Anarchic update news all over the world - 4.08.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  alas barricadas: [Valladolid] Homage to "the victims of both
      sides" of the civil war?: -- Under the political circus, the bone
      structure of dignity (ca) [machine translation] 
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Kate Sharpley Library Interview: Bristol Class War in the
      1980s (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Holand, vrije bond: BANNER-MAKING DAY: DEMO AGAINST EU
      BORDER POLICIES -- FOR SAFE PASSAGE, FOR SAVING LIVES
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Czech, afed: Greetings from the camp [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






The Association for the Recovery of the Historical Memory of Valladolidit is an entity 
subsidized by the "progressive" city council of said city to carry out erratic works of 
dignification of those buried in the mass graves of the cemetery of Carmen - where many 
dead victims of Franco's repression were buried. In one of his last meetings with his 
sponsor, this association has come to propose the elevation of a memorial "to all the 
Valladolid who died in the civil war, without distinction of side ...". A proposal that 
has been denounced as an attempt to put at the same level armed insurgents and their 
victims, and basically as an attempt to spread a smokescreen over the real reasons for the 
war and the systematic fascist repression. CNT Valladolid has made its own complaint 
through the communication attached below.

Under the political circus, the bone structure of dignity.

 From CNT Valladolid we are witnessing with stupefaction all that happens in the mass 
graves found in the cemetery of Carmen, where the bodies of many of the people who 
suffered the Franco repression in our province are found.

We have previously denounced - along with other organizations - the process subsidized by 
the City Council of Valladolid, since we did not see clearly that it had a concrete 
purpose in the search for truth, justice and reparation for the victims of the Franco regime.

The more recent reports from the last meetings of the ARMH with the City Council of 
Valladolid, like the one of " requesting to the consistory a second memorial dedicated to 
all the Valladolid people who fought and died in the civil war, whatever their bando ", 
announced to the media and specifically in El Norte de Castilla on July 18.

It should not be forgotten that one of the reasons for rescuing the bodies found in the 
Carmen cemetery would be to identify them and hand them over to families who request it . 
This would avoid mixing victims of repression with people who, due to their social 
condition, also ended up in those common graves. Apparently only one victim, Lina Neira 
Francés, has been identified in this process .

Instead, we witness a confrontation between two sectarian perceptions of the dignity of 
these places , which do not have enough support to speak or act on behalf of all the 
victims or of the organizations that are part of the memory.

1. On the one hand the ARMH of Valladolid, which has created a kind of political 
footbridge where every so often the politicians of our city who say they are on the left 
parade to get a photo and make a partisan use of the victims, without the approval of 
families and without making sense of a continuous move the bodies of our companions from 
one side to another.

The last projects of this association appear as a laundering of fascism, putting in the 
same place unarmed civilian victims with people who lost their lives on the battle front. 
We want to make it clear that war was not waged neither by Spain, nor by God, nor by 
justice, but to maintain the privileges and interests of a social class threatened by the 
new world that was being created from the working masses .

The Francoist repression in our province is not an isolated event, but calculated , whose 
goal was to end in a macabre way with any opposition to the new dictatorial state. We find 
it detestable that the ARMH of Valladolid hide this with arguments such as those used by 
the fascists to protect the coup d'état and the murder of thousands of innocents.

2. On the other hand, there is the party that believes itself to be less institutionalized 
and believes that it has moral reasons to write an idealized story about the Republic , 
far from the truth and that it also has clear political interests. Our organization was 
outlawed under that Republic, which murdered, persecuted and imprisoned comrades and 
companions. The events of Asturias in 1934 or Casas Viejas are in the retina of the 
working class.

 From CNT we want to say to both that those bodies that are being manipulated have names 
and surnames, they have family and, of course, they had some ideas (which they try to hide 
in an insulting way) that, in many cases, were on the sidelines of the biased reading of 
that black stage of history.

It is unacceptable that, knowing that there are murdered people who fought in life for the 
ideas of emancipation that spring from the initials of the CNT and that were the cause of 
persecution and the reason for their murder, they have not had the minimum decency to ask 
this union or to the families their opinion about the works with which they are said to 
remember them .

For them from CNT we demand from the most absolute legitimacy:

- Information about the works that are being carried out in the cemetery of Carmen and of 
which we have not done so far.

- We demand that families and the organizations in which these people carry out their 
political activity be counted on to complete the process of dignifying those places and 
the people who lie there.

- That all means of identification (including free DNA tests) be used to deliver the 
remains to families who request them and to bury their loved ones in the way they think is 
most convenient.

- Return of the historical trade union assets plundered to CNT in our province.

- The end of the exaltation of Francoism in all the symbols of our city and province 
(something still pending). Also, of course, in the street, which was one of the means of 
propaganda used by the dictatorship to subdue the people to their postulates.

- We demanded a forum with all the parties involved (families, town halls and historical 
organizations) to carry out acts of reparation in Valladolid and in the rest of the 
province around the ideas of freedom and social justice that these people defended. 
Valladolid society has the moral duty to end, once and for all, with this situation out of 
all normality.

Experience tells us that this type of act -very contrary to what is sold from the most 
rancid right- ends frictions between families and serves to at least restore the 
historical place that these people had in the development of a society free, criminalized 
by 40 years of dictatorship and forgotten by 40 years of parliamentary monarchy .

CNT Valladolid, July 30, 2018

http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/40450

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Message: 2





In this chat with a former Class War member, the Kate Sharpley Library discusses 
deindustrialisation, upheavals in the 1980s and thumbing the nose against Thatcher's new 
normal. ---- Can you tell us a bit about where you came from? ---- I grew up in a town in 
the west of England during the 1970s. It was an industrial town going through 
de-industrialization at this time. Large factories like the Wagon Works and the aircraft 
factory where my grandparents had worked were closed or closing down. My family was solid 
Labour and my Grandad, who was Glaswegian, was a life-long socialist and union shop 
steward who'd helped build up the sheet metal workers union in the area. He'd been 
politicised after being given ‘The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists' by an older worker as 
a 14 year old apprentice.

What did the world look like then?

Life seemed good in the 70's. People's living standards were improving and that 1960s 
optimism was still there. It seemed like we lived in a country where everyone mattered. My 
town also had a vibrant youth culture... Punk was massive, as was Northern Soul and the 
whole Rasta thing.

I remember Thatcher's election victory in May 79 being received like the Grim Reaper had 
just moved into No.10. An evil shadow had been cast over the land. How history has been 
rewritten since her death, presenting her as a national treasure is beyond contempt. Most 
of the country despised her. Looking back, a crossroads had been reached and the bright 
egalitarian future of the post-war years was over.

The early 80's were a seriously grim time and watching the evening news was like 
witnessing the slow death of a nation. The manufacturing industry collapsed, unemployment 
skyrocketed, the hunger strikers died, Northern Ireland went up in flames followed by 
rioting across the UK in July 81, the SPG[Special Patrol Group]patrolled the cities, there 
was the horrific Falklands War, the Brighton Bomb and the violent, year long Miners' 
Strike. Most terrifying of all was the very real threat of a nuclear holocaust. Thatcher 
had sanctioned the basing of American nuclear armed Cruise missiles on British soil and 
cold war tensions with the USSR reached fever pitch. A ‘Protect and Survive' leaflet was 
produced for every household in the country informing us how to survive a nuclear winter 
by painting our doors white. It was a terrifying time. A lot of us genuinely didn't expect 
to see adulthood. I remember being sat in school one afternoon and they tested out the 
local WW2 air raid siren and we all thought it was the 4 minute warning. It is now known 
that on at least 2 occasions in 1983 we were only minutes away from a full scale nuclear 
war which would have been the end of civilization.

On top of all this there was mass youth unemployment. Everyone I knew left school at 15 or 
16 and we went either straight onto the dole or into youth training schemes - YOPs or 
YTS's. There was a lot of heavy drinking and violence where I lived and the local paper 
was always full of stories of assaults or suicides. It really did seem like there was No 
Future.

How did you get involved in the Anarchist Movement?

Punk was a real political education for tens of thousands of kids in the late 70s and 
early 80s. Punk taught a whole generation utter contempt for authority. We learnt to 
question and have opinions on everything. As punk started to die out, Crass appeared and 
took the rebellion to a whole other level. They introduced Anarchism as a serious 
political philosophy. A hardcore critique of the society we lived in and there was no 
doubt they were genuine. A lot of punks hated them and saw them as posh hippies but for at 
least the first couple of years, before Steve Ignorant got elbowed out, they were 
seriously popular and had a big influence politically. They sold their records for pennies 
and played in little towns where no-one else would go. Outside a Crass gig in Birmingham 
one time a gang of older Brummie skins looked after us and gave us leaflets on the British 
Movement and then we went inside and got leaflets on Anarchism from Crass. It was very 
like this politically at the time. Teenagers, particularly ones who had come through the 
punk movement, were looking for radical alternatives. Some of them, including friends of 
mine, were unfortunately won over by the far-right. To their credit, Crass were willing to 
talk to anyone and they attracted many, many thousands to Anarchism, breathing new life 
into an old ideology.

By 1985 punk was long dead. Unemployment went over 3 million and many young people 
including me were unemployed. The future looked bleak and riots again broke out again 
across the country. The miners' defeat and walk back to work on the news was pitiful. It 
hit me as it hit many people that there was something seriously wrong with society and 
someone had to do something about it. If not us, then who? I dug out and listened to the 
album ‘Yes Sir I Will' by Crass and began to get really angry and political. I went to 
London, found Freedom Bookshop and Housmans and read through all the books, leaflets and 
papers I could get my hands on. Loads of it was unreadable, boring stuff, but I loved 
Errico Malatesta among the old Anarchist writers. His writing was clear and convinced me 
of Anarchism as an idea. I found Crowbar, BM Blob, Spectacular Times (all brilliant), 
Virus and Direct Action. Then there was Class War..... Ian Bone and Class War were all 
over the newspapers. We were supposed to think ‘how terrible', but many people just 
thought ‘fucking brilliant!'. There was none of your boring, whiny, condescending ‘look 
how terrible things are' of most of the Left. It wasn't preaching to you and it was funny, 
very funny, with pictures, and it explained politics in a language anyone could 
understand. It didn't make you feel like a victim...because who wants to feel like a 
victim? It made you feel confident and strong. It wasn't us who should be worried. It was 
them! ‘Behold Your Future Executioners!' I was in, flat out involved with Class War from 
then on.

I'd gone down to the Wapping Strike on the Printers' Union coaches. It was the Miners' 
Strike part 2. The 3 horsemen of the Apocalypse - Thatcher, Murdoch and the Metropolitan 
Police versus the people. Blatant class war. They had declared it. We just called it what 
it was. They were intent on rolling back all the political gains the working class had 
made after the War. The first anniversary of the strike was unbelievable. Pitch black, in 
the east end of London. Police searchlights scanning the crowds. It was brutal, like a 
medieval battle. Someone died. The riot went on for hours in the cold, us chucking 
concrete, railings, bits of wood and the police repeatedly charging the crowd on horseback 
and on foot. Batons whistling past your ears, running with your heart in your mouth never 
knowing if you were going to catch one on the back of the head. When hundreds of police 
finally charged into the park you genuinely feared for your life. They were clubbing 
anyone they could get their hands on - old women, old men who'd been listening to Tony 
Benn or someone. There were terrified screams everywhere. It was a surprise more people 
didn't die.

It seems hard to believe now but it really did seem in the mid-80s that we were close to 
social breakdown in this country. On top of this, the unions had been defeated, the Labour 
Party had rolled over and died, and much of the revolutionary Left was an embarrassment. 
For a while, fired up by the 50th anniversary of the Spanish Civil War and the changing 
face of politics, it felt like Class War might create a mass movement. As well as being 
constantly in the media, Class War was selling 20,000 copies an issue at this time... a 
lot of it to the general public. There were groups in every major city and I moved to 
Bristol to be part of the action. In Bristol, we had 2 groups, North and South. More riots 
had broke out in Bristol in 86 and CW were there on the frontline. Things were dynamic. 
There were packed meetings in working class pubs. We were at every meeting, demo or 
strike. We didn't sell papers to the Left or to students. We were selling in the city 
centre in the rush hour, outside the shops and in council estate pubs on a Friday night. 
Almost everyone knew of Class War. The revolution never happened, but the language and 
attitude had a deep impact on popular culture. Dislike of politicians, police and 
‘Yuppies' spread everywhere.

What was your relation to the paper? Was it a ‘London production', or something made by 
the whole of Class War?

As for the CW paper, I think in the early days it was produced by a small group around Ian 
Bone and Martin Wright. By the time I was active in 86/87 each issue was produced by a 
different CW group on a rotational basis - about 4 a year maybe. I produced one issue 
along with other members of the Bristol group and I remember spending a weekend in London 
as a delegate looking over an issue which London had produced. Rotating was more 
democratic but I think it watered down the quality a bit as I still think the early issues 
were by far the best.

I know you were involved in the fight against the Poll Tax. What were your experiences?

The fight against the Poll Tax was electrifying. After a decade of defeats people were 
spoiling for a fight. I had returned to my home town and it was the talk in every pub. A 
meeting in my local community centre had people standing in the corridor because it was 
that full. It felt revolutionary. Working class men and women, old and young, across the 
country were saying ‘No Pasaran'.

The day of the riot in March 1990 was a day to remember for life. Ten years of fear and 
anger were released. It was a beautiful sunny day with clear blue skies and a carnival 
atmosphere. I went down from Bristol and I think I'm right in saying 50 coaches left that 
day. We reached Downing Street and there was already a crowd there refusing to move. We 
were right there when it all kicked off. I remember a group of young Yorkshire miners were 
shouting at No. 10 - really aggressive. It was massively defended by rows of police whose 
arms were linked behind waist high barriers. The fencing was dragged away and loads of 
punches and kicks and truncheon blows were exchanged. The anger was palpable and the crowd 
had no fear of the police. There was a sense of righteousness which is probably there when 
revolutions break out. Eventually the police wall broke and they started lashing out 
wildly but the crowd wasn't backing down. The touch paper had been lit. People started 
flooding back from the Mall. The police may have panicked that we'd get to No.10. The 
horses started charging, batons were swinging and rocks were flying. A full scale riot 
erupted. The rest is history. One of the funniest memories of the day was stepping out of 
the window of a looted off licence carrying two bottles of whiskey and bumping into Fergal 
Sharkey and his girlfriend who were standing there watching in disbelief.

The riot rocked the Establishment. It was pivotal in bringing down Thatcher. But the 
campaign of non-payment was what made the Tax unenforceable and made sure it was scrapped. 
Make it cost them more than it costs us. Violent and non-violent disobedience working 
together. Millions refused to pay and many went to jail. I refused to pay and refused to 
turn up in court. I was sentenced in my absence, eventually arrested and after turning 
down the offer to pay, served a month in prison. ‘Toy Town Revolutionaries' Kinnock called 
us, but we proved that traitor wrong.

And could you tell us how you finished with politics?

Things had seemed revolutionary for a while but in 87 we were shocked when Thatcher won a 
third General Election. It was very demoralising at the time but easy to understand in 
retrospect. Selling people their council houses for peanuts, selling off our national 
utilities and deregulating the banks so they flooded the country with credit (debt), meant 
that many people thought they were loaded for a short while. It was a fantasy of course - 
the ‘Loadsamoney' era. Myself and many others got decently paid jobs on building sites as 
a debt fuelled property boom started. All the national assets the working class had won 
after the war were being sold off and we were all being enslaved by a mountain of debt, 
but no-one could see it at the time. They just saw the money in their pockets.

Later that year the South Bristol group which I belonged to split from Class War. We 
wanted to attract and influence working class people with the paper - to give people a 
voice and a positive narrative. We wanted Anarchism to be the religion of the working 
class in Britain. Like it was in Spain in the early 20th Century. The religion of ordinary 
people, not a fringe identity for people who weren't comfortable with their own. But the 
liberal-left identity politics which destroyed so much of the traditional working class 
movement and still dominates it today began to take over. Many university students 
(university was a far more elitist institution in the 80s) and even people who had been 
privately educated began to join CW and we didn't think this was a good thing (not that 
they were necessarily bad people at all). And because these people had more cultural 
capital - the ability to write, to speak in public, to expect people to listen to them 
etc, then they naturally came to dominate organizations. That is how it is. This has 
happened to most of the Left. Maybe the Unions escaped it a bit. Self-identity is a big 
part of why people get attracted to a political movement. It is very important. People 
will join a movement to feel they belong. When they feel that it represents their 
interests or who they are. If it doesn't do that, then they are not going to be 
interested. Period. And most people weren't going to be attracted by a group of scruffy 
punks wearing black rags or by a sanctimonious, posh voiced student lecturing them on how 
racist or sexist they were. Anyway, we lost the argument or we didn't express ourselves 
very well and we were expelled from Class War at the national conference in Bradford that 
year. We did a couple of issues of a free paper called Class Anger but I think history was 
moving on by then and it went nowhere.

On top of this, Anarchism had been reduced to defending the Post-War Consensus. We always 
preached to people not to vote but most of our fighting was done to protect the 
achievements of the 1945 Labour Government. As important as this was, inevitably we were 
going to lose because Capital will always eventually roll back any reformist social gains 
which are made. To me, I was always concerned that Anarchism wasn't presenting concrete 
economic answers to concrete economic problems. And it is always about economics. 
Political structures grow from the economic organization of society not the other way 
around and Anarchism or any Left ideology needs to concentrate on making capitalism 
economically redundant.

Anyway, by the early 90s, like many others I was disillusioned and gave up on politics. 
The working class had been defeated politically but like a phoenix from the ashes it began 
to win culturally. Rave and free party culture was born allowing hundreds of thousands of 
us to flip the finger to 9 to 5 consumer capitalism and enjoy a brief period of drug 
fuelled liberty, equality and fraternity.

The latest issue of the KSL Bulletin is out now. https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/tx97nv

https://freedomnews.org.uk/interview-bristol-class-war-in-the-1980s/

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Message: 3





On a near daily basis, refugees and other migrants are drowning in the Mediterranean. 
Although the number of people attempting to reach Europe by crossing the sea has dropped 
significantly, the number of border-deaths has increased. The European Union turns its 
back on these people. Meanwhile, multiple vessels from NGOs with voluntary crews of 
doctors, nurses, and rescue workers are stranded in Malta. European governments are 
preventing them from saving lives. ---- On Sunday the 5th of August, you are invited to 
join us in the NieuwLand (Amsterdam) for a banner-making day. We will make banners and 
signs for a demonstration that will take place on Friday the 10th of August, Dam Square: 
against the EU's border policies, for creating #safepassage, for freedom of movement, for 
saving lives. During this demonstration we will give a colorful and clear message!

Materials will be available, although you are of course very welcome to bring some 
yourself! The colors that will be used are orange
(life-vest SOS-color), black and white.

For more information about the demonstration see: Indymedia, Facebook or the website of 
SEALIFT.

Location: Pieter Nieuwlandstraat 93, Amsterdam

https://www.vrijebond.org/7571-2/

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Message: 4





Employing the mine was not the only thing that happened at this year's Klimakempu. Within 
five days at Louka near Litvinov there were many more things worth remembering. ---- 
Anarchy means plenum and toilet management ---- From the beginning of the week until 
Saturday's direct action, the number of tents on a large meadow continued to grow. On 
Saturday morning, it was estimated that at least four hundred people were on site, the 
number of visitors climbed over the five-hundreds of the camp. ---- This, of course, meant 
a lot of organization, logistics and camp equipment management. The organizers around the 
Limits team have done an admirable job, so Klimakemp has an advanced infrastructure in the 
form of solar panels and sockets, wireless internet, composting toilets and necessary 
washrooms. Everything worked, although it was obvious that the capacity was maximized.

The main decision-making body was a regular plenary held in a big pit in the middle of the 
camp. Practical problems were solved, the program was announced, and individual action 
groups were summoned by helpers. Magic was that, for example, when a kitchen group asked 
for a dishwashing aid, that helped get it. Spontaneously and of course.

Even everyday work brought countless new acquaintances and entertainment moments. A number 
of people have gained a deep recognition of this by being able to accomplish complete 
miracles in their field. One of the examples is a pancake maker. In his booth with luxury 
vegan pancakes, he spends about twenty-four hours a day and donated the money to help the 
refugees. Before Saturday's direct action, he rose up very early to make a snack for 
people. Just so, unselfishly, out of pure goodness and taste to help the success of the 
event. For those who did not meet him at Klimakempu, it should be noted that pancakes and 
their stand can also be seen at other events for climate justice in Europe.

Again, it has been shown that collective solutions to practical issues do not bring any 
controversy, on the contrary, it leads to a sense of shared responsibility for doing the 
necessary work. The language barrier was easy to overcome and simultaneous translation 
from Czech into English and vice versa was working.

The only problem was the harvesting of the camp at the end. The vast majority of people 
left on Sunday, and so much power was left for Monday's cleaning. But it is harder to look 
for laziness or malice. It is understandable that people stayed only until Sunday, when 
many of them had to return to work and other duties on Monday.

The action is to learn, to play and to cooperate

The campsite program was a lot. From strong and emotional evening folk concerts through 
countless theoretical and practical lectures to the bizarre performances of a historical 
ensemble with bare asses. There is no point in trying to summarize everything. Just say 
there was always something to do. If you did not want to do a job, you could always go for 
a swim at the nearby pond, ride a bike ride, go for a beer party or try to co-operate with 
local people.

As the Saturday blockade approached, the frequency of action and legal training increased. 
Above all, the first ones provided an infinitely fun spectacle when they resembled an 
activist larp in which a group of people with a flag and transparency tried to run through 
a line of improvised armed men in shawls and T-shirts with "police" inscriptions. Hurling 
"in the name of the law, stand!", "Take the right!" And the following laughs of laughter 
gave potential passers-by that we can not wait for direct action.

It was not just fun. The trainings paid off and contributed to the success of the 
Saturday's event, though it was clear that they could not prepare for the hell of coal 
dust and police batons hell. The exhausting run in direct sunlight and the confusion that 
prevailed during the run-up of the Cordon of the "heavy-weight", however, had already 
quite accurately foretold what was going to happen in the camp.

Like work, training, and the whole program, of course, it was the volunteering and 
willingness of people to take part in it. Thanks to the fact that the action was 
repeatedly advised and constantly reminded that participating in at least one training is 
simply a good idea, all the while people were approaching responsibly and actively 
interested in how to prepare for the Saturday.

Police are watching and constantly driving

We have been in contact with the law since the moment we arrived at the somewhat tucked-up 
station of Louka near Litvínov. There was a patrol waiting on the spot, legitimated by 
anyone who stepped out of the train with a backpack on his back. Not that it was an 
extreme buzerace - it was clear that the higher places traveled to a group of local cops 
who stopped immediately, but on the other hand they obviously wanted to have it as quickly 
as possible. In addition, it turned out that at least part of the foreigners identified 
"just as" and in fact their data were not bothered to enter anywhere.

The goal was clearly to create a paranoid atmosphere. Police patrols were constantly 
circling around the camp and randomly checking people who went to town. The curiosity of 
their activities was in sight. While some of us have successfully avoided the controls all 
the time, others have had to legitimize two or three times.

Almost every day a police helicopter flew over the camp, and at least once in a game with 
a dron, though strange. Why did the group of policemen decide to go to the five-thirteenth 
morning when nothing happened in the camp, and why by a dron only one flight, even 
absurdly low, is in the stars.

As the Saturday action approached, the number of secret in the town increased and 
shortened the interval of patrols "randomly" passing through the roads around. On the 
night of Saturday, there was also a fun diversion in the form of a wake-up car that the 
cops parked a little behind the camp. As the darkness and a determined and impatient mood 
dwelt, a group of people came to greet the Big Brother. In front of the stream separating 
the police and our territory, an improvised aperture from a giant banner stood, and one of 
the anarchists presently played various sweet songs specifically for police ears. We 
blinded the surveillance cameras with strong flashlights, and at the end, the pair of lads 
started talking loudly with a somewhat shaky police patrol on a law subject to the stream.

On Sunday, the police forces moved to the exit roads and the surrounding villages. The 
effort to control everybody who left the camp was systematic, but with a little effort and 
luck it could be avoided. But another risk of control was awaiting the transit stations in 
the area, where the patrols called by the absurd mobilization of police forces from across 
the region occasionally roared.

Overall, police activity during the campsite was trying to act in the style "to know we 
know". The constant movement of patrols around the camp and the helicopter flight did not 
really make much of a try (as well as when it was clear beforehand what we would do on 
Saturday). In an effort to disturb people and discourage them, the police completely 
failed. Whether there will be any consequence of a constant effort to identify Klimakemp 
participants, we will see.

Klimakemp means that a new movement has come to the Czech Republic

In contrast to the previous year, Klimakemp grew, and the related direct action was much 
more massive and self-confident. It is obvious that the climate justice movement is 
awakening here and attracting new people and those who would not engage anywhere else.

For anarchists and anarchists it is a great opportunity and a challenge. It is essential 
that we take part in such events, bring our experiences and learn from both successes and 
mistakes. Whilst we may have complaints about the rigid pacifism of the event as well as 
an informal hierarchy, we should expect that the next Klimakemp can easily exceed this 
year's size and performance. It is essential to be there.

Related Links:
Before the excavator, behind the excavator
Change the system, not the climate!

https://www.afed.cz/text/6861/pozdravy-z-tabora

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