sacrifice bins, people who inevitably find their food in these bins, the day they unite 
and organize themselves with another landlord, when no force can protect the financiers, 
even mercenaries who are peo- ple The predecessors of their poor have betrayed themselves.

https://asranarshism.com/1397/06/03/psychology-of-the-police/

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