Today's Topics:
1. Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement AWSM: Platform of the
Federation of Anarchist Communists of Bulgaria
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Montreuil - international,
Kanaky acclaimed at solidarity meeting in Paris (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. [Spain] CGT hopes that Franco's exhumation will be the first
step towards the recognition and reparation of the memory of its
victims By ANA (pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. black rosefed: COPEI: COMMENTARY ON ARMED STRUGGLE AND
FOQUISMO IN LATIN AMERICA (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #286 - Psychiatry: We
tighten our belts, or we climb on the roof (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Belarus, pramen: Graffiti action against lawlessness of the
authorities in Minsk. (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
AWSM Note: We re-publish below a document of historical interest to the Platformist and
Anarcho-Communist movement which highlights the existence of an Anarchist organisation in
a part of the world and period often overlooked due to subsequent political events. ----
Federatsia na Anarkho Komunistite ot Balgaria - FAKB ---- 1945 ---- Basic Positions ----
We reject the present social system of State and capitalist centralisation, as it is
founded on the principle of the State which is contrary to the initiative and freedom of
the people. Every form of power involves economic, political or spiritual privilege. Its
application on an economic level is represented by private property, on a political level
by the State and on a spiritual level by religion. These three forms of power are linked.
If you touch one, the others are changed and, inversely, if you keep one form of power, it
will inevitably lead to the re-establishment of the other two. This is why we repudiate
the very principle of power.
We are supporters of the abolition of private property, of the State and of religion, and
of the total suppression of every form and institution of constraint and violence. We
reject every teaching and every social, political and economic-political movement aimed at
maintaining the State, private property, the church, and constraint and violence in social
relations.
We repudiate fascism, which is a historic attempt to restore absolutism, autocracy and the
strength of the political form of power with the aim of defending the economic and
spiritual dominance of the privileged classes.
We reject political democracy, as it does not foresee the disappearance of the principle
of power, and drives the masses to bewilderment by leading them, through lies and
illusions, into fights which are against their interests, and corrupts them through the
exercise of power and the maintaining of the appetite for domination. Political democracy,
furthermore, shows that it is totally incapable of solving the great social problems and
that it fosters chaos, contradictions and crime as a result of its social foundations
based on the centralised State and capitalism.
We repudiate State socialism as it leads to State capitalism - the most monstrous form of
economic exploitation and oppression, and of total domination of social and individual
freedom.
We are for anarchist communism or free communism, which will replace private property with
the complete socialisation of lands, factories and mines, and of all goods and instruments
of production. The State will be replaced by a federation of free communes regionally,
provincially, nationally and internationally united. The church and religion will be
replaced by a free individual moral and a scientific vision.
Unlike all other socio-economic and political concepts and organisations, Anarchist
Communism is federalist.
The new social organisation that will replace the State will be built and run from the
bottom upwards. All the inhabitants of any given village will form the local free commune,
and all the local free communes will unite regionally, provincially, nationally and
internationally in unions and federations and in a universal general social confederation.
The new organisation of society's production will be formed by a tight network of
countless local agricultural enterprises, artisans, mines, industry, transport, etc.,
united on a regional, provincial, national and international level in production unions
and federations as part of a general confederation of production.
Society's new organisation of exchange, consumption and supply will likewise be
represented by a dense and complex network of regional, provincial and national
organisations, unions and federations, grouped in a general confederation of exchange and
consumption for satisfying the needs of all inhabitants.
All human social activity and all transport, communications, education, healthcare, and so
on, will be organised in a similar fashion.
With this organisational system of all the functions of the various aspects of social
life, there will be no place in society for the power of one individual over another or
for the exploitation of one by another.
The basic principle of production and distribution for the building of the new social
system will be: everyone will produce according to their possibilities and everyone will
receive according to their needs.
Tactics
The realisation of this social ideal of equality, solidarity and freedom can only be
brought about by the united workers and peasant masses, inspired by anarchist communism
and organised into ideological, professional, exchange and consumption, cultural and
educational groups.
Anarchist communism, while repudiating the State, rejects the involvement of the workers
in the administration bodies and institutions of the State, in the parliament and in any
vote for the official management of the State.
As the sole means of efficient struggle, as a defence of the immediate interests of the
working masses, and for the realisation of the full ideal of humanity's freedom, anarchism
recognises only the direct action of the workers themselves, initiated by their economic
organisations and expressed through strikes, sabotage, boycotts, general strikes,
insurrections and the social revolution. In consequence, anarchism rejects all forms of
organisation and struggle by political parties, considering them sterile and ineffective,
unable to respond to the goals and the immediate tasks and to the interests of the workers
in the towns and villages. He true strength of the workers is in the economy and their
economic organisations. Only there lies the terrain where capitalism can be undermined.
Only there lies the true class struggle.
Organisation
The radical social re-organisation demanded by anarchist communism requires the
organisational action of all the forces on whom this historical task is incumbent.
It is above all necessary for the partisans of anarchist communism to be organised in an
anarchist communist ideological organisation.
The tasks of these organisations are:
to develop, realise and spread anarchist communist ideas;
to study all the vital present-day questions affecting the daily lives of the working
masses and the problems of the social reconstruction;
the multifaceted struggle for the defence of our social ideal and the cause of working people;
to participate in the creation of groups of workers on the level of production,
profession, exchange and consumption, culture and education, and all other organisations
that can be useful in the preparation for the social reconstruction;
armed participation in every revolutionary insurrection;
the preparation for and organisation of these events;
the use of every means which can bring on the social revolution.
Anarchist communist ideological organisations are absolutely indispensable in the full
realisation of anarchist communism both before the revolution and after.
These organisations are formed on a local level. Every local organisation chooses a
secretary, whose task is to keep in contact with other similar organisations. The
secretaries of all the organisations of one locality with a certain number of inhabitants
constitute the general organisation of the locality. All the local organisations unite, by
region and province, in regional and provincial unions. Contact between the unions is
assured by the respective secretaries. All the provincial unions of the country are united
in the federation of anarchist communists of Bulgaria. Activities are co-ordinated by the
federal secretariat. The members of each secretariat form part of the local organisation
in their area of residence, and it is obligatory for every initiative of theirs to pass
through the local organisation, and therefore be considered an initiative of the latter.
The secretariats are merely liaison and executive bodies with now power.
Only anarchist communists can be members of the anarchist communist ideological organisations.
A second type of organisation is the workers' syndicate, also based on the federative
principle, organised by workplace or by trade, and united into production or trade unions
in a general federation of workers' syndicates.
These organisations, created with the participation of anarchist communists, adopt the
tactic of direct action and reject the struggles of political parties and all interference
by political parties in the workers' organisations. Their tasks are:
the defence of the immediate interests of the working class;
the struggle to improve the work conditions of the workers;
the study of the problems of production;
the control of production, and the ideological, technical and organisational preparation
of a radical social reconstruction, in which they will have to ensure the continuation of
industrial output.
All workers who accept their structure, tactics and tasks may be members of these
organisations.
When conditions do not permit the existence of such organisations, anarchist communist
workers join other independent syndicalist workers' organisations, while defending their
concept of direct action and their anti-party position. The ORPS[1]would appear to be such
an organisation today.
A third type of organisation must group the peasantry. This is the locally-created
agricultural labour organisation, united on a regional, provincial and national level in a
general federation which, together with the federation of workers' syndicates, make up the
national confederation of labour.
The tasks of these agricultural labour organisations are:
to defend the interests of the landless peasants, those with little land and those with
small parcels of land;
to organise agricultural production groups, to study the problems of agricultural production;
to prepare for the future social reconstruction, in which they will be the pioneers of the
re-organisation and the agricultural production, with the aim of ensuring the subsistence
of the entire population.
The agricultural labour organisations are built on the basis of sector and reject all
struggles by political parties and their interference in the organisations. They apply the
tactic of direct action, whenever possible, in their specific conditions, including
refusing to pay taxes, boycotting the State, production strikes, etc.
The members of these organisations can be landless peasants, those with little land and
those with small parcels of land, who work the land themselves without the use of wage labour.
When the conditions to create such organisations do not exist, anarchist communist
peasants join other similar labour organisations, with the aim of promoting within them
their vision of direct action and struggle against political parties and the tactic of
peasant direct action. The OZPS[2]could be considered such an organisation.
A fourth type of organisation is the co-operative. Anarchist communists participate in all
types of co-operative, bringing to them the spirit of solidarity and of mutual aid against
the spirit of the party and bureaucracy. Agricultural production co-operatives today merit
special attention, as they will become more important and will play a decisive educational
role in the future construction of an anarchist communist social system.
Another type of organisation are those of young people, women, temperance groups,
Esperantists and other cultural organisations whose members support the ideas and the
struggles of the anarchist communist ideological and economic organisations of the working
people.
Relations between the aforementioned organisations are on a functional basis, that
recognises the full freedom and independence of the members and the organisations, and
excludes all external interference and all subordination of one organisation to another.
The reciprocal dependence between the various types of organisation can only be based on
their ideological commonality and unity, the common goal to which they all aspire.
Organisational decisions within anarchist communists organisations are made unanimously,
and not by majority. The decision of the majority is not binding on the minority;
persuasion should always be sought. In practice, the minority generally rallies to the
decision of the majority, which reserves the right to express the correctness of its
position, once it has been demonstrated in fact. Thanks to this principle, which is widely
applied within the anarchist movement, splits, enmities and arguments are rare.
However, within the mass economic organisations and the other organisations, decision are
taken by majority vote and are binding, as only in this way can unity be achieved, unity
that is absolutely indispensable in mass organisations. But in certain cases where there
is profound disagreement, the minority may be freed from the obligation to apply a general
decision, on condition that it does not prevent the execution of such a decision.
All the aforementioned organisations share the common task of preparing the radical social
reconstruction throughout the country. During the social revolution, they will each carry
out (within their own domain) the expropriation and socialisation of the means of
production and of all goods.
Immediate Tasks
At present, the federation of anarchist communists of Bulgaria has adopted the following
slogans:
The creation of free worker and peasant local councils and committees elected directly and
not as representative of political parties, organised and controlled by the people. These
councils and committees must take completely in hand, or control, the political direction
of the country.
The role of these councils and committees is to express the wishes of the working masses
and of co-ordinating the efforts of all in order to construct a complete social system and
ensure its functioning. They are united on local, regional and national levels and
represent the whole people's political force, thought and will.
The adoption by Bulgarian workers and peasants of the International Workers' Association,
to defend the worldwide interests of all working people and impede any forthcoming war.
The clear and categorical rejection of all forms of class collaboration.
Recognition of the right of workers to struggle freely to defend their material interests,
to improve their conditions and to strike.
Workers' control of production and a share of the benefits.
The reduction of wage differences between the various categories of civil servants, State
workers and private sector workers, tending towards the introduction of a family wage.
Exemption from all taxes for workers, low-level employees, small peasants and all low-paid
levels of society.
Free and voluntary agricultural co-operative associations.
Free and voluntary co-operation between small artisan enterprises.
Progression towards a complete co-operative system of exchange, food supply and
consumption, and towards co-operative development to include domestic and foreign trade
and social security.
Increases in the prices of agricultural production up to an average level and a reduction
to the same level of the prices of industrial products, based on real retail prices and a
just and egalitarian remuneration for labour in the towns and countryside.
Organisation of the struggle against speculation and the black market by the labour
associations, producers' associations, exchange and consumption associations and by the
public naming of all speculators and traffickers.
The creation and development of regular, high-quality commercial relations throughout the
country, with the rapid satisfaction of needs with regard to basic essentials, such as
clothing and footwear, through foreign imports.
The financial stabilisation of the country with a streamlining of the bureaucratic
apparatus, with a real (not provisional) State budget and economy, with the complete
elimination of all unnecessary spending (such as the costs of war), and with a real
increase (not just a demagogic one) in the national production.
Complete freedom of speech, of the press and of organisation and assembly for all
non-fascists. The suppression of all State and police control - left over from the fascist
period - of co-operatives, trade unions and other organisations. The government must
fulfil its promises in this regard.
Opposition to all dictatorships of whatever name or colour.
Suppression of the death penalty and of all special laws.
The disappearance of all concentration and labour camps or workhouses with the aim of
punishing; dissolution of the forced labour system, applied as a police method.
Struggle against the remnants of fascism and vigilance against all activity against the
people, under the aegis of the various labour, production and ideological organisations of
the workers and peasants.
The grouping of all worker and democratic elements into egalitarian military unions in
order to resist strongly and effectively the growing reaction.
War reparations to be made by war criminals.
The dissolving of the army, the suppression of obligatory military service and the
militaristic education of young people both inside and outside schools.
The creation of a voluntary popular militia (not controlled by any party), recruitment to
which will be solely effected from among the workers and peasants, and controlled by the
worker-peasant organisations.
Fully scientific teaching and education, free of all political party and class influence,
widely available to the new generations.
Free, widely available healthcare for everyone.
The total exclusion of all religious interference from teaching and the family.
Aid to the population under the control of the labour, production and ideological
organisations of the workers and peasants.
Bread, freedom, peace and jobs for all workers and the progressive layers of the Bulgarian
people.
Long Live the International Solidarity of the Workers!
Long Live Anarchist Communism!
Notes: 1 and 2: We have been unable to trace these organisations, respectively an
industrial union and an agricultural union.
Text taken from the website of the Fondation Pierre Besnard.
Translation from French by Nestor McNab.
Platform of the Federation of Anarchist Communists of Bulgaria
http://awsm.nz/2018/09/20/platform-of-the-federation-of-anarchist-communists-of-bulgaria/
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Message: 2
Should we vote or boycott the November 4 referendum on independence ? Wednesday in Paris,
the USTKE explained its refusal to participate in the masquerade arbitrated by a French
state both judge and party. ---- Room well stocked, Wednesday, September 19, in the great
room of the Paris Stock Exchange. On the wooden benches lustred by generations of union
members, under the corporate emblems of pavers, bakers, founders, tailors, and other old
craftsmen, about 150 people had come to listen to the representatives of the Kanak and
exploited (USTKE) and its political ally, the Labor Party (PT) . ---- The great absent of
the evening was the FLNKS which, despite the invitation that had been made to him, did not
wish to associate with the evening. ---- It's no secret that relations between FLNKS and
USKTE are very tense as the November 4, 2018 referendum on the independence of Kanaky-New
Caledonia approaches.
The FLNKS in fact committed in 1988, with the Noumea agreements , to participate in this
referendum. He therefore calls for voting yes to independence ... without any illusion
about the chances of winning, the Kanak people being now a minority against the settlers [1].
The USTKE and PT, for their part, are not bound by the Nouméa agreements, which they
describe as deception, and therefore call for a boycott of the referendum. The FLNKS
deplores this, believing that this division of the independence movement will aggravate
the defeat announced at the ballot box.
Rock Haocas, PT, explained all this, before André Forest, President of the USTKE, draws a
very gloomy picture of the country's social situation. The Kanak people are still
marginalized there. For example, only 3 % of Kanaks are graduates of higher education
(compared to 25 % of Caldoches) ; On the other hand, they represent 80 % of prisoners in
prison, while they account for 40 % of the population of Caillou.
Comorian, Saharawi, Pan-African lyrics ...
Saïd Bouamama, from the United Front of Immigrations and Popular Neighborhoods (FUIQP)
explained the imperialist stakes of the French state in the Pacific Ocean - thanks to its
island colonies, France is the " second world maritime giant " as loves to to remind him
Mélenchon-la-cocarde.
Also speaking was the association Solidarité Kanaky (which explained the great maneuvers
around the extraction of nickel), the association Survie which recalled that political
independence does not necessarily mean the end of tutelage (the Françafrique attests), the
Polisario Front ( which fights Western Sahara against Moroccan colonialism ), the
Pan-African Umoja League (" unity " in Swahili) and the Collective for the Defense of
Integrity and Sovereignty of the Comoros, which calls for decolonization Mayotte and its
attachment to the archipelago.
From g. to the right, Pan African League delegate Umoja, Survival, André Forest (USTKE)
and Rock Haocas (PT).
Note also the brief tribute to our comrade Gisèle Felhender, buried Tuesday in Pantin. An
activist of Libertarian Alternative and Out of Colonialism, she had been the linchpin for
years of Anticolonial Week and the Anti-colonial Salon of Paris. We will talk about her
again soon.
The audience included activists from AL, CNT, NPA, FUIQP, Ensemble, Solidaires, PIR and
the Kanak Youth Movement in France.
In conclusion, Said Bouamama insisted that the friendly organizations did not have to
interfere in the internal divisions of the independence movement, and testified to his
conviction that from November 5, the day after the referendum, the separatists would know
again stand together against the colonizer. " Long live free Kanaky ! Exclaimed André
Forest in applause, before inviting a friend artist to the gallery. The evening ended with
a few verses of poetry.
William Davranche (AL Montreuil)
[1] Read about it " Kanaky: Self-determination referendum, a chance or a trap ? » ,
Libertarian Alternative of June 2018
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?La-Kanaky-acclamee-au-meeting-de-solidarite-a-Paris
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Message: 3
After 43 years of the death of the assassin and with the PSOE ruling two decades ago in
the Spanish state, the new Sanchez executive begins the process of removal of the remains
of the Valley of the Fallen ---- The General Confederation of Labor (CGT) said in a
statement that it agreed with the procedure involving the exhumation of Francisco Franco's
body in the Valley of the Fallen and later transfer to a mausoleum, which in other
European countries would be unthinkable to maintain by the fascist meaning which he
supposes as a symbol of a black stage in Spanish history. ---- The CGT underlined that the
Valley of the Fallen, which rose with slave labor, can never be a monument to
reconciliation as some sectors of society have sought, for the first time during the
transition and then with the arrival of so-called "democracy." The CGT believes that it is
unfeasible that the remains and the memory of the victims of the Francoist repression rest
with those of its executioners.
The CGT demands that the remnants of the victims of reprisals be returned to their
families so that they can have an appropriate burial and can be remembered elsewhere away
from the horror that led to the construction of the Valley of the Fallen for many of them.
Likewise, The CGT recalls that the fact that the departure of the genocidal Franco was
agreed by majority and not by unanimity in the Congress of Deputies shows that fascism and
pro-Franco ideals are more alive than ever and very present among those who are currently
sit in armchairs of "democratic" parliaments.
On the other hand, and before planning to modify Rodriguez Zapatero's Historical Memory
law, the CGT states that it will again demand that the victims' rights of justice and
reparation be guaranteed without distinction between them. In this sense, the
anarcho-syndicalist organization also believes that it is essential a modification of the
Penal Code with the Amnesty Law so that the Francoist executioners do not go unpunished
and the death sentences applied against innocent people, as in the case of the anarchists
Delgado and Granado, are annulled .
CGT Press Office
Source:
http://rojoynegro.info/articulo/ideas/cgt-espera-la-exhumaci%C3%B3n-franco-sea-el-primer-paso-el-reconocimiento-reparaci%C3%B3n-la-me
Translation> Liberto
------------------------------
Message: 4
The FAU (Federación Anarquista Uruguaya), founded in 1956, was one on the strongest
anarchist movements in Latin America and the originator of the concept of especifismo. In
the 1960s, it faced a rising tide of political repression which would culminate in the
military dictatorship of 1973-85. As public and legal avenues of political organizing were
increasingly made impossible, the group began to expand it's tactics to include the
formation of the the mass front, Worker-Student Resistance (Resistencia Obrero Estudiantil
or ROE), and an armed wing of the organization known as OPR-33 (Organización Popular
Revolucionaria-33). Despite brutal repression which resulted in many of their militants
being "disappeared" by the dictatorship, the group continues to be active today.
This internal document of the FAU, which was known as COPEI for security reasons,
addresses the FAU's criticisms and thoughts on the question of armed struggle. At the
particular moment it was written, the concept of "foquismo" which gained popularity
through the Cuban revolution and Che Guevara, was very much "en onda" (in vogue) among
Latin American revolutionaries. With the success of the Cuban Revolution, the FAU began to
discuss and conceptualize their differences with foco theory over several years until a
member, Raúl Cariboni, systematized their position into a lengthy document. Here we will
present translated excerpts for the purpose of summarizing the larger document.
For more on the FAU and COPEI:
Historical overview of the FAU: "The Federacion Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU): Crisis, Armed
Struggle and Dictatorship, 1967-1985"
Full version of COPEI (Spanish): Copei 1a y 2a parte. Documentos de FAU 1972
Commentary on COPEI by Via Libre Grupo Libertario in Columbia (Spanish): Reflexiones sobre
los textos COPEI I y II de la Federación Anarquista Uruguaya FAU
Weapons cache of seized by authorities from an armed revolutionary group in Uruguay known
as the Tupamaros.
COPEI: Internal Document of the FAU, 1972 (Excerpts)
English Translation by Gabriel Ascui, 2018
Important events have occurred. Events that introduce significant enough variables as to
justify a reassessment of tactics, which in turn demand an adjustment to the new context
created by these events. No doubt, one of the most important aspects has been the
repressive offensive and its effects, which are already clear enough.
With these results obtained by repression, the reactionary propaganda aims to establish
this political conclusion: "Armed struggle is not viable in Uruguay, and violence - as
well as crime - does not pay" ...On the other hand, the reformists chant: "Armed struggle
not only does not lead to power, but is even counterproductive, compromises mass social
insertion, and militants remain stuck in this framework".
The ruling classes want to ensure that everyone plays by their game. An invented game and
predesigned for them, a game where they cannot lose... Defeat today is not the defeat of
armed struggle.[The Armed Struggle]exists and will continue to exist as a level of class
struggle. There will always be organizations that assume this task. What should not endure
is the mistaken conception that has prevailed here up to now. What is in crisis, hopefully
definitively, is the concept of "foquismo".
The more salient points of the conceptions of foquismo:
The necessity to initiate armed activity as soon as possible, while the necessary social
and economical conditions to make it viable exist. The assumption being that these
conditions already existed in all Latin America as a consequence of underdevelopment.
Political conditions, and even ideological (also called "subjective conditions") are
developed as a consequence of the activity of the armed focus. Therefore, the existence or
non-existence of a revolutionary political organization is considered as secondary, and
surely not a priority. Sympathy generated around the activity of the focus will cause
other groups to function as contributors/appendages to the military effort and victory
with the task of logistics and propaganda, etc., all concentrated around the development
of the focus. The progress of struggle would thus be measured in term of the growth of the
operative capacities... The expectation and confidence in a military victory through armed
struggle was a chief goal and essential requirement in the ideological plane.
The military activity of the focus, should inaugurate a process in which each action would
motivate a generalized replication... When the guerrillas operate with more intensity, the
repression will[correspondingly]be harsher and general... In the face of the generalized
repression, higher levels of sympathy will generate towards the[guerrillas]and the focus
would be consolidated, and therefore create even more possibilities for its development.
In this dialectic ascending relationship of action-repression, even more favorable
political and social conditions will be generated for armed struggle, culminating in an
ideal situation in which important sectors of the population will support the guerrillas,
their "armed vanguard," imposing the fall of the despotic government that had only been
sustained by a privileged minority and the repressive apparatus...
In this dynamic previously described - ultimately, the central proposal of foquismo -
would emanate from the armed achievements... the activity of the guerrilla, while the
repressive response would close all doors to any other track that was not armed struggle -
necessarily - driving the people to take arms for the revolution. This way, as a short
cut, simple and direct, they would achieve "the politicization of the masses," and their
nucleation around the guerrilla.
From this proposal, they[the foquistas]fell in their underestimation of the importance of
the tasks related to mass insertion (guilds, syndical, propaganda, public political
activity) which would aim directly to favor the military effort. Mass insertion was viewed
as a distracted effort and was considered secondary if not a negative, which could create
expectations which would compete with the path of armed struggle. Even so,[foquismo]stated
that all public activity would be quickly erased once the mechanics of action-repression
were unleashed, triggered by the guerrilla's focus. To this strategy can be attributed the
majority of failed experimentations in Cuba after the success of the revolution.
Our Conception of Armed Struggle
Despite multiple failures, it is undeniable that a vast praxis of armed struggle
decisively contributed to modify the patterns of political action in Latin America. Since
then the debate has been open, but a problem exists in the method used to develop an armed
path towards revolution.... The capitalist system will not be destroyed following the
rules of the game that they generated themselves to guarantee its continuity. The
continuity of the system is maintained by reducing action to only that which bourgeois
legality allows, only what the legality created and managed by the bourgeoisie recommends.
We conceive armed struggle as a fundamental aspect of the political praxis of a
clandestine party that acts also based on a harmonious and global strategy through the
masses. An organization is only really revolutionary if it proposes and resolves
adequately the problem of power.
The Question Is: Why Start a Guerrilla Organization? What is Its Objective? Its Program?
The objectives of a revolution condition all revolutionary politics, not excluding the
military aspects. This is why these[objectives]precede all other considerations, thus, in
general terms, the characteristics of the revolutionary process and the armed-political
praxis to which we subscribe.
In wars of independence, the cause has been "national" ...the nation is no more than a
bourgeois nation, no more than bourgeoisie domains. From a class perspective, the only
acceptable concept of "nation" is the one that requires the disappearance of capitalism,
the construction of socialism. Therefore, the "national interest" of the bourgeoisie has
nothing in common with the national interest of the workers. However, in the anti-colonial
struggles, it is generally the bourgeois nationalist ideology which prevails and cements
the local dominant classes over the rest of the population. The reality of class struggle
is then obscured by this "patriotic" ideology. Now, if the war is not anti-colonial, but
social - as it is in Uruguay - there would be as many "patriotisms" as there are social
classes, the result of conditions generating ideological tendencies...
Consequently, the urban guerrilla will never have the support of a whole nation, despite
how nationalist they say they are. They will only have the support of the classes
interested in socialism. The reason for this is that it is a social issue and not an
anti-colonial issue... A national or anti-imperialist struggle apart from class struggle
is not possible here. In other words: what is crucial and what should be prioritized is a
revolution against the dependent national bourgeoisie, and only through this will a real
national cause emerge from the people... It is useless to try to conciliate the support of
sectors of the bourgeoisie around revolutionary politics, despite how "national" this may
seem.
All of this seems to show that the function of an urban guerrilla is not to achieve
victory after a direct confrontation with the army... Ultimately, the urban guerrilla, if
this is truly a social revolution, seems to have as an ideal function to prepare for the
jump, the quantitative transit towards another form of struggle through which one could
really achieve a decisive victory in an urban setting, the insurrection. The guerrilla, we
therefore believe, is only legitimized as a necessary preamble and preparation for the
insurrection. This insurrectionary process would always imply the direct participation of
the mass movements of certain volumes... We are not saying that it is necessary that half
the population plus one should rise in arms to fulfill an insurrection... but as in all
military action, an insurrection will be centrally operated and mediated by armed combat
more than street manifestations... Because of this, we assert the importance of a series
of actions of the masses at different levels, in the understanding of the participation of
the most dynamic sectors of the people.
To our understanding, whatever the form of insurrectional action, it should necessarily
presuppose a previous military praxis and the previous existence of a clandestine military
apparatus, organized with sufficient operating capacity and sufficient experience to be
able to adequately catalyze, frame, and drive the insurrectional process.
We can define three requirements for the success of the insurrectional process:
The active participation of important sectors of the mass movement, through actions at
different levels.
The previous existence of a clandestine military apparatus with acquired military
experience, which could catalyze and drive the process.
The existence of previous political work over the elements of the repressive apparatus.
These three requirements presuppose, as obvious, the existence of previous meticulous
political work, of which only the Political Organization or Party can be responsible to
act as a political center capable of developing, promoting, and harmonizing from a common
stirring center these diverse activities.
This conception of armed struggle, culminating with the insurrection, drives us to the
conclusion that the structuring of the Political Organization is a fundamental task in the
stages to mold the conditions for the insurrection, and not the inverse. Therefore, the
armed actions are conceived through a political center, and not a political center
conceived through armed actions.
One needs to start from the destruction of the bourgeoisies' power in our country as the
only starting point of a new stage of struggle against the foreign intervention. It would
be absurd to conceive socialism in only one country, Uruguay. From the destruction of the
Bourgeoisies' Power in Uruguay, the struggle would be internationalized outwards and
nationalized inwards, as foreign intervention is almost inevitable with the given
geopolitical situation...
When some assessments have been made, they will pose new problems. New problems, that will
require our attention and should be resolved... So profound is their content, that to
really comprehend their causes and the way they advance or withdraw is a crucial task that
we cannot shirk today.
http://blackrosefed.org/copei-fau-foquimso/
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Message: 5
In Seine-Maritime, health workers understood that nothing would be gained without
extraordinary, even dangerous, actions. Always in unity, and perfectly self-organized.
---- The entire hospital sector suffers neoliberal breakage, but if it is a discipline
that suffers particularly, because of its specific field of activity and the originality
of its organization, it is psychiatry. Conditions are deteriorating terribly. For lack of
space, it is not uncommon to put mattresses on the floor, or to take in minors in adult
services ... ---- On March 22, anger broke out in the Rouvray hospital (76), the third
psychiatric structure in France: it calls for 52 additional positions and the opening of a
reception for adolescence. But after two months of strike, the management did not give an
inch. Exasperation wins: eight employees start a hunger strike and camp in the lobby.
Bluffing ? Not at all. After eighteen days, four are hospitalized, others take over. The
media are relaying, support is growing, especially among railway workers and dockers in
struggle.
On the nerves, the prefect requires the director of the Regional Health Agency (ARS) to
sit at the negotiating table. Result: the ARS sells 30 positions and the creation of 2 new
units, including one for adolescence. In the current context, it is a historic victory.
Contagious Victory
In a perfect democratic unity, the fight was animated at the same time on the inter-union
CGT-SUD-CFDT-CFTC, by a committee of strike counting unionized and non-unionized, and by a
collective of employee They are named Black Blouses. Decisions were always debated and
decided by the General Assembly, which controlled the delegates at each stage of the
negotiations.
Is this the task of oil ? Still, on June 16, it is the psychiatric center Pierre-Janet, Le
Havre, which in turn goes on an unlimited strike, with an inter-union CGT-SUD-CFDT.
Claims: 50 additional nursing stations and the opening of a new unit. Interpele.es, the
elected officials of the Region make vague promises - to visit the strikers, " firmly ask
" the ARS to unlock resources ...
And, again, the action is out of the ordinary. After ten days, 7 employees camp on the
roof of psychiatric emergencies day and night, in the heat, with the support of
colleagues. Social networks and the local press echo Janet's perch . MP Ruffin is moving.
All this forces the public authorities to negotiate and, on July 10, after twenty-six days
of strike and sixteen days on the roof, the management concedes an agreement to the
inter-union, validated the same day by the general meeting of staff. The strong
mobilization, the union unity, the youth of the movement and its inventiveness made it
possible to snatch the creation of 34.3 full-time equivalent positions.
These struggles will be a milestone both in their duration and their modes of action and
their victorious conclusions. Let's not hide it: we were afraid for colleagues who put
their health at risk, especially since we felt that the camp opposite was not ready to
give up. But now, everyone knows that other victories are possible if you put the price.
In health, only a general movement of the entire sector can stop the killing of the public
service. In this year of professional elections in the hospital public service, the unions
must federate the struggles in the sector ... but nothing will be done without the
self-organization of the workers !
Eric (AL Rouen, link Eure)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Psychiatrie-On-se-serre-la-ceinture-ou-on-grimpe-sur-la-toiture
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Message: 6
"By this action we wanted to protest against lawlessness of the authorities. For example,
on July 12, the activist was convicted for a photo in a cap with the inscription "Class
War" (for a photo in a cap!), another activist was convicted on fabricated case (and he
was fined 10 basic values). The authorities also carry out repressions against motorists.
At least three indifferent citizens to the situation on the roads have been detained in
recent weeks. ---- And all this lawlessness happens under the leadership of one infamous
person but the time will come and he will have to answer for everything! ---- We call not
to be silent and express our discontent with the action. ---- You can only change
something with the action! Together we are stronger!"- declare the authors of the action.
https://pramen.io/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/graffity-Minsk.jpg
https://pramen.io/en/2018/09/graffiti-action-against-lawlessness-of-the-authorities-in-minsk/
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