Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #285 - Treat the sexual
abuser through feminist education (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Britain, anarchist communist group ACG: Jackdaw #3 --
Workplace Notes (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Bangladesh Anarcho Syndicalist Federation: Bangladesh unions
reject $95 monthly wage for arment workers (bangladeshasf.org)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. iwa-ait: The First Anarchosyndicalist Conference in
Bangladesh (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Greece, 5 YEARS AFTER THE PAUL WONDER OF THE GOLDEN ARMS OF
THE GOLDEN EGG ... By APO (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. anarkismo.net: Nationalism-patriotism pillars of the state
by X & m(A)nifesto (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
The aggressor is not a " monster " arisen from nothingness, but a sad product of
patriarchal society. Its rehabilitation through education and a cultural struggle in
society are indispensable. ---- Sexual violence became a public and political issue thanks
to the feminist mobilizations of the 1960s and 1970s. Taking into account this violence
has increased and has resulted in an increase in denunciations and complaints, and in
legal developments. Yet during the 1990s, from sordid facts, including pedophilia, like
the case of Dutroux in Belgium, the sex criminal became the incarnation of the same
incorrigible monster. The feminist reading grid for sexual violence was then marginalized
in favor of a safe reading grid.
From this perspective, the perpetrator of sexual violence is not the normed product of
patriarchy, but an abnormal and necessarily recidivist individual. Then develops an
increase of the repression - confinement, forced psychiatric care, control, registration.
However, these measures are largely illusory because they are based on a distorted image
of the perpetrator of sexual violence: that of a sexual predator aggressively attacking
its victims on leaving school or on the street.
However, this violence is generally local violence where, in almost 80% of cases, the
victim knows his attacker. The danger is therefore not in a psychiatric or individual
abnormality, but in the relations of domination at the origin of this violence.
Recidivism, unquantifiable, can not be a criterion
Various studies show that the recidivism rate of sex offenders is roughly the same
regardless of the mode of care - psychotherapeutic follow-up, chemical castration,
imprisonment [1].
As, moreover, this violence is very largely under-declared - nearly one in two victims
does not speak to anyone [2], recidivism is impossible to evaluate seriously.
Consequently, the debate on means of repression and / or rehabilitation can not be based
on efficiency criteria but rather on the values implemented in the treatment of
perpetrators of sexual violence.
An egalitarian system should, in the treatment of authors, give priority to forms of
rehabilitation that address the sources of such violence: relations of domination and the
culture of rape. Feminist re-education [3]is needed, combining awareness-raising about
violence and what produces it, and deconstructing gender stereotypes.
Tristan (AL Toulouse)
The other articles of the file:
Editorial: Security without the security
Judicial Reform: Towards court robotization ?
Europe: The fortress is also a prison
United States: Chained to Slave History
Big Brother: A real public-private partnership
History: Police sometimes, justice nowhere
Rojava: Security and local justice
Chiapas / Zapatistas: Repairing rather than Closing
Practices: Dealing with gender-based violence in a militant environment
And the " dangerous fools " ? And the " psychopaths " ?
[1] Monique Tardif, Jo-Annie Spearson-Goulet, " Sex Offender Recidivism " , November 2012,
at www.inspq.qc.ca
[2] Nathalie Bajos, Michel Bozon, " Context of sexuality in France " survey , Ined,
Inserm, 2006.
[3] Read about " Education: Feminist Pedagogy Against Violence " , Alternative Libertaire,
November 2016.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Traiter-l-agresseur-sexuel-par-l-education-feministe
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Message: 2
The last four decades have seen a big drop in workplace strikes as well as a drop in
membership of the mainstream trade unions. An International Labour Organisation report
showed that strike action across 38 countries had dropped by 80% between the 1970s and the
2000s. The European Trade union Institute also reported that the 15 core countries of the
European Union had seen a 40% fall in strikes between the 1990s and the 2000s. In the UK
the number of working days lost to strikes had hit an historic low in 2017. ---- In spite
of this, the class struggle at work (and for that matter elsewhere) hasn't vanished. Class
society still exists and workers are still exploited and are still resisting. This is
being done in a number of different ways, sometimes through the mainstream unions,
sometimes through the newly emerging "grassroots" unions, the Industrial Workers off the
World (IWW), the United Voices of the World (UVW), the Independent Workers of Great
Britain (IWGB), the Cleaning And Allied Independent Workers Union (CAIWU), and sometimes
outside any of these structures in wildcat strikes.
We've seen this in the strikes in Amazon warehouses, in Britain, the USA and Germany.
We've seen it in the struggles of couriers and food delivery workers in fact among workers
regarded as being unable to be organised because of the nature of their jobs as with
Deliveroo and Uber Eats. An important development has been the joint initiative of the
Angry Workers of the World and the IWW in West London among workers in food preparation
plants. Other strikes have taken place at McDonalds and TGI Fridays. There are also
glimmers of organisation among workers in the videogames industry. This year saw a four
week strike over pensions of university lecturers and support staff organised within the
Universities and Colleges Union (UCU). There was a big revolt among UCU members following
the union leadership agreeing to a derisory offer from management. A revolt took place at
UCU conference, and a newly assertive rank and file came up against the union bureaucrats,
resulting in a motion calling for the resignation of the UCU General secretary Sally Hunt.
More recently migrant workers working as cleaners outsourced by Kensington and Chelsea
Council went out on 3 days of strikes in August.These workers organised in the UVW are
demanding the London Living Wage and decent sick pay. Another group of cleaners in the UVW
at the Ministry of Justice also simultaneously organised strikes on the same 3 days at the
same time over similar concerns. At the Ministry of Justice the cleaners inspired MOJ
security staff who joined UVW en masse.
Home care workers for Birmingham Council also went out on a 3 day strike in August against
plans by the council to slash their hours. Oil rig workers off the coast of Scotland also
struck for two days after changes to their working rotas. Crane manufacturing workers in
Sunderland also went out on a 2 day strike over dissatisfaction at a pay offer from the
employers Liebherr.
See: latest issue of Notes From Below: notesfrombelow.org/article/the-worker-and-the-union
Article from Jackdaw 3
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Jackdaw-Issue-3-RGB.pdf
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2018/09/11/workplace-notes/
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Message: 3
Workers Unions representing millions of clothes factory workers including the members of
Bangladesh anarcho-syndicalist federation - basf have demanded that their minimum monthly
pay be tripled. The garment industry accounts for more than 80 percent of the country's
exports and employs mostly women. ---- Hundreds of garment workers staged demonstrations
in Bangladesh's capital, Dhaka, on Friday, after rejecting the government's plans to hike
their minimum wage to Tk 8,000 ($95, €81). ---- The new monthly pay deal, which is due to
come into effect from December, marks a 51 percent rise on the current minimum wage, which
was set in 2013. ---- Bangladesh's Independent newspaper cited Joly Talukder, a union
representative for the garment workers, as saying that the new wage is "illogical and
unjust." ---- Deal turned down by most unions including Bangladesh anarchosyndicalist
federation-basf
Another union leader, Babul Akter, told the Agence France-Presse news agency that almost
all unions had rejected the new wage, which was settled upon after months of negotiations.
Unions, who have fought for years for higher wages and better working conditions, said
they would organize more protests across the country to fight for at least Tk 16,000 per
month, according to the UNB news agency. That would mean a tripling of workers' current pay.
One of the world's leading garment producers, Bangladesh last year shipped $30 billion
worth of goods from its 4,500 factories to global retailers like H&M, Walmart, Gap and Tesco.
The garment industry accounts for more than 80 percent of the country's exports, and
employs an estimated 40 million workers, mostly women.
A minimum wage was first introduced five years ago after at least 1,130 people were killed
when the Rana Plaza garment factory in Dhaka collapsed.
But Bangladeshi manufacturers say many retailers have not increased the price they pay for
clothes, despite rising prices for raw materials.
Garment workers in Bangladesh earn lower wages than those in any other major
garment-exporting country and rely on excessive overtime to survive, according to a report
released in April by the US-based Fair Labor Association.
But despite appalling working conditions, the Bangladeshi government has been quick to
quash any major dissent by workers.
In December 2016, a large union protest was brutally ended by police, with hundreds of
workers and union activists detained and charged with violence while more than 1,500
workers were sacked. mm/kms (AFP)
Tk 8,000 a month
Govt fixes new minimum wage of RMG workers, raises it by 51 percent from Tk 5,300; some
trade union leaders reject,
The government, on September 13, 2018, announces Tk 8,000 as the minimum salary for
garment workers. The new wage structure will come into effect from December this year.
The government has raised the minimum monthly wage for 4.4 million garment workers by
around 51 percent to Tk 8,000 from the existing Tk 5,300 with effect from December.
Md Mujibul Haque Chunnu, state minister for labour and employment, announced this at a
press briefing at his secretariat office yesterday after the fifth and final meeting of
the wage board formed in January.
However, some trade union leaders rejected the proposed hike and urged the prime minister
to review it as soon as possible. They demand that the minimum monthly wage be fixed at Tk
16,000.
Speaking at the briefing, the state minister said that of the Tk 8,000, Tk 4,100 is basic
wage, Tk 2,050 house rent, Tk 600 medical allowance, Tk 350 conveyance allowance and Tk
900 food expenditure.
Chunnu also said the owners' representative at a recent meeting of the board proposed
fixing the minimum monthly wage at Tk 7,000.
But at a meeting with the board members on Wednesday, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina asked
the owners' representative to add Tk 1,000 to the proposed wage of Tk 7,000.
"Finally, all the board members agreed to the prime minister's proposal ....," Chunnu said
hoping all sides would accept it.
He further said there is no scope for not paying the minimum wage of Tk 8,000 at the entry
level (7th grade). The wage of the workers in six other grades would also be increased
accordingly.
"The government announced the minimum wage for the garment workers a little earlier than
the scheduled time because the election-time government, slated to be formed next month,
cannot make such a decision.
"We will publish the gazette notification as soon as possible ... We have a lot of time
before the new wage structure comes into effect," Chunnu mentioned.
There will be no change in the seven grades of the garment workers. The details of the
grades would be published in the gazette notification, he added.
Prices of garment items, costs of production and daily expenditures of the workers have
been considered in determining the minimum wage.
The minimum wage was fixed at Tk 5,300 the last time in 2013, up from Tk 3,000 in 2010. It
was Tk 1,662.50 in 2006, Tk 940 in 1994 and Tk 627 in 1985.
At the first meeting of the current board in July, the owners' representative proposed
that the monthly minimum wage be fixed at Tk 6,350, while the workers' representative
suggested that it should be Tk 12,020.
Yesterday, Siddiqur Rahman, the owners' representative and president of Bangladesh Garment
Manufacturers and Exporters Association, said, "At one stage, we proposed Tk 7,000. But
later the prime minister intervened and proposed Tk 8,000. We accepted her proposal."
The new wage will be effective from December when the five-year tenure of the previous
wage structure expires. The workers will get the new wage in January next year, he said.
Board Chairman Syed Aminul Islam, also a retired district judge, said, "We also thought
that Tk 8,000 as the minimum wage is logical, and finally recommended it."
Begum Shamsunnahar, workers' representative in the board and also women affairs secretary
of the Awami League, said, "I also accepted Tk 8,000 as the minimum wage following the
prime minister's intervention."
However, Nazma Akter, president of Sammilita Garments Sramik Federation, a workers' rights
group, urged the government to slightly raise the basic wage from the announced Tk 4,100
as other benefits such as bonuses and compensations are determined based on the workers'
basic pay.
The government should also provide subsidies for the workers' accommodation, food and
education so that they can save some money from their wages, said Nazma, who represented
the workers in the 2006 wage board.
"The owners may increase the production target after the wage hike. We have to monitor
that the workers are not overburdened with work due to the increased production target.
Their health issues should also be addressed," she added.
Several leaders from two other rights groups -- Garment Sramik Trade Union Kendra and
Bangladesh Garment Sramik Sanghati -- also echoed her views.
Earlier in December 2016, hundreds of workers staged massive demonstrations in Ashulia and
Savar for a wage hike, prompting nearly 100 factories to suspend operation. They demanded
that the minimum monthly wage be fixed at Tk 16,000.
A number of workers were arrested and terminated from jobs during the agitation. Some
union leaders were also detained.
The factories reopened following negotiations between the government and trade unions.
Later, in a rare move in December last year, the garment factory owners on their own came
up with a proposal for forming a wage board mainly to avert further unrest.
http://www.bangladeshasf.org/news/bangladesh-unions-reject-95-monthly-wage-for-garment-workers/
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Message: 4
A few months ago, the first anarchosyndicalist organization was formed in Bangladesh - the
Bangladesh Anarcho-syndicalist Federation (BASF). The comrades would like to build a
national organization, with unions in several industries. For now, their base is in the
Sylhet region where some activists of that organization had been organizing workers from
tea gardens for many years. This means that it is, at least for now, one of the rare
anarchosyndicalist organizations whose potential base are agricultural laborers, rather
than employed in other areas of production or services. However, the organization does not
plan to limit itself in such a way and is exploring other areas where they can organize.
The BASF organized a conference at the beginning of July 2018, which the General Secretary
of the IWA was invited to speak at. About 60 people were in attendance. Most of them were
women who work in the tea gardens but also others came - people who work in the garment
industry or warehouses, produce vehicles or work in food processing.
Workers from the tea gardens face extreme exploitation, earning about 1USD a day for
endless hours of hard work in the oppressive heat. They usually work every day and need to
do this to survive, so it was really a huge thing that so many women came to the conference.
As the main speaker at the conference, I wanted to bring the ideas of anarcho-syndicalism
close to home. We spoke about the nature of exploitation and capitalism and the need to
get rid of it to start building the egalitarian society but also we spoke about more bread
and butter issues and organizing an effective resistance to the plantation owners. We also
talked about how international solidarity may be used - for example, in pressuring the
owners to improve conditions. Such solidarity actually had some concrete effects in
Bangladesh in the past, in relation to the conditions of garment workers. Still the
situation is not acceptable and will never be acceptable until the misery of wage slavery,
imposed on people through private ownership, is eliminated.
One does not have to convince people that the situation they live in is highly unjust or
that if they got rid of the bosses and ran things themselves, their own situations would
be much better. In such close agricultural communities, where people have lived together
and worked together for decades, there is a great sense of togetherness and solidarity.
These people know that it is their labour that produces all the wealth in the area -
something they unfortunately are not able to enjoy themselves.
The reception was good. Another comrade spoke and expanded on matters.
In Bangladesh, although there is no real anarchist tradition, there was a strong communist
tradition - one that many still adhere to. Since some of the people in attendance used to
be communists and such people still try to agitate in the area, comrades thought it would
be a good idea to refer to the differences between these ideas and maybe tell a little bit
about the history. With my personal background in the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, I
could say a little bit not only about the history of the revolution betrayed, but how
power corrupts and how "communism" developed. The workers were not surprised to hear about
how many of yesterday's pseudo-communist elite became privatization barons, oligarchs and
business moguls.
After the general conference, there were still more discussion with comrades who want to
build the organization and wanted to discuss various issues.
The comrades said they were generally happy with the event and that next time they will
think about organizing something bigger, with more people and maybe more speakers.
I would like to thank the comrades for the organization of the event and the warm
hospitality! More importantly, on behalf of many comrades of the IWA, we wish them luck
for the building of an anarchosyndicalist movement in their region.
http://www.iwa-ait.org/content/first-anarchosyndicalist-conference-bangladesh
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Message: 5
Athena --- Thessaloniki --- Patras --- ANNOUNCEMENT OF ANARCHICAL POLICY ORGANIZATION ----
Pavlos Fissas fell dead from the golden killer knife George Roupakia in the morning of 18
September 2013 in Keratsini, when he and his company were attacked by an organized group
of goldsmiths. It is the same gang that, for years, has been battering immigrants, beating
young people, attacking trade unionists and social militants in self-organized struggle.
Why the fascists strike where state politics, boss interests and media propaganda suggest:
against the worst exploited part of society and against the movements declared to be the
target of state repression. ---- Golden Dawn, a state-run and governor since its
inception, and a political grandchild of the occupants and civil warriors of the
occupation and the civil war and the heir of the subversive action of the Gotsamans who
murdered Lambrakis, as well as of the Centaurs and the RNDN rangers who murdered and the
fighter Professor Nikos Tebondera, can now be portrayed as a supposedly anti-systemic
force, but in fact there is to develop the most conservative and reactive social
instincts, dissolving those collective, class and social ties contributing to social
decision-making.
The lawsuit of the ASE which has been in progress for 3.5 years, has as its main political
objective the imposition of "democratic normality" and the consolidation of the theory of
the two extremes. Wishing to stifle the wrath of the murder of Paul Fussa that could not
be concealed and made visible their complicity, the state and the bosses attempt to put
society in the role of viewing a supposedly institutional treatment of the Nazis and
regaining social legitimacy. At the same time that the murderer Rupakia is in his home, at
the same time, he attempts to suppress the anti-fascist struggle on the streets through
the strike of mobilization and the persistent persecution of anarchists and anti-fascists.
At the same time, on the occasion of the stir of the so-called "Macedonian issue" and the
nationalist uprising that followed, the attempts of the re-emergence of the para-state
battalions and the fascist striking groups on the streets were attempted, while the
nationalist rallies of the previous period left behind an emerging - darker aspects of
modern history - nationalist enamel, who is called to be the vanguard of the bosses in the
social and class conflicts that will happen in the coming period, xaitias the continuation
of state-capitalist attack on society.
Today, where the far-right and fascist aspect of modern totalitarianism, the most extreme
manifestation of the exploitative cluster of state and capital is widened within the
framework of the "Fortress Europe", the isolation of the fascists and the conflict with
them everywhere in the social field becomes even greater importance. From Western and
Central Europe to the Balkans, the emergence of fascists on the streets, their open
relationship with the deep state, and their usefulness in imposing regime choices make the
need for vigilance vis-à-vis the fascist fascist groups even more perceptible and
imperative. The necessity of organizing the struggle and the formation of policies,
Faced with repressive and partisan terrorism, tools for imposing the state of the world
and the bosses, only the world of struggle and the organized presence of the movement can
serve as a basis for the formation of social and class self-defense. As a springboard for
the social and classical counter-attack that will pass over the parastatic neo-Nazis and
their patrons, to build the society of Equality, Solidarity and Freedom, the world of
Anarchy and Communist Communism.
We do not forget the murder of Pavlos Fissas on September 18, 2013 in Keratsini.
We do not forget hundreds of murderous attacks on refugees and immigrants. Not even the
dozens of rabid attacks on squats, self-managed spaces, and anarchist, left and
anti-fascist fighters. We stand in solidarity with the occupation of an old morgue in Alex
/ city that recently received an arson attack by fascists.
From the internationalist and anti-fascist barricades of Kamara and Propylaea, from the
grand internationalist anti-fascist demonstration of solidarity to the occupation of the
Libertatia of thousands of militants on March 10 in Thessaloniki to dozens of small and
great anti-fascist mobilizations throughout Greece, the Balkans, Western Europe and
America ...
To co-ordinate the phasing by building a platform, horizon, and counterpart social and tax
movement that targets the whole of the system that is generalized.
__________________________________
ANTIFFASSICAL CONCENTRATIONS THURSDAY 18 SEPTEMBER:
Patras, Georgiou square
6um anarchist group "Dysennyos Kippos", member of APO and comrades -is
Thessaloniki, Kamara 6pm
collective for social anarchism "Black and Red", member of
the Liberal Communist Party of Communist Liberation
Athens, Pavlos Fissa 60 (former Panagi Tsaldari) 5pm
http://apo.squathost.com/
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Message: 6
Against the world of power, against the modern totalitarianism of state and capital, we
must collectively raise libertarian embankments to curb their pervasive attitude,
destroying in principle one of the most basic ideological pillars of the state, that of
nationalist-patriotic ideology. This deconstruction is at the same time the necessary
condition for building a libertarian revolutionary prospect, whose strategic goal is the
destruction of state and capital and social and individual liberation. ---- 22 September
2018 / Event - discussion: Nationalism-patriotism as the pillars of the state. Their
deconstruction as a prerequisite for the libertarian revolutionary prospect.
Historically, under periods of capitalist crisis, exploitative and oppressive conditions
intensify, resulting in the sharpening of social / class contradictions. The constant
depreciation of labor, the intensity of impoverishment, and the overall deterioration in
material conditions and the quality of life of our class are the basic strategic choice in
the direction of survival and perpetuation of the dominant power system. In such a treaty,
social consensus and constantly pursued control of the population are becoming precarious.
Therefore, in order to achieve the necessary state and capitalist restructuring, the
repressive mechanisms of the state against the terrorism and disciplining of our class
(criminalization of social / class struggles, imprisonment and abusive sentences to
combatants, practical strike elimination, institutional racism, immigration camps) and any
possible mechanism of propaganda and disorientation of the social body. Such a treaty we
experience in the present conjuncture, both globally and in particular in the Greek state.
The dominant propaganda mechanisms are mobilized by state and capital in order to achieve
ideological control of the exploited and oppressed sections of society. Institutional
media, the ecclesiastical mechanism of religion and the educational system, are structural
mechanisms to promote more conservative and obsessive doctrines in the direction of
promoting "national unity and conscience". The three-fold "patris, religion, family" comes
back to the fore, as the masters attempt to spread and reinforce the fundamental ideals
and structural features of statist, bourgeois democracy and ethnocentrism (nationalism,
irrationalism, patriarchy). Nationalist-patriotism, as an ideological pillar of bourgeois
domination, has historically been a successful ideological tool for the state to
manipulate the consciences of its citizens. Under conditions of capitalist crisis, it is a
dominant unifying narrative of rich and poor, oppressors and oppressed, exploiters and
exploiters. As a political ideology of the state and as the main pillar of its social
legitimacy, nationalism-patriotism is upgraded by ideological (school, pan-European,
media, army) and repression (army, police, judicial system) mechanisms in order to achieve
a coveted for the bosses of "national unity," as a counterweight to the formation of class
consciousness. In order to strengthen national unity, both external (Macedonia-FYROM,
Turkey) and internal (those who do not fall or question the dominant national narrative)
"enemies of the nation". The national narrative, trying to blur and cover up the
increasing class and social contrasts, finds fertile ground in the body of the social
body, resulting in the nationalist, racist and war rallies of last year in Thessaloniki,
Athens and provincial cities.
Fascist and far-right parties support ideologically and take advantage of this state
planning, increasing their political and social influence through the promotion of
nationalist ideology. On the other hand, the real political agreement of the left (ruling
and anti-government, parliamentary and extra-parliamentary, memorandum and anti-memorial)
in the ideology of the imaginary community of the "nation" takes flesh and bones by
propagating state models of "national" independence, the national-patriotic consciousness
of the lower social strata. In this way, the left strengthens the strategic aspirations of
state and capital.
The modern bourgeois state, both as a structure and as a social relationship, created and
blossomed nationalism-patriotism and co-edged with it to such an extent that it was now
regarded by the overwhelming majority as insoluble concepts. Thus, any ideological system
that accepts the state either as the ideal system of social organization or as a tool for
class and social emancipation, is forced to accept, to a greater or lesser extent, the
ideology of the nation. The only political stream that for hundreds of years has been,
since its birth, both in the state and in the bourgeois ideology of nationalism, was (and
remains) anarchist current. Against the world of power, towards the modern totalitarianism
of state and capital, we must collectively raise libertarian embankments to curb their
pervasive attitude, destroying in principle one of the most fundamental ideological
pillars of the state, that of nationalist-patriotic ideology. This deconstruction is at
the same time the necessary condition for building a libertarian revolutionary prospect,
whose strategic goal is the destruction of state and capital and social and individual
liberation.
NO "NATION" DOES NOT GIVE ME, NORTH WILL NOT STILL US.
September 15, 2018
Anarchist Collectivism Roadside & Anarchist Collectivism m(A)nifesto
Event - discussion, Saturday, September 22 at 18:30, architecture UTH school
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31134
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