Today's Topics:
1. ias romania: THE EXTREME MIDDLE AND THE FASCISM
THAT COMES
By Golos Truda [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
By Golos Truda [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. wsm.ie: Pushing Back the Alt Right - #DABF 2018 video &
audio (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Now, journalists from all over the world are kissing you (as they say in universities, I
think). I'm not, my friends. ---- You have faces for Dad's boys. ---- Your clean look does
not lie. ---- You have that bad look. ---- You are scared, unsure, desperate (very good)
---- but you also know how to be spoiled, ---- bastards and arrogants: ---- small
bourgeois values, friends. ---- When you were at Villa Giulia yesterday and beat up with
the police, ---- I sympathized with the police! ---- Because the policemen are the sons of
the poor ---- They come from the periphery, urban and rural. ---- We are all against the
police. ---- But try to go right against the courts, ---- and then you will see! ---- The
police boys that you in the sacrament of violence ---- You beat Dad's boys, ---- They
belong to the other class. ---- In Valle Giulia yesterday, an episode happened
From class struggle: And you, friends (though on the good side)
you were the rich,
While the policemen (who were on the bad side)
were the poor.
- Pier Paolo Pasolini
In Romania the middle class revolt continues. From the article I wrote last February when
anti-government protests erupted and so far the uprising has been radically constant, and
the elements that make up it have become more and more virulent. We maintain our last
year's views on the character of this protest movement and we will continue to express an
opinion from revolutionary anti-capitalist and communist anarchist positions. Let's be
clear from the beginning, we write like people who want to abolish revolutionary
capitalism and the bourgeois state. We believe that only an international proletarian
revolution can save civilization and the planet from barbarism and total collapse. We are
Communists and we are anarchists.
Let's first talk about the PSD quickly and what was its recent evolution, then focus on
the reactionary revolt we are witnessing. But in order to do this, we must first recall
the present position of Romania. We can not discuss the government party without making a
materialistic analysis of the context in which this party governs.
Romania is, as I mentioned in the previous article, a country completely colonized by the
Western imperialist powers. We can discuss whether we are in a semi-colonial, peripheral
or neocolonial context, the basic idea remains the same: the country is dominated by
Western capital, both economically and politically. Western bourgeois exploits free and,
at its own expense, natural resources and local labor. Everything is dominated and
subordinated to the logic of capital accumulation. All that is allowed at the discursive
level and by events of any kind, including protest, must not disturb this process and must
take place in well-defined boundaries. The accumulation of capital and extraction of value
by the Western bourgeoisie must not be disturbed. Local elites are in fact officials who
ensure that extraction processes continue without difficulty. Their role is to meet the
needs of capital accumulation. For some frills, some older smaller ones, these elites,
either in the form of politicians or larger or smaller local capitalists, or more broadly
the "middle class", must ensure that workers go to work and produce a lot of plus-value,
while receiving some misery salaries that can hardly survive, while extreme poverty
reaches new records, while the natural environment is devastated for the capitalists'
accumulation needs.
Everything is devoured by the foreign capital, helped by the local one (who lives in his
shadow, and is satisfied with the cramps that drown them) and by the lace of the reaction,
at least a few, who see communism everywhere. Meanwhile, the workers are working to the
maximum, they are poured out of the last energy left, so that the profits of foreign and
local capitalists are as big as possible. Their life is bitterness, alienation, suffering,
frustration and routine. And in the meantime the profits continue, the businesses go ahead
undisturbed; vampires are never satisfied, their hunger is unpopular.
PSD - Party of the bourgeoisie
The PSD is a bourgeois party. Here we are revolutionary socialists and reject the
electoral path as something that can be used to abolish capitalism or to obtain any
immediate gains of substance or duration. Any gains had the working class in capitalism,
it earned them through direct action and struggle against capitalists, not by any kind of
benevolence from bourgeois politicians. Being a bourgeois party, the PSD defends the
interests of the bourgeoisie - linked to capital accumulation, extravagance by the
exploitation of proletarians. Taking into account the colonial context of Romania, the PSD
defends the interests of local bourgeoisie and foreign capital. In this way we have to
refer to PSD. All recent PSD decisions (lowering the single rate, moving contributions to
employees,
A short bracket, we being socialists instead of liberals, we did not consider moving
workers' contributions as an "outrage," and the bourgeoisie no longer paid for their
employees. Since we believe that the bourgeoisie produces nothing, that their profits are
in any case the unpaid work of the workers, that only work can produce value, that workers
are exploited through the nature of production and property relations in bourgeois
society, that the whole capitalist society is a worker's exhaustion, this transfer of
contributions could only result in a possible labor shortage, allowing capitalists to
accumulate a larger part of the work done by the workers. Such indignation as we have seen
in the native "left" (to be read pro-capitalist liberals) without mentioning that the more
unfair than a potential labor cost reduction (what could have been the consequence of that
shift of contributions) is THE TOTAL the social arrangement that is built on private
property and the exploitation of the proletariat by that privileged minority which owns
and controls the means of production has served only to the interests of the bourgeoisie
which allows such a fine dialogue that can be reproduced at the tv at talkshow- high
audience audiences. Thus, we can see how some who claim to defend the cause of the
proletarians are nothing but opportunists who live at the table with the bourgeoisie and
who depend on existence which allows for such a fine dialogue that can be reproduced on TV
at high audience talk shows. Thus, we can see how some who claim to defend the cause of
the proletarians are nothing but opportunists who live at the table with the bourgeoisie
and who depend on existence which allows for such a fine dialogue that can be reproduced
on TV at high audience talk shows. Thus, we can see how some who claim to defend the cause
of the proletarians are nothing but opportunists who live at the table with the
bourgeoisie and who depend on existenceof the world as it is today. I ended the bracket.
Returning to PSD, he works strictly in the needs of capital. Like other parties, they are
righteous and answer the orders of the imperialists who de facto control the country.
Perhaps the difference between PSD and other bourgeois parties is that PSD depends to a
greater extent on local capital (those so-called local barons and their firms living with
business with the state). Maybe the PSD is a more representative party for the interests
of local capital than the others focusing strictly on the needs of the capital (investors'
needs, the discourse always focused on attracting "investors", the pathological emphasis
already placed on the infrastructure needed for investors, on increasing the country's
attractiveness for investments , etc. - all being formulas that do not mean anything good
for the workers, on the contrary, behind them is a lot of suffering and exploitation).
Perhaps PSD can see some potential friction between local and foreign capital. Perhaps
that is why some Imperialists do not gaze equally favorably on the PSD against the other
parties. We know, we know, all these are assumptions and suppositions, but we believe we
are better than any PSD analyzes or approaches we have seen in the public space, both
right-wing and left-wing (liberals). However, we believe that there are elements that
support this analysis. One is the specificity of fascism that accompanies on the one hand
the PSD and on the other the parties assumed on the right. PSD being a more inclined party
than the others to the local capital is accompanied by a native fascism, focused on
traditionalism, conservatism, nationalism. More similar and closer to legionary. We see
this in support of the Coalition for the Family and the appropriation of the Orthodox
Church. On the other hand, we have European colorful fascism, also imported by American
and Western financial support for ultraconservative religious cults similar to American
evangelists. Colorful fascism is technocratic, is Euromaidan, and prioritises the
interests of foreign capital, great. Friction between capital and friction between
different types of fascism. That's what we think is the order of the day in Romania.
Nowhere can the interests of the working class be found, and all these factions of the
dominant local and foreign classes are anti-proletarian and their interests are
antagonistic to the interests of the working class.
Middle class uprising
Middle class revolt is largely in favor of foreign capital. I have already described in
the previous article how these and what material interests they serve at an ideological
level. What becomes increasingly visible through the radicalization of these elements is
the European, technocratic, anti-communist, pro-Western fascism that dominates in
neighboring Ukraine. Behind #resist not only the interests of foreign capital, but also
the frustrations of parts of the population who believe that they are most needed, that
they should receive more, and that they were wronged somehow. Their revolt is the
alt-right revolt in the United States. Guilty of the fact that they do not receive as much
as they want, do not live as "out", they do not have the country as out, they are the
poor, the illiterate, the low wage workers, and all those who for various reasons voted
with PSD "communists" in other words, all those who do not sufficiently facilitate the
interests of capital and capital accumulation, because that would allow them to receive
what they owe. In classical fascist style, middle classes when they feel frustrated and
dissatisfied with what capitalism offers them hit down. The first line of defense of
capitalism, its most loyal protectors.
Their revolt began in 2013. You like it or not like it, dear "leftists" who read these
lines, the first episode was around the Save Rosia Montana campaign. There it started to
clot. We are not discussing a justified fight against a capitalist and colonialist project
that would extract natural resources and detonate the area on an ecological level. We are
talking about the form that this movement has taken and the function it served to
coagulate a movement of the urban and pro-Western middle class. From there it started and
then became more and more virulent. He went on with the Collective protests, then with the
2014 elections, then last year with amnesty laws and hell knows what other pretexts can
still be found. The idea is simple. People want to take their country back. And that's
what we're witnessing. People want capitalism outside and are confident that something
steals their privileges. That is PSD and its affinity for local fascism and local capital.
#Rezist wants Western technocratic fascism and corporate civilization. We can see how in
all this conflict the interests of the bourgeoisie, whichever it takes, by the ideological
charge that seeks to see communism in the local capital and in the native fascism. For
foreign capital, for its supporters, for European fascism, local capital and local fascism
is communism. whatever it is, it is the primordial charge that seeks to see communism in
the local capital and in the native fascism. For foreign capital, for its supporters, for
European fascism, local capital and local fascism is communism. whatever it is, it is the
primordial charge that seeks to see communism in the local capital and in the native
fascism. For foreign capital, for its supporters, for European fascism, local capital and
local fascism is communism.
Diaspora, a tool of imperialism
Specifically not only to Romania but to the entire Eastern European space, is the
reactionary character of the so-called "Diaspora". From the 90s to the present, in
Romania, emigrated 4-5 million people as a result of the recolonization of the country and
the economic destruction that accompanied it. The result of recolonization was to provide
a cheap labor pool for Western capitalists either in Romania directly or in Western
countries as a result of migration. The only ones to win were the capitalists. This has
happened throughout Eastern Europe. Millions of Romanians emigrated because they died of
hunger, and thus became a cheap and precarious labor force in Western Europe and beyond.
They have arrived there to do the worst-paid and most unpleasant work, the effect being
that the labor price of those countries has also fallen, the workers there suddenly have
competition from desperate people to work on wages as small as possible. A dream situation
for capitalists. Not these are diaspora. Diaspora are those privileged "expats" in the
countries they reached. They are students at Western European universities, they are
people with well-paid professions, they are people who through a favorable conjuncture
have become small bourgeois through those countries and who have so lulled the bourgeois
soles that they have come to believe that they are part of of their own physiognomy, and
of course there are some proletarians who have both anti-Communism in their head that they
have come to identify with their masters and shout against communism and their own
interests. But they are not the majority of those who were forced to emigrate. They are a
reactionary minority, an anti-communist extension, imperialist, imperialist, small
bourgeoisie and middle-class middle class. They are the ones who threaten their parents
and grandparents in the country that if they do not vote with Iohannis in 2014 they will
not send them money to survive, they are the ones who hate the elders because they lived
under another regime and they are not enough capitalists. They are those who in America
and Canada create associations of anti-Communist Romanians and organize libraries and
legionary spaces. "Diaspora" has been and is being used by American imperialist
monstrosity to destabilize and change regimes in Eastern Europe. The Romanian workers on
the Sicilian farms exploited and raped are not diaspora. Romanian workers held in slavery
through different countries, or forced to work and non-paid, are not diaspora. They would
not have the time and energy to travel hundreds of miles to vote in 2014. They would most
likely have been indifferent to those elections. Diaspora is what we see at PROTV and
Romania I Love You when we present young and successful Romanians through Sillicon Valley
or members of any privileged class through the West. Those are the people who make us
"honor" that we must "pride" on. The diaspora is that washed-out image of Romania, a
racist and colonial picture. Diaspora was the one who continued the Orange Revolution in
2009, which turned Basescu's vote back. The Diaspora is the one who, when he comes to take
his country back, puts everyone in a cure of ultra-capitalism. They're leaving, we stay.
And we suffer. Where was the diaspora in 2010 when the Basescu-Boc government cut and
hung, and the consequences were catastrophic for the working and poor population of the
country. Where was Diaspora in 2012 when people revolted against the class war conducted
by the international bourgeois institutions against the Romanian proletariat? Diaspora is
a tool of reaction, an extension of pro-Western, anti-communist, pro-American fascism
whose manifestations we see these days. Diaspora also played an important role in the
fascist Ukrainian coup. pro-American whose manifestations we see these days. Diaspora also
played an important role in the fascist Ukrainian coup. pro-American whose manifestations
we see these days. Diaspora also played an important role in the fascist Ukrainian coup.
There are many similarities between the situation in Romania and the case of Ukraine. What
prevents us from considering them the same is that in Romania, the country has already
been colonized since the 1990s at a level that was not possible in Ukraine without that
fascist state coup. We do not believe that PSD would not respond to any imperialist
requirement if it were given an ultimatum. It would not take a coup. Yet similarities
remain. Including street violence. So did Euromaidan. Beautiful young, pro-Western,
anti-Communist and anti-corruption who have provided the land on which the fascist hard
wing will later come, and then they retreat and give them free hand while mimicking the
disapproval and wonder that one has happened like this. The same thing we see here.
Police, violence and left
And so we come to Pasolini's quote above and to the state's question, the violence of the
state, the response to this violence, and the bankrupt analysis of local villagers. The
Pasolini in those verses referred to the anti-capitalist students of the movements of the
late 1960s and criticized, besides the Italian Communist Party's shortcomings, that those
movements were dominated by small bourgeois, be they radicals, which would explain the
subsequent collapse of those movements. The things we are currently witnessing do not
compare to that scenario in the sense that protesters not only represent privileged
segments of the population but also have an explicit reactionary agenda. We being
anarchists and communists have a materialistic analysis of the state that helps us to
understand it as an instrument of exercising class bourgeois domination over the
proletariat. The state defends bourgeois private property and the interests of the
bourgeoisie, while suppressing the proletariat and vigorously maintaining the hierarchies
and divisions existing within the proletariat. That is what the state does through its
repressive apparatus: police, army, secret services, tribunals, prosecutors, etc. To these
harmful institutions and to the entire bourgeois state must oppose us and the conscious
and organized working class, the opponents of structural violence, injustice, exploitation
and oppression. However, we can not take the side of anyone who opposes the bourgeois
state in any context. For example, we can not solidify or support a fascist insurrection
on a state. Again we can not condemn the violence of the state when it is directed against
fascists or fundamentalists. We are socialists, not liberals. If a state is violent
against fascists it's a good thing. The problem is that no state is really fighting
against fascists because the state and fascists also defend the interests of the
capitalists. We can not really talk of state violence against the # reactionary movement.
When you have the secret services, the DNA, the president of the country, the US Embassy,
the international and local press, the European institutions, you can hardly consider
yourself a martyr in the fight against injustice. So please, dear ladies, when you see a
riot or a mole or a fight with the police, look at the context, think twice before joining
and hurry to condemn the repressive state institutions to encourage and legitimize
something worse than the status quo. It is hard to believe that we need to say that. Not
every rebellion is progressive, behind it can hide the reaction and fascism. We do not
want to defend the rights of some reactionaries thinking that we are defending ourselves.
We do not make illusions, we know that if we were in the market we would have had a much
more unpleasant treatment. Let us think that instead of a "anti-corruption" protest
supported by all the bourgeois institutions, imperialism and the international reaction
there would have been a massive anti-capitalist demonstration. It is quite clear to us
that it would otherwise have been. We can not defend the reactionaries when they are a
little wrinkled by the state. We know that when the time comes, we will have to face the
full force of the state in the service of the bourgeoisie. We do not believe in the
possibility of the bourgeoisie abandoning its domination and leaving the scene of history
without violence. A proletarian revolution can not be peaceful because the bourgeoisie
will trigger civil war if it feels it is in danger of being expropriated. We are not
revolutionary anti-violence, we believe that the proletariat must be able to defend and
defeat the military bourgeoisie when the time comes. But we are anti-fascists, and a
beaten fascist, even the representatives of a reactionary institution of a bourgeois
state, is a good thing. It's always a good thing when fascists are beaten.
When you have cops or gendarmers who face fascists or reactionaries, it's hard not to take
the first part. Yes, their function serves the interests of the bourgeoisie. Yeah, I'm
through that uniform traitors to the interests of the classes I belong to. And yes, the
time will come when a direct confrontation of the proletarian mass will be needed with
state forces. And at that point at least part of these soldiers or policemen will need to
remember where they come from and join with their brothers and sisters in the working
class. This is the case in every revolution. Until then, we will not be enthusiastic at
the sight of a gendarmerie beaten by fascists on the grounds that ACAB, nor will we
legitimize a reactionary movement in the service of capital, and we certainly will not
explain that they are justified in their anti-communist and anti-proletarian insurrection.
We will, however, oppose any form of fascism, be it west or local.
Unlike this reactionary middle class movement, we are even opposed to repressive and
authoritarian institutions, and we want to eliminate them from society. With all their
anti-gendarmerie speech and anti-state authority, protest supporters want to strengthen
them and direct their appreciation to those repressive institutions such as the carcass
and secret services. We can not fail to notice very easily their hypocrisy when it comes
to the issue of repression. They want to have repressive institutions, but to be used
against others, the lower ones.
As for the working class, our position remains the same one year ago. We, a revolutionary
minority, and also proletarians in our turn, have to make our voice heard among the
workers. We must develop revolutionary political organizations that promote the socialist
project in all its dimensions among the masses, and we must lay the foundations of
organizations capable of fighting class struggle both for some material momentum
improvements of the condition of the proletariat, but above all for the abolition of
capitalism. It is necessary for these organizations to have a materialistic analysis of
the forms of oppression that divide and rank the local and international proletariat. In
other words, we need to have an intersectional analysis of material conditions. That is
the only way we can hope for unity among the working class. This is not just something
desirable but is critical to survival. Capitalism decomposes and with us it pulls everyone
down. Fascism is here. In various forms, he upsets his head. We have to prepare if we want
to have a chance to survive.
https://iasromania.wordpress.com/2018/08/12/mijlocul-extrem-si-fascismul-care-vine/
------------------------------
Message: 2
For the launch of the 2018 Dublin anarchist bookfair we brought anarchist author Mark Bray
over from the US to tell us about 'Pushing back the alt-right in the US'. Mark, who is the
author of 'The Anti-Fascist Handbook' looked at what worked for anti-fascists over the
last year.[video][audio] ---- This was a period that opened with the large neo-fascist
mobilisation in Charlottesville during which they murdered anti-fascist protester Heather
Heyer. It also saw several other major battles where fascists attacked anti-fascists but
where they were more and more often defeated. In the last months their main spokespeople
admitted there post Trump election hopes of expansion had been contained by anti-fascist
mobilisations. ---- https://youtu.be/B5Qds6YdBOE ----
https://www.mixcloud.com/workerssolidarity/pushing-back-the-alt-right-in-the-usa-author-mark-bray-speaks-at-dublin-anarchist-bookfair/
https://wsm.ie/c/pushing-back-alt-right-dabf2018
------------------------------
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End of A-infos-en Digest, Vol 161, Issue 26
*******************************************
audio (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Now, journalists from all over the world are kissing you (as they say in universities, I
think). I'm not, my friends. ---- You have faces for Dad's boys. ---- Your clean look does
not lie. ---- You have that bad look. ---- You are scared, unsure, desperate (very good)
---- but you also know how to be spoiled, ---- bastards and arrogants: ---- small
bourgeois values, friends. ---- When you were at Villa Giulia yesterday and beat up with
the police, ---- I sympathized with the police! ---- Because the policemen are the sons of
the poor ---- They come from the periphery, urban and rural. ---- We are all against the
police. ---- But try to go right against the courts, ---- and then you will see! ---- The
police boys that you in the sacrament of violence ---- You beat Dad's boys, ---- They
belong to the other class. ---- In Valle Giulia yesterday, an episode happened
From class struggle: And you, friends (though on the good side)
you were the rich,
While the policemen (who were on the bad side)
were the poor.
- Pier Paolo Pasolini
In Romania the middle class revolt continues. From the article I wrote last February when
anti-government protests erupted and so far the uprising has been radically constant, and
the elements that make up it have become more and more virulent. We maintain our last
year's views on the character of this protest movement and we will continue to express an
opinion from revolutionary anti-capitalist and communist anarchist positions. Let's be
clear from the beginning, we write like people who want to abolish revolutionary
capitalism and the bourgeois state. We believe that only an international proletarian
revolution can save civilization and the planet from barbarism and total collapse. We are
Communists and we are anarchists.
Let's first talk about the PSD quickly and what was its recent evolution, then focus on
the reactionary revolt we are witnessing. But in order to do this, we must first recall
the present position of Romania. We can not discuss the government party without making a
materialistic analysis of the context in which this party governs.
Romania is, as I mentioned in the previous article, a country completely colonized by the
Western imperialist powers. We can discuss whether we are in a semi-colonial, peripheral
or neocolonial context, the basic idea remains the same: the country is dominated by
Western capital, both economically and politically. Western bourgeois exploits free and,
at its own expense, natural resources and local labor. Everything is dominated and
subordinated to the logic of capital accumulation. All that is allowed at the discursive
level and by events of any kind, including protest, must not disturb this process and must
take place in well-defined boundaries. The accumulation of capital and extraction of value
by the Western bourgeoisie must not be disturbed. Local elites are in fact officials who
ensure that extraction processes continue without difficulty. Their role is to meet the
needs of capital accumulation. For some frills, some older smaller ones, these elites,
either in the form of politicians or larger or smaller local capitalists, or more broadly
the "middle class", must ensure that workers go to work and produce a lot of plus-value,
while receiving some misery salaries that can hardly survive, while extreme poverty
reaches new records, while the natural environment is devastated for the capitalists'
accumulation needs.
Everything is devoured by the foreign capital, helped by the local one (who lives in his
shadow, and is satisfied with the cramps that drown them) and by the lace of the reaction,
at least a few, who see communism everywhere. Meanwhile, the workers are working to the
maximum, they are poured out of the last energy left, so that the profits of foreign and
local capitalists are as big as possible. Their life is bitterness, alienation, suffering,
frustration and routine. And in the meantime the profits continue, the businesses go ahead
undisturbed; vampires are never satisfied, their hunger is unpopular.
PSD - Party of the bourgeoisie
The PSD is a bourgeois party. Here we are revolutionary socialists and reject the
electoral path as something that can be used to abolish capitalism or to obtain any
immediate gains of substance or duration. Any gains had the working class in capitalism,
it earned them through direct action and struggle against capitalists, not by any kind of
benevolence from bourgeois politicians. Being a bourgeois party, the PSD defends the
interests of the bourgeoisie - linked to capital accumulation, extravagance by the
exploitation of proletarians. Taking into account the colonial context of Romania, the PSD
defends the interests of local bourgeoisie and foreign capital. In this way we have to
refer to PSD. All recent PSD decisions (lowering the single rate, moving contributions to
employees,
A short bracket, we being socialists instead of liberals, we did not consider moving
workers' contributions as an "outrage," and the bourgeoisie no longer paid for their
employees. Since we believe that the bourgeoisie produces nothing, that their profits are
in any case the unpaid work of the workers, that only work can produce value, that workers
are exploited through the nature of production and property relations in bourgeois
society, that the whole capitalist society is a worker's exhaustion, this transfer of
contributions could only result in a possible labor shortage, allowing capitalists to
accumulate a larger part of the work done by the workers. Such indignation as we have seen
in the native "left" (to be read pro-capitalist liberals) without mentioning that the more
unfair than a potential labor cost reduction (what could have been the consequence of that
shift of contributions) is THE TOTAL the social arrangement that is built on private
property and the exploitation of the proletariat by that privileged minority which owns
and controls the means of production has served only to the interests of the bourgeoisie
which allows such a fine dialogue that can be reproduced at the tv at talkshow- high
audience audiences. Thus, we can see how some who claim to defend the cause of the
proletarians are nothing but opportunists who live at the table with the bourgeoisie and
who depend on existence which allows for such a fine dialogue that can be reproduced on TV
at high audience talk shows. Thus, we can see how some who claim to defend the cause of
the proletarians are nothing but opportunists who live at the table with the bourgeoisie
and who depend on existence which allows for such a fine dialogue that can be reproduced
on TV at high audience talk shows. Thus, we can see how some who claim to defend the cause
of the proletarians are nothing but opportunists who live at the table with the
bourgeoisie and who depend on existenceof the world as it is today. I ended the bracket.
Returning to PSD, he works strictly in the needs of capital. Like other parties, they are
righteous and answer the orders of the imperialists who de facto control the country.
Perhaps the difference between PSD and other bourgeois parties is that PSD depends to a
greater extent on local capital (those so-called local barons and their firms living with
business with the state). Maybe the PSD is a more representative party for the interests
of local capital than the others focusing strictly on the needs of the capital (investors'
needs, the discourse always focused on attracting "investors", the pathological emphasis
already placed on the infrastructure needed for investors, on increasing the country's
attractiveness for investments , etc. - all being formulas that do not mean anything good
for the workers, on the contrary, behind them is a lot of suffering and exploitation).
Perhaps PSD can see some potential friction between local and foreign capital. Perhaps
that is why some Imperialists do not gaze equally favorably on the PSD against the other
parties. We know, we know, all these are assumptions and suppositions, but we believe we
are better than any PSD analyzes or approaches we have seen in the public space, both
right-wing and left-wing (liberals). However, we believe that there are elements that
support this analysis. One is the specificity of fascism that accompanies on the one hand
the PSD and on the other the parties assumed on the right. PSD being a more inclined party
than the others to the local capital is accompanied by a native fascism, focused on
traditionalism, conservatism, nationalism. More similar and closer to legionary. We see
this in support of the Coalition for the Family and the appropriation of the Orthodox
Church. On the other hand, we have European colorful fascism, also imported by American
and Western financial support for ultraconservative religious cults similar to American
evangelists. Colorful fascism is technocratic, is Euromaidan, and prioritises the
interests of foreign capital, great. Friction between capital and friction between
different types of fascism. That's what we think is the order of the day in Romania.
Nowhere can the interests of the working class be found, and all these factions of the
dominant local and foreign classes are anti-proletarian and their interests are
antagonistic to the interests of the working class.
Middle class uprising
Middle class revolt is largely in favor of foreign capital. I have already described in
the previous article how these and what material interests they serve at an ideological
level. What becomes increasingly visible through the radicalization of these elements is
the European, technocratic, anti-communist, pro-Western fascism that dominates in
neighboring Ukraine. Behind #resist not only the interests of foreign capital, but also
the frustrations of parts of the population who believe that they are most needed, that
they should receive more, and that they were wronged somehow. Their revolt is the
alt-right revolt in the United States. Guilty of the fact that they do not receive as much
as they want, do not live as "out", they do not have the country as out, they are the
poor, the illiterate, the low wage workers, and all those who for various reasons voted
with PSD "communists" in other words, all those who do not sufficiently facilitate the
interests of capital and capital accumulation, because that would allow them to receive
what they owe. In classical fascist style, middle classes when they feel frustrated and
dissatisfied with what capitalism offers them hit down. The first line of defense of
capitalism, its most loyal protectors.
Their revolt began in 2013. You like it or not like it, dear "leftists" who read these
lines, the first episode was around the Save Rosia Montana campaign. There it started to
clot. We are not discussing a justified fight against a capitalist and colonialist project
that would extract natural resources and detonate the area on an ecological level. We are
talking about the form that this movement has taken and the function it served to
coagulate a movement of the urban and pro-Western middle class. From there it started and
then became more and more virulent. He went on with the Collective protests, then with the
2014 elections, then last year with amnesty laws and hell knows what other pretexts can
still be found. The idea is simple. People want to take their country back. And that's
what we're witnessing. People want capitalism outside and are confident that something
steals their privileges. That is PSD and its affinity for local fascism and local capital.
#Rezist wants Western technocratic fascism and corporate civilization. We can see how in
all this conflict the interests of the bourgeoisie, whichever it takes, by the ideological
charge that seeks to see communism in the local capital and in the native fascism. For
foreign capital, for its supporters, for European fascism, local capital and local fascism
is communism. whatever it is, it is the primordial charge that seeks to see communism in
the local capital and in the native fascism. For foreign capital, for its supporters, for
European fascism, local capital and local fascism is communism. whatever it is, it is the
primordial charge that seeks to see communism in the local capital and in the native
fascism. For foreign capital, for its supporters, for European fascism, local capital and
local fascism is communism.
Diaspora, a tool of imperialism
Specifically not only to Romania but to the entire Eastern European space, is the
reactionary character of the so-called "Diaspora". From the 90s to the present, in
Romania, emigrated 4-5 million people as a result of the recolonization of the country and
the economic destruction that accompanied it. The result of recolonization was to provide
a cheap labor pool for Western capitalists either in Romania directly or in Western
countries as a result of migration. The only ones to win were the capitalists. This has
happened throughout Eastern Europe. Millions of Romanians emigrated because they died of
hunger, and thus became a cheap and precarious labor force in Western Europe and beyond.
They have arrived there to do the worst-paid and most unpleasant work, the effect being
that the labor price of those countries has also fallen, the workers there suddenly have
competition from desperate people to work on wages as small as possible. A dream situation
for capitalists. Not these are diaspora. Diaspora are those privileged "expats" in the
countries they reached. They are students at Western European universities, they are
people with well-paid professions, they are people who through a favorable conjuncture
have become small bourgeois through those countries and who have so lulled the bourgeois
soles that they have come to believe that they are part of of their own physiognomy, and
of course there are some proletarians who have both anti-Communism in their head that they
have come to identify with their masters and shout against communism and their own
interests. But they are not the majority of those who were forced to emigrate. They are a
reactionary minority, an anti-communist extension, imperialist, imperialist, small
bourgeoisie and middle-class middle class. They are the ones who threaten their parents
and grandparents in the country that if they do not vote with Iohannis in 2014 they will
not send them money to survive, they are the ones who hate the elders because they lived
under another regime and they are not enough capitalists. They are those who in America
and Canada create associations of anti-Communist Romanians and organize libraries and
legionary spaces. "Diaspora" has been and is being used by American imperialist
monstrosity to destabilize and change regimes in Eastern Europe. The Romanian workers on
the Sicilian farms exploited and raped are not diaspora. Romanian workers held in slavery
through different countries, or forced to work and non-paid, are not diaspora. They would
not have the time and energy to travel hundreds of miles to vote in 2014. They would most
likely have been indifferent to those elections. Diaspora is what we see at PROTV and
Romania I Love You when we present young and successful Romanians through Sillicon Valley
or members of any privileged class through the West. Those are the people who make us
"honor" that we must "pride" on. The diaspora is that washed-out image of Romania, a
racist and colonial picture. Diaspora was the one who continued the Orange Revolution in
2009, which turned Basescu's vote back. The Diaspora is the one who, when he comes to take
his country back, puts everyone in a cure of ultra-capitalism. They're leaving, we stay.
And we suffer. Where was the diaspora in 2010 when the Basescu-Boc government cut and
hung, and the consequences were catastrophic for the working and poor population of the
country. Where was Diaspora in 2012 when people revolted against the class war conducted
by the international bourgeois institutions against the Romanian proletariat? Diaspora is
a tool of reaction, an extension of pro-Western, anti-communist, pro-American fascism
whose manifestations we see these days. Diaspora also played an important role in the
fascist Ukrainian coup. pro-American whose manifestations we see these days. Diaspora also
played an important role in the fascist Ukrainian coup. pro-American whose manifestations
we see these days. Diaspora also played an important role in the fascist Ukrainian coup.
There are many similarities between the situation in Romania and the case of Ukraine. What
prevents us from considering them the same is that in Romania, the country has already
been colonized since the 1990s at a level that was not possible in Ukraine without that
fascist state coup. We do not believe that PSD would not respond to any imperialist
requirement if it were given an ultimatum. It would not take a coup. Yet similarities
remain. Including street violence. So did Euromaidan. Beautiful young, pro-Western,
anti-Communist and anti-corruption who have provided the land on which the fascist hard
wing will later come, and then they retreat and give them free hand while mimicking the
disapproval and wonder that one has happened like this. The same thing we see here.
Police, violence and left
And so we come to Pasolini's quote above and to the state's question, the violence of the
state, the response to this violence, and the bankrupt analysis of local villagers. The
Pasolini in those verses referred to the anti-capitalist students of the movements of the
late 1960s and criticized, besides the Italian Communist Party's shortcomings, that those
movements were dominated by small bourgeois, be they radicals, which would explain the
subsequent collapse of those movements. The things we are currently witnessing do not
compare to that scenario in the sense that protesters not only represent privileged
segments of the population but also have an explicit reactionary agenda. We being
anarchists and communists have a materialistic analysis of the state that helps us to
understand it as an instrument of exercising class bourgeois domination over the
proletariat. The state defends bourgeois private property and the interests of the
bourgeoisie, while suppressing the proletariat and vigorously maintaining the hierarchies
and divisions existing within the proletariat. That is what the state does through its
repressive apparatus: police, army, secret services, tribunals, prosecutors, etc. To these
harmful institutions and to the entire bourgeois state must oppose us and the conscious
and organized working class, the opponents of structural violence, injustice, exploitation
and oppression. However, we can not take the side of anyone who opposes the bourgeois
state in any context. For example, we can not solidify or support a fascist insurrection
on a state. Again we can not condemn the violence of the state when it is directed against
fascists or fundamentalists. We are socialists, not liberals. If a state is violent
against fascists it's a good thing. The problem is that no state is really fighting
against fascists because the state and fascists also defend the interests of the
capitalists. We can not really talk of state violence against the # reactionary movement.
When you have the secret services, the DNA, the president of the country, the US Embassy,
the international and local press, the European institutions, you can hardly consider
yourself a martyr in the fight against injustice. So please, dear ladies, when you see a
riot or a mole or a fight with the police, look at the context, think twice before joining
and hurry to condemn the repressive state institutions to encourage and legitimize
something worse than the status quo. It is hard to believe that we need to say that. Not
every rebellion is progressive, behind it can hide the reaction and fascism. We do not
want to defend the rights of some reactionaries thinking that we are defending ourselves.
We do not make illusions, we know that if we were in the market we would have had a much
more unpleasant treatment. Let us think that instead of a "anti-corruption" protest
supported by all the bourgeois institutions, imperialism and the international reaction
there would have been a massive anti-capitalist demonstration. It is quite clear to us
that it would otherwise have been. We can not defend the reactionaries when they are a
little wrinkled by the state. We know that when the time comes, we will have to face the
full force of the state in the service of the bourgeoisie. We do not believe in the
possibility of the bourgeoisie abandoning its domination and leaving the scene of history
without violence. A proletarian revolution can not be peaceful because the bourgeoisie
will trigger civil war if it feels it is in danger of being expropriated. We are not
revolutionary anti-violence, we believe that the proletariat must be able to defend and
defeat the military bourgeoisie when the time comes. But we are anti-fascists, and a
beaten fascist, even the representatives of a reactionary institution of a bourgeois
state, is a good thing. It's always a good thing when fascists are beaten.
When you have cops or gendarmers who face fascists or reactionaries, it's hard not to take
the first part. Yes, their function serves the interests of the bourgeoisie. Yeah, I'm
through that uniform traitors to the interests of the classes I belong to. And yes, the
time will come when a direct confrontation of the proletarian mass will be needed with
state forces. And at that point at least part of these soldiers or policemen will need to
remember where they come from and join with their brothers and sisters in the working
class. This is the case in every revolution. Until then, we will not be enthusiastic at
the sight of a gendarmerie beaten by fascists on the grounds that ACAB, nor will we
legitimize a reactionary movement in the service of capital, and we certainly will not
explain that they are justified in their anti-communist and anti-proletarian insurrection.
We will, however, oppose any form of fascism, be it west or local.
Unlike this reactionary middle class movement, we are even opposed to repressive and
authoritarian institutions, and we want to eliminate them from society. With all their
anti-gendarmerie speech and anti-state authority, protest supporters want to strengthen
them and direct their appreciation to those repressive institutions such as the carcass
and secret services. We can not fail to notice very easily their hypocrisy when it comes
to the issue of repression. They want to have repressive institutions, but to be used
against others, the lower ones.
As for the working class, our position remains the same one year ago. We, a revolutionary
minority, and also proletarians in our turn, have to make our voice heard among the
workers. We must develop revolutionary political organizations that promote the socialist
project in all its dimensions among the masses, and we must lay the foundations of
organizations capable of fighting class struggle both for some material momentum
improvements of the condition of the proletariat, but above all for the abolition of
capitalism. It is necessary for these organizations to have a materialistic analysis of
the forms of oppression that divide and rank the local and international proletariat. In
other words, we need to have an intersectional analysis of material conditions. That is
the only way we can hope for unity among the working class. This is not just something
desirable but is critical to survival. Capitalism decomposes and with us it pulls everyone
down. Fascism is here. In various forms, he upsets his head. We have to prepare if we want
to have a chance to survive.
https://iasromania.wordpress.com/2018/08/12/mijlocul-extrem-si-fascismul-care-vine/
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Message: 2
For the launch of the 2018 Dublin anarchist bookfair we brought anarchist author Mark Bray
over from the US to tell us about 'Pushing back the alt-right in the US'. Mark, who is the
author of 'The Anti-Fascist Handbook' looked at what worked for anti-fascists over the
last year.[video][audio] ---- This was a period that opened with the large neo-fascist
mobilisation in Charlottesville during which they murdered anti-fascist protester Heather
Heyer. It also saw several other major battles where fascists attacked anti-fascists but
where they were more and more often defeated. In the last months their main spokespeople
admitted there post Trump election hopes of expansion had been contained by anti-fascist
mobilisations. ---- https://youtu.be/B5Qds6YdBOE ----
https://www.mixcloud.com/workerssolidarity/pushing-back-the-alt-right-in-the-usa-author-mark-bray-speaks-at-dublin-anarchist-bookfair/
https://wsm.ie/c/pushing-back-alt-right-dabf2018
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End of A-infos-en Digest, Vol 161, Issue 26
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