Today's Topics:
1. Russia, bo-ak, Fighter Anarchist: Violations of the
election. Protests in Primorye [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #286 - Read: Birh, "The
First Age of Capitalism (1415-1763)" (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. anarchist group "dwarf horse"[APO]: A dagger stuck in the
city center by the initiative of women against patriarchy
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, Anarchist group "dwarf horse"[APO]: LITERATURE FOR
THE MOVIE BOOK OF THE "DIFFICULT HEPA" [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Czech afed: Aloud for Hambach -- Climate Protest Report at
the German Embassy in Prague (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Britain, Class War Scotland: after watching the "Prime
Sinister" dancing (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Czech, afed: We do not want exekutor hyenas at the town hall
in Olomouc [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. Spaine, puerto real cnt es: The massacres of anarchists in
the Russian Revolution of Trotsky Lenin and Stalin (ca) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
The second day continues unauthorized protests in the Primorsky Territory, arrogantly
caused, even by Russian standards, by manipulation of the elections of the head of the
region. ---- Recall, on September 16, the second round of elections took place, according
to the results of which, up to the counting of 99% of the votes, the Communist Party's
protest, opposition candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Andrei
Ishchenko was the leader (and this despite the full support given to United Russia by the
incumbent authorities "flew Vladimir Putin). ---- However, upon reaching this percentage,
the data on the website of the regional election commission ceased to be updated for
several hours. When the result was published, United Russia Tarasenko won. And his
competitor Ischenko even worsened his performance. The turnout percentage for some polling
stations has also changed, reaching 100%.
September 17, residents of Vladivostok and nearby cities began to gather in the square in
front of the administration building. Also held a rally in Ussuriysk. The failed governor
called on fellow citizens for an indefinite protest ("We must all unite and stand on this
square until the CEC decides to cancel the election results!") And even went on a hunger
strike.
However, in the evening of that day, he refused to go on hunger strike and organize a
perpetual tent camp (at the request of Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov), and
instead offered to gather in the square every evening until the results are revised. And
also he continued the so beloved Communist Party of the Russian Federation since the time
of the 90s the song "we have gathered facts about violations and will go to court", which
did not lead to anything earlier and could hardly bring about any significant changes now.
Such behavior of pseudo-opposition is not a surprise for us, and, we hope, will open the
eyes of those who still maintain faith in the current political system and pseudo-democracy.
Turning away from politically inclined persons, we want to say that even though we, as
anarchists, do not consider "fair" elections as a remedy for the ills of society , we
fully support the self-organized protests of people without regard to power and permission.
And we can only hope that during this struggle people realize that the only way to achieve
social progress in modern Russia is revolutionary . And that it is necessary to fight not
for "fair" elections, but for the complete breakdown of the existing system of oppression
and the transition to a genuine - direct democracy.
https://bo-ak.org/index.php/ru/1/81-narusheniya-na-vyborakh-protesty-v-primore
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Message: 2
After twelve years of research, Alain Bihr publishes L'Expansion européenne , the first
volume of a trilogy on the development of capitalism. ---- How is capitalism possible ?
This question is not rhetorical. Capitalism is defined by a process of capital
accumulation that requires two conditions: on the one hand, there must be a mass of poor
proletarians - even poor, depending on the case - having no choice but to sell their labor
power . On the other hand, there must be a minority with economic capital guaranteed by a
coercive power (a state) that allows these proletarians to work. The problem posed by Marx
is that it constitutes a logical circle: to accumulate capital, one must already have some
... How did this " primitive accumulation of capital" occur even before capitalism ?
The great innovation of Marx was to show that this was a violent extortion and not a
peaceful accumulation by simple hoarders. It was first necessary to impoverish masses to
enrich capitalists. The different stages of this process are known: the enclosures (the
expropriation of the peasants from their lands, then the rural exodus transforming former
peasants from the countryside into proletarians of the cities) ; the various laws
confirming the disappearance of the " commons " (the young Marx, then a journalist, had
studied a law prohibiting the collection of wood) ; the appearance of the manufactures
(and their break with the old cooperations in the work) ; the domination of the industrial
capitalist mode of production at European and then world level.
Conquest and expropriation
Alain Bihr's book, which goes back to the history of this " primitive accumulation ",
shows how the development of industry required, beforehand, the submission of part of the
world to the great European states. Capitalist economics and nation-state development went
hand in hand, and were imposed on the world.
How ? This is the question that the book tries to answer, analyzing all the forms that
this expansion has taken, from the less brutal (trade) to the more violent (colonization).
What resistance did the other companies have ? To understand it, it is necessary to study
the way in which " the attack " occurred (development of the ports and the maritime trade,
the national armies etc.), but also the social conditions of the " defense " of the
companies. Abyssal work of magnitude.
In The Prehistory of Capital (2006), Alain Bihr examined the conditions for the formation
of the emergence of capitalist relations of production within feudalism. He concluded then
that " feudalism, as it was formed in Europe at the end of the first millennium and in the
Japanese archipelago in the course of the first half of the second millennium, is the most
favorable, at the limit the only favorable, to the formation of this report of production
" . But feudalism alone was not a sufficient condition. It also took " globalization ".
Not the one fantasized as a natural extension of the exchanges between human beings on the
Earth and condition of a perpetual peace between the States, but the violent globalization
of the conquest and the expropriation, the one which was nourished of the blood and tears,
in the mud of battles.
Bernard Gougeon (South-Educ 81)
Alain Bihr, The First Age of Capitalism (1415-1763). Volume 1: The European Expansion ,
Syllepse / Page 2, 2018, 700 pages, 30 euros.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Le-Premier-Age-du-capitalisme-1415-1763
------------------------------
Message: 3
The world of freedom, a world that will fit many worlds, will pass over them ... ---- The
basic principle of the capitalist system is the exploitation of man by man. The
hierarchically structured relationships that produce this basic principle of inequality
and freedom form the societies based on class, ethnicity, skin color, sex. Patriarchy is a
cornerstone of the world of power and a key element of its social reproduction. Like any
form of power, it exists, is cultivated and enforced at every level of social
organization. Sovereignty is trying to impose the fragmentation of the working class in
order to preserve social peace. ---- The attack on women's femininity is an attempt to
remind their feminine nature as something that separates them from men and something that
can be repressed and tortured further by them. Gender suppression is not separated from
all the other forms of oppression that stem from the structure and operation of the
dominant system.
At the time of the takeover of the state and the bosses, the main pillars of the assembly
of the world of power attempt to transfer the rotteness of the state, capitalist and
patriarchal way of organization into society. As the crisis deepens and the attack that we
receive in all areas is intensifying, the attack on the field of such divisions is
intensifying. The countless recent examples are clear. Going back a few years back, in
2012, with the serpentance of women in a period of zero tolerance and extermination, and
reaching the recent condemnation of a 22-year-old woman in Corinth who defended herself
against her rapist, thousands of daily examples of violence of women in different fields.
The dozens of rapes,
The struggle of women to release them from the bonds of patriarchy is an integral part of
the struggle for the abolition of state and capitalist imposition. That is why we choose
to collectivize as women, to organize and to resist all together, with the workers, the
unemployed, the students, the students, the lgbtq people, to unite our voices and our
action with the vision of an equality society , freedom and solidarity.
AGAINST A STATE AND PATRIARCHIA
ABOUT HANDLING AND FREEDOM
Women's Initiative Against Patriarchy
contact: every Tuesday 19: 00-22: 00 in the self-managed area On the Front (Patreos 87)
mail: enantiastinpatriarxia@gmail.com | blog: prwtovouliagynaikwn.wordpress.com
https://ipposd.wordpress.com/
------------------------------
Message: 4
"Anarchist books are weapons against modern totalitarianism" ---- "... Anarchism, as a
revolutionary critique of the existing system, is the radical outcome of the social path
for evolution. At the same time, it is a revolutionary response to the decomposition of
the concepts that this development is creating ... " ---- Nico Berti ---- For the past 2
years, the kinematic bookstore of the anarchist group "dwarf horse" operates in the city
of Patras. This exercise is a key part of our wider effort to socialize the anarchist and
wider social-class struggles today, to spread and spread the anarchist /anti-authoritarian
/ libertarian concept, culture and practice, to preserve the social- class memory of
oblivion that the powers seek to impose and to raise, as far as possible, the wealth of
anarchist perceptions and practices, proposals, positions and struggles. n anarchists on a
number of issues at the political and social reality of our time.
Besides, it is the reality and the daily struggle in the 15 years of existence of the
group, the self-criticism and the reflection that we had to do several times during this
time that led us to the conclusion that there can be no political movement aimed at the
overthrow of the existing system of exploitation and oppression, without the development
of the political theory and proposition, without the drawing of a strategic struggle to
see where it wants to go, so unwavering as to the values of U defends, flexible in
relation to the logic fed by social needs and able to inspire the oppressed and exploited
in order to motivate the struggle for social liberation.
As anarchists and anarchists, we consider it particularly important to spread our
precursors to society, especially to the youth of the city, at a time when government
propaganda at the expense of those who resist self-organization and from the bottom
dominates, while racism, social cannibalism and fiction are projected as the only choices
of a society in crisis. We are thus attempting to show a different and unequivocal
perspective on the one-way street of state and capitalist barbarity and on the "there is
no alterative" of the rulers. The lively perspective of struggles, class solidarity,
social self-organization and fighting resistance.
At the same time, at a time when, within the resistance movements, conditions of
devaluation are formed for the political fermentation and deepening, it is our standing to
promote the culture of self-education, political and theoretical search, the preservation
of social and class memory in relation to culture the lifestyle of anarchism and the
policy hooliganism, are particularly important moments in the direction of the wider
reconstruction of the radical and revolutionary movement.
"Never before has a movement spoken so little about itself".
Although the modern Greek anarchist movement is seemingly new and its composition dates
back to the early years of the post-conflict, little is known about it and its evolution.
To study the rich history of the struggles that anarchists have given over the years and
to use it as a springboard for organizing the anarchist struggle. Be inspired by the
Spanish anarchists, the Krostande uprising, the Makhnovist movement in Ukraine, the
rebellion of Chicago, the historic anarchist movement in Italy, and the innumerable
examples of revolutionary movements that continue to struggle for the social release.
"Man's struggle against power is the struggle of memory against oblivion."
ORGANIZATION AND RACE FOR SOCIAL RESPONSE
FOR ANARCHY AND FREEDOM OF COMMUNICATION
The bookstore of the inferior horse is housed in the self-managed area On the Temple
(Patras 87). The venue is open every Tuesday from 19.00 to 22.00, while in uncomfortable
moments it hosts events, screenings, discussions and presentations for which there is
timely information on printed and electronic media.
Our desire is to maintain the mobile character of the bookstore and for this reason you
will occasionally find it in squares, downtown, neighborhoods and university.
You can see the book titles available in the link below . For contact: d_ippos@hotmail.com
anarchist group "dwarf horse"
Patras, October 2018
https://ipposd.wordpress.com/2018/10/06
------------------------------
Message: 5
On Thursday 4 October, Collective 115 and the Limits Initiative, we were demonstrating
before the headquarters of the German Embassy in Prague to express their disagreement with
RWE's intention to expand brown coal mining in the Rhineland, to the detriment of the
Hampshire Forest, and with the German police doing this corporation de facto private
protection and violently goes against the defenders of the forest. ---- The date of the
protest was not chosen at random, just on that day the embassy celebrated the anniversary
of the reunification of the country, the so-called German Unity Day. It was therefore a
good opportunity to show even before the eyes of the diplomats who came to the celebration
that although Germany in its energy policy outwardly faces very progressively, reality is
somewhat lagging behind.
The event began at about 5:30 pm, and about six dozen people arrived at it, dominated by
the huge Hambi bleibt. Participants behind the metal barrier had a sign with signs such as
"Solidarity with Hambach Forest Occupation", "Fuck RWE", "Coal Below Ground", "RWE in
Hambach do not Want," or "Hamba Germany" in our hands.
He managed to talk to the embassy representative for ten minutes, explain the reasons for
the protest and ask for their interpretation to the German government. Subsequently, the
speeches were echoed at the event interleaved by the chanting and sounding of the sounds
of the bucket. The organizers' representative was acquainted with the state of Hampshire's
struggle and rejected the dogma that coal under the forest is inviolable private property,
since it is being burned by millions of people around the world. Collective member 115
mentioned that the rescue of the forest is supported by about 70% of the population of
Germany. Janek Rovenský spoke about Greenpeace, who had been protesting for a few days in
the trees of Hambaš Forest. He remembered the parallel with the memory of the demolished
village of Libkovice. Jiri Koželuh of the Duh Movement focused on German energy policy and
mentioned local efforts to work beyond limits. Experienced environmental cartoonist Honza
Piños has noted that the German Unity Day is one of the most extensive police operations
against people who protect the climate and nature. We have emphasized that the struggle in
Hambach is also a battle for global social justice.
The latest report: The Supreme Court in Münster has banned felling in Hambach, RWE must
not reach the Hampshire until the court has ruled on a lawsuit of the German organization
Bund - Friends of the Earth. At the same time, it is assumed that the court will cover at
least a year or two. Coal under the woods will remain below ground, RWE shares fall 10.8%.
(More HERE
http://denikreferendum.cz/clanek/28400-velke-vitezstvi-ochrancu-prirody-kaceni-hambasskeho-lesa-zastavil-soud
https://www.afed.cz/text/6889/nahlas-pro-hambach
------------------------------
Message: 6
I've just been looking through some old posts after watching the "Prime Sinister" dancing
on to the stage at her conference, as she mentioned Class War's actions at Reece-Moggs
house, I've been looking through some of the comments from some of the so called
Anarchists who agreed with the politicians and mainstream media that Ian and Class War
went too far with the protest, really? You think THAT was going too far, turning up at
some posh twat's house is going too far? What about the policies that Reece-Mogg's
government has imposed on us that have forced the working class to beg at food banks
because the scum employers have us on zero hour contracts or minimum wage and we just
can't make ends meet, working two, sometimes, three jobs in order to keep the wolves from
the door, the same government that have applied benefit caps and reductions to the
disabled causing them not only to get further in debt but in some extreme cases commit
suicide as they see it as the only viable option to escape.
We are Anarchists, we want the downfall of all governments, religions, tyrants and
oppressors world wide, no questions, do you think that our masters are going to just sit
back and let us have a piece of their pie just like that? Are they fuck, they will use the
army, police, bullet and gun to keep us in our place, I'll reiterate: if you think that
it's out of order to go to a politicians house to protest and you call yourself an
anarchist then fucking give up, try the Labour Party, Momentum or one of the other pussy
liberal left organisations, carry on marching from A to B as your told to and listen to
your masters and let the rest of us get on with it. You can die standing or live on your
knees, some of you pussies better get some knee pads.
------------------------------
Message: 7
Report from "fairy-tale creatures" about symbolic action against the pre-election
promotion of the party of the executor bitch ---- The rabbit exequatur who came to
Olomouc's politics has drawn attention to us by parasiting the fruits of authentic direct
action. When the Olomouc "movement" came together in a guerrilla garden, where several
trees have grown in the historical center of the city for six years, and it was packed
with the logos of its political party, it did not please us. In addition, curiosity
awakened in us, who is behind this political party, who does not care for the election
campaign. ---- The founder and the main donor of the party is Robert Runtak, who de facto
was run by the infamous Prerov's executive office / firm. The aggressive style of
execution, when property is confiscated right in the flats of people, has just been
executed by executives under the baton of Runtak. They became the "most effective"
exequatur / firm in the republic. That was why every ten creditor turned to him for
execution. From the accumulated funds from this business, Runták is now paying a rich
election campaign, which has a clear goal: to defy the Olomouc municipality.
Another reason why Runtak's party should not get political power is to link it to
debt-raising companies. It is precisely control over execution and trade in receivables
that is a connection that is not only moral but also law. Runtácek's registered partner
Miloš Prikryl is a member of one of these companies - Excelfin sro The company manager Vít
Komárek is not only a candidate for joint and a friend of Runtáku but also a partner of
another similar company - Kortestona plus sro To date, he has recovered hundreds to
thousands of receivables. The concentration of poverty trading in the hands of a few close
people raises considerable doubts as to whether it is appropriate to entrust them with
political power.
They are just fragments of what hides behind the appealing facade of the "movement"
together. For this reason, we turned a direct action against the executor Runták and his
political party together. Billboards of the movement have been taken by the attack and we
have beautified them with orange blobs just as we did to the politicians at a time when
Roman Smetana bus driver was in prison. It was him who had been doing the guerrilla garden
in the Lost. Citizen engagement will not be stolen from the bailiffs. This business will
not work out.
Your fairy-tale creatures: Rákosnícek, Fair Amálka, Bob and Bobek
Related link:
Does the Runták Olomouc?
https://www.afed.cz/text/6888/nechceme-exekutorske-hyeny-na-olomoucke-radnici
------------------------------
Message: 8
"The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie or the proletariat is always tyranny and freedom can
not be achieved through tyranny." Ricardo Flores Magón. February 14, 1921 ---- (Taken from
Juan Manuel Ferrario, Rosario, Argentina, 2005) ---- The Argentine editor of the blog does
not identify with the anarchist ideology of the author of the text, but believes it
necessary to clarify all the crimes and outrages that were committed in the name of the
revolution by the Bolshevik Party of Lenin. We tried to dismantle the "pink" legend about
the first phase of the Russian Revolution in which the Lenin Party was the true
representative of the workers and there was a real democracy in the Soviets.
Once a Latin American social activist, he said that in order to understand the 20th
century it was necessary to carefully analyze the Russian Revolution, the Mexican
Revolution and the Libertarian Revolution in Spain. In fact, these three processes provide
many keys to unravel the tragic evolution of oppressed and exploited classes and sectors.
It is also necessary to clarify the role played in each of these struggles by the
different protagonists.
From the Russian Revolution various testimonies have been given, the Bolsheviks occupied
themselves and they deal with telling an official story that skims fundamental data, for
example the antecedents of the first soviets or workers' and popular councils of 1905.
Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin, troika The main power of those who take power in Russia from
October 1917, appear as the proletariat's champions, when in fact they were the ones who
forged the mechanisms of a sinister state capitalism that oppressed, exploited millions of
people. Mijail Bakunin's remarks to Karl Marx, about the militarization of society that
would imply the survival of the state machinery after a socialist revolution, have been
punctually fulfilled. The annihilation of the Soviets of the Baltic (Kronstadt 1921) and
the Makotovist guerrilla,
Years later, in Spain they persecuted those who promoted the self-management of fields,
factories and workshops, assassinated social fighters such as Camillo Berneri (May 1937),
preferred the triumph of fascism to the establishment of a libertarian communist society,
with federalism, social justice and freedom. Among others, Piort Kropotkin and Emma
Goldman early pointed out the error of centralizing power, not eliminating the mechanisms
of bureaucracy. Ironies of fate when the then leader of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev,
launched Glasnost and Perestroika from a building on Kropotkin Avenue, the leader of the
CPSU, acknowledged in a way the criticisms expressed by the anarchist fighter over sixty
years before.
We live in a cruel world, in which capitalism does not stop annihilating lives, afiatar
mechanisms of exploitation and barbarism, in many cases like China hand in hand with
parties calling themselves communists. The true history is written by the peoples with
their sacrifice, their pains and their courage. These pages tell us about a portion of the
history they intended to erase, our challenge is to rescue it from oblivion, because the
injustices of yesterday persist and the road to travel requires memory and recognition for
those women and men who made solidarity a dignified and effulgent flag. Flag that we wield
with courage and joy in the struggle for the integral emancipation of individuals and
peoples. For a society without exploiters or exploited, without oppressors or oppressed.
Carlos A. Solero Rosario,
Introduction.
One of the reasons why I chose to take these subjects is because they are almost unknown
issues of the Russian revolution, which were obscured or distorted by right and left
historians. So only in the bibliography of anarchist historians could I obtain data and an
important development of these problems as well as the reading of direct sources was
possible. In the case of professional historians such as Hewllett Carr, the events of
Kronstadt and Makhnovism are only superficially named and there is no detailed analysis of
these issues specifically. As for Marxist and Bolshevik historiography, I use a brochure
of S. Chernomordik, entitled "Makhno and the Makhnovist movement," which gives the
Bolshevik vision of what happened in Ukraine. It should be noted that there is not much
Marxist literature on these issues. There is a written by Leon Trotsky in English entitled
"Hue and cry over Kronstadt", and edited in 1938, which is his justification with respect
to Kronstadt, but I could not use it since there was no edition in Spanish of it. Instead
he took his work "Terrorism and Communism", where he does not stop at what happened in
Kronstadt but at least he alludes to that. The opinion of Lenin and Trotsky in this regard
can also be seen in notes of them appearing in the Russian newspaper "Pravda", transcribed
by Paul Avrich. It must be remembered that when most of the works on these subjects were
written, there was still the Soviet Union as such, and the secret files had not yet been
analyzed. There is a written by Leon Trotsky in English entitled "Hue and cry over
Kronstadt", and edited in 1938, which is his justification with respect to Kronstadt, but
I could not use it since there was no edition in Spanish of it. Instead he took his work
"Terrorism and Communism", where he does not stop at what happened in Kronstadt but at
least he alludes to that. The opinion of Lenin and Trotsky in this regard can also be seen
in notes of them appearing in the Russian newspaper "Pravda", transcribed by Paul Avrich.
It must be remembered that when most of the works on these subjects were written, there
was still the Soviet Union as such, and the secret files had not yet been analyzed. There
is a written by Leon Trotsky in English entitled "Hue and cry over Kronstadt", and edited
in 1938, which is his justification with respect to Kronstadt, but I could not use it
since there was no edition in Spanish of it. Instead he took his work "Terrorism and
Communism", where he does not stop at what happened in Kronstadt but at least he alludes
to that. The opinion of Lenin and Trotsky in this regard can also be seen in notes of them
appearing in the Russian newspaper "Pravda", transcribed by Paul Avrich. It must be
remembered that when most of the works on these subjects were written, there was still the
Soviet Union as such, and the secret files had not yet been analyzed. but I could not use
it since there was no edition in Spanish of it. Instead he took his work "Terrorism and
Communism", where he does not stop at what happened in Kronstadt but at least he alludes
to that. The opinion of Lenin and Trotsky in this regard can also be seen in notes of them
appearing in the Russian newspaper "Pravda", transcribed by Paul Avrich. It must be
remembered that when most of the works on these subjects were written, there was still the
Soviet Union as such, and the secret files had not yet been analyzed. but I could not use
it since there was no edition in Spanish of it. Instead he took his work "Terrorism and
Communism", where he does not stop at what happened in Kronstadt but at least he alludes
to that. The opinion of Lenin and Trotsky in this regard can also be seen in notes of them
appearing in the Russian newspaper "Pravda", transcribed by Paul Avrich. It must be
remembered that when most of the works on these subjects were written, there was still the
Soviet Union as such, and the secret files had not yet been analyzed.
Explained all this I point out that I was always interested in revolutions, but in all I
saw a constant: the revolutions began with gestures of heroism and immense ideals, but in
the short or long, every revolution was degenerated, and with the passage from time their
original ideals were lost. There was only one parody of revolution left. This can be seen
in the Russian revolution, in the Cuban revolution, in Nicaragua, in China or any other
revolution. This will give rise to our hypothesis regarding whether State and Revolution
are compatible. If we can reach socialism through the State or if we really get away from
it when we approach it. But this will be analyzed later and will be developed and
justified throughout the text.
Goals.
-Rescue two almost forgotten facts of the Russian Revolution such as the Kronstadt
uprising and the emergence and annihilation of the Makhnovist movement.
-Find and point out the differences between Bolsheviks and anarchists, and see the
projects that the latter had in Russia.
-To demonstrate with this analysis that the character of "utopian" and "idealistic
dreamers" of which the anarchists are accused is a fiction. Anarchism was practiced in
both Ukraine and Kronstadt and it was carried to its ultimate consequences.
- To begin to see if the germs of Stalinism were not already present here with the
massacres committed in the repression, if it is not a direct consequence to see how far
the first Bolshevism resembles during the "communism of war" and Stalinism.
-Generate more questions than answers regarding the emergence and finalization of the
Russian Revolution, denaturing the ideas and official discourses that are on it.
-Separate the idea of State and Revolution, showing that it is two different and opposite
things.
- Demonstrate the authoritarian, genocidal and centralizing nature of Bolshevism, not for
apologetic purposes but based on concrete facts such as the huge numbers of workers and
peasants executed in the name of the "revolutionary government of workers and peasants" or
imprisoned in concentration camps, not with Stalin, but before, between 1920 and 1921,
with Lenin in power, and condemned to die of hunger or pestilence.
- To point out that the concept of a "good" Lenin surrounded by a "bad" environment is
erroneous, as was the idea of a "good" czar surrounded by "bad" courtiers, since Lenin
himself was the one who integrated Stalin into the central committee of the Communist
Party, and it was Lenin, shortly before his death, who appointed him to Stalin, as General
Secretary of the Communist Party.
The anarchists in the Russian Revolution.
The most important events in which the Russian anarchists participated were two: on the
one hand in the conformation of the Makhnovist movement that spread throughout the Ukraine
between 1918 and 1921 and whose name is due to its guerrilla leader, Néstor Makhno; On the
other hand, there are the "events of Kronstadt", a Russian city in which the Bolsheviks,
already in power, murdered thousands of sailors who went on strike when they saw the first
signs of the formation of the red bureaucracy, and of the distortion of the main
objectives of the Russian Revolution.
In Ukraine, for an entire 3 years anarchy was practiced with the expropriation of lands,
the libertarian schools were created following the model of the Spanish pedagogue and
anarchist Francisco Ferrer, shot in Spain in 1909, whose education project was that of the
secular schools with naturalistic and rational training. At the same time there is the
elimination of money, the consolidation of the Gulái-Polé Soviet, the destruction of
prisons and the release of all prisoners. Hundreds of socialized farming communities are
also created in Ukraine, the best known of which was the "Rosa Luxemburg" community, set
on fire by the Bolsheviks after defeating the Makhnovists. Finally there is the formation
of an entire non-regular army of peasant guerrillas, who rotated their posts so as not to
generate bureaucracies.
It should be noted that, even in the worst moments, the Makhnovists never used the
obligatory grain requisitions on the peasants to feed the army. The internationalist and
classist project of Makhnovism differs from the Ukrainian nationalists of bourgeois origin
who were only looking for the independence of Ukraine with respect to Russia and for the
German occupation after the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, who were also staunch anti-Semites,
having killed 100,000 Jews. The nationalists were under the leadership of Petliura, later
assassinated by the anarchist Schulin, in an attack committed in 1926, as a way to avenge
the murdered Jews.
Los machnovistas y anarquistas en general, a diferencia de los bolcheviques, luchaban por
las comunas federadas y los soviets descentralizados, con administraciones locales. Los
anarquistas no querían dirigir la revolución sino acompañarla. Mientras los marxistas
hablan de revolución política, los anarquistas hablan mas bien de una revolución social.
No quieren que cambie un gobierno por otro, sino eliminar de la faz de la tierra a todo
principio de autoridad, ya se trate de una monarquía, de una república más o menos
democrática o de cualquier tipo de dictadura, así se la haga en nombre del proletariado.
Los anarquistas no creen que se llegue al socialismo, si el poder mismo esta centralizado,
y no socializado. Para el anarquista su fin, son los medios mismos. Por eso no creen en la
toma del poder. Para el marxista estatista, el fin (el socialismo) justifica los medios
(dictadura del proletariado, centralismo político, persecuciones indiscriminadas). Por
último, los anarquistas creen en la revolución hecha por las masas, no en las vanguardias
dirigentes como creen los bolcheviques.
To justify our hypothesis to develop later, we could take the book "The State and the
Revolution", by Lenin, and the essay with the same name, by Luiggi Fabbri, there is also a
work by Rudolf Rocker, called "Bolshevism and anarchism" and another from Fabbri himself,
entitled "Dictatorship and Revolution." All these works analyze the relationship of the
State with the revolution and would serve to demonstrate what is affirmed in our
hypothesis or prove otherwise. The same can be said of Kronstadt, there a whole city rose
up against the Bolshevism that was already hegemonic, despite the threats of repression
the population rose up in arms and went to the ultimate consequences. We are talking about
a city whose half of the population was decimated. Paul Avrich compares the commune of
Kronstadt with the Paris Commune of 1871. In Kronstadt, the population did nothing more
than follow Lenin's slogan of "all power to the Soviets" ("and not to the parties").
marinos), slogan then abandoned by the Bolshevik leader. The rebels of this city opposed
what they called the "comisariocracy", created the Provisional Revolutionary Committee
demanding free elections, not feeling represented by the Bolshevik envoys, in turn
imprisoning the Bolshevik general Kuzmin and facing the aerial bombardments of the
Bolsheviks. The sailors and workers of the city created a free commune that lasted 16
days. imprisoning in turn the Bolshevik general Kuzmin and facing the aerial bombings of
the Bolsheviks. The sailors and workers of the city created a free commune that lasted 16
days. imprisoning in turn the Bolshevik general Kuzmin and facing the aerial bombings of
the Bolsheviks. The sailors and workers of the city created a free commune that lasted 16
days.
The Makhnovist movement
As far as the Makhnovist movement is concerned, we can say that it arose in 1918, when the
Bolsheviks signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, of peace with Germany. Russia came from the
First World War and together with the defeat of the Russo-Japanese war, the Tsarist empire
had weakened as never before, which led to great discontent in the population and to be
one of the causes of the near revolution that already it appeared.
Ukraine had ceased to be an independent nation when the Tsarist empire took over, but much
of its population had never ceased to feel the desire for freedom and autonomy. Ukraine
was a marginal zone of the empire, and was a traditional refuge of bandits and rebels, it
was a border area. (1) The importance of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk lies in the fact
that, when the Russians withdraw from the war, the Ukraine is very defenseless, which
results in the Austro-Germans invading this area and putting them in charge of "Hetman"
"to Skoropadsky, an authority at the service of the invader. The response to the German
occupation was not long in coming, there are great peasant revolts in Ukraine, and towards
the end of 1918 the Makhnovist army was born in the town of Gulái-Polé, birthplace of
Néstor Machno, this army will overthrow the "
Machno had been born in 1889, around 1909 he was related to the anarchist groups of Russia
and soon the Czarist police put him prisoner by agitator and anarchist attentive. In 1917,
in the middle of the Russian Revolution, the peasants who already worshiped the figure of
Machno for their courage, assaulted prisons and freed many political prisoners, among them
Machno himself. (2) Once the civil war started, between 1918 and 1921 the Makhnovists
faced several enemies. Once Skoropadsky is overthrown, the Makhnovists defend themselves
against the attacks of the Tsarist army Deñikin and then Wrangel, who are trying to
re-establish the monarchy. Both tsarist leaders will be overthrown by the precarious
Makhno guerrillas who attack and flee, making weapons stolen from the enemy.
Petliura, leader of the Ukrainian nationalist bourgeoisie, a rightist and separatist man
who aims to give the Ukrainian revolts a national character, will soon appear on the
scene, but will soon face the anarchist followers of Makhno, who see that the problem is
not being Russian or Ukrainian but to be proletarian or bourgeois. Before the anarchists
triumph Petliura prefers to deliver them to the tsarist military, so Makhno and his men
must face Deñikin, Wrangel and then Petliura.
Between 1919 and 1920 the Bolsheviks, who are already beginning to be hegemonic, begin to
see the "danger" of a horizontalist and anarchic army that does not add to its red ranks.
There will be several attempts to co-opt the Makhnovists, or otherwise eliminate them.
Leon Trotsky will say in 1918 that "the civil war inevitably feeds anarchist tendencies in
the movements of the working masses ... Psychologically a revolution means the awakening
in the peasant mass of the human personality." The anarchist forms of this awakening were
the inevitable consequence of the oppression existed, to arrive at the creation of a new
order, based on the control of the workers themselves over the industry, is only possible
through the INTERNAL persistent elimination of the anarchist tendencies of the revolution."
There is not much doubt about the contempt of the Bolshevik leaders towards the peasant
(it must be remembered that the Makhnovist movement is fundamentally a peasant movement)
and their contempt towards the anarchists in general. There are two non-aggression
treaties signed between Makhnovists and Bolsheviks, both violated by the latter. These
treaties had signed, among other things, the cessation of persecutions of the anarchists
of all Russia, and the release of the anarchists arrested and imprisoned by the
Bolsheviks, as well as the freedom of military decision of the Makhnovists to fight in the
fronts that they considered necessary. None of this was fulfilled by the Bolsheviks, since
they soon began to pressure Makhno to send him to fight in the border area with Poland,
far from the Ukraine. Machno refuses, and soon the "ejector hero of Deñikin", according to
Bolshevik voices on the eve of the signing of both treaties, suddenly becomes a "bandit at
the service of the white generals", when disobeying. Throughout the war between the two
tendencies 200,000 Makhnovists will be arrested and another 220,000 executed by the
Bolsheviks. (5)
Volin tells us about this subject ... "Days before the decisive victory over Wrangel, when
his defeat left no doubt, the central station of radio broadcasts in Moscow ordered all
stations in the interior to interrupt his receptions, because of An urgent and absolutely
secret telegram from Lenin, which was to be captured exclusively by the two central
stations: Kharkov and Crimea.A Libertarian sympathizer in service at a station in the
interior did not comply with the order and caught the following telegram: "Establish
effective anarchists Ukraine particularly Makhnovist region. Lenin "Some days later, in
the same conditions, this one was carried out:" Actively monitor all anarchists. Prepare
documents, if possible of criminal nature to be able to submit them to accusation. Keep
order and documents secret. Distribute necessary instructions. Lenin "And a few days later
the third and last telegram was launched:" Arrest all the anarchists and incriminate them.
Lenin. "(6)
In 1919, the followers of Lenin and Trotsky attack Gulái-Polé in order to trap or kill
Makhno, but since they do not find him, they execute one of their brothers. Soon the
differences between Marxists and anarchists are growing. (7) At the same time there is
another fact, Pedro Kropotkin, geographer and biologist of great renown in the scientific
fields, and one of the most recognized anarchist theorists in the world, will suffer a
break-in at his home. The Bolsheviks arrest him and lock him in a villa in Dimitrov's
camp, to keep him away from Moscow. Thus Lenin paid Kropotkin everything he had done for
him when in 1905 he used all his influences to get Lenin out of prison, when the Tsar
still reigned. (8)
On the other hand, while the Bolshevik army had a mandatory system of cam, the Makhnovists
joined the army voluntarily, so that, although they were thousands, they were less than
the Bolsheviks. The lack of weapons and food was another great problem for the anarchists,
since by their ideology they did not have the centralizing power of the State nor the
requisitioning of grains towards the peasants. The machnovism is dying to have to fight on
several fronts. Many times, Bolshevik troops sent to repress the anarchists, ended up
joining these seeing the revolution betrayed by the red leaders. For this reason, Lenin
will send Chinese and Latvian mercenaries to repress Ukraine. On the other hand, the Red
Army retained all the authoritarianism and discipline of the Tsarist army, since many of
his new commissioners were former criminals, officers of tsarism. On repeated occasions
the Bolsheviks used the Makhnovists for the most dangerous fronts, to weaken them and thus
be able to be dominated. The different treaties violated by the Bolsheviks, demonstrated
what their intentions were and what their idea of revolution. The revolution would be led
by Lenin and the Bolshevik party or it would not be revolution. (9) The revolution would
be led by Lenin and the Bolshevik party or it would not be revolution. (9) The revolution
would be led by Lenin and the Bolshevik party or it would not be revolution. (9)
Towards 1921 the Makhnovist army is only a ghost, Makhno manages to escape with only 100
horsemen, survivors of that army. Makhno had 9 wounds in the body, one of them was a
bullet in the neck that came out of his jaw. The Bolshevik repression had been enormous.
Hundreds of peasants and "suspected" and "sympathetic" workers of the Makhnovists were
executed by the new "representatives of the working class." Several villages are burned
and many peasants are raped by Bolshevik soldiers. (10) Meanwhile, the Bolshevik press,
for its part, although almost never named what happened in Ukraine, when it did simply
said that it was an "army of degenerate bandits and rapists." (eleven)
Another Bolshevik accusation against the Makhnovists was to point them out as Czarist
agents or in the service of the white generals scattered throughout Ukraine, a misguided
argument since the Makhnovists expel Tsarist generals like Deñikin or Wrangel from the
Ukraine. On the other hand the Bolsheviks, in their press, said that the Makhnovists were
nationalist groups fighting for the independence of Ukraine. (12) If we remember what was
the Makhnovists 'relationship with Petliura, the Ukrainian nationalist leader, then
executed by the anarchist Schulim, for having killed more than 100,000 Jews, and we take
into account the anarchist workers' internationalism, the Bolshevik argument falls for its
own weight. Nor is it the Bolshevik argument that the Makhnovists were rich landlords,
Finally, Machno manages to escape to Romania, and then ends his days in Paris, France,
where he will die in 1935, very poor and sick, with the help of other refugees. Time
before dying Machno met there Buenaventura Durruti, the emblematic Spanish anarchist who
was in exile in France. (13)
The events of Kronstadt.
Kronstadt is a military fortress built in the eighteenth century, and is located on the
island Kotlin, north of Russia, on the Baltic Sea, very close to Finland. By the time
analyzed, this port city had 50,000 inhabitants. Its importance as a city lies in the fact
that both in the Tsarist era and later with the Bolsheviks, Kronstadt will be the main
base of the Russian fleet.
The sailors, when traveling knew other regimes and brought many ideas from other parts of
Europe. The revolutionary character of this city is historical. It had been one of the
first towns to join the revolution of 1905. Then in 1906 there was a huge revolt stifled
by Tsarism. Something similar happened in 1910, and in 1917 Kronstadt became "the glory of
the revolution" according to Trotsky. (14) On the eve of the October revolution, 16,000
Kronstadt sailors enter this city with red and black flags. But towards 1921, its
inhabitants, always defenders of the revolution, begin to suffer the abuses of the
Bolshevik troops. The city has no autonomy but its local soviet begins to be permanently
boycotted by Bolshevik members to comply with orders from Moscow. The discontent is
increasing and during all February and March the insurrection takes place. Those who head
it are the Kronstadt sailors. They demand free soviets, popular participation of their
inhabitants and not of Bolshevik leaders of the capital, and in addition they are added to
the enormous strikes that at that time shake Petrograd.
Tired of searches, abuses of all kinds and orders of red ex-tsarist officers, the sailors
get up. The whole city supports them. The few Bolshevik envoys are expelled but many
communists loyal to socialism leave the party and stay with the sailors. Here "the glory
of the revolution" becomes for Trotsky "the counterrevolutionary rogue". Lenin declares
the state of siege and on March 7, at 6:45 pm, the ground and air bombardments begin on
the city. As many of his envoys flee and join the rebels, Lenin must send troops of
Chinese mercenaries and bashkirs to suppress. With the bombings 7000 children and women
are killed by the Bolsheviks. The largest number of deaths occurs on March 16, two days
after Kronstadt falls. They had killed 14,000 insurgent sailors. From a city of 50,000
inhabitants the Bolsheviks killed 21,000, not counting the captured survivors, who were
sent to a concentration camp in the Turkestan desert, where they died of hunger. Only a
few sailors managed to escape to Finland, and others such as Alejandro Berkmann and Emma
Goldman will be expelled to the United States. (fifteen)
The Bolsheviks then placed General Dybenko, who had led the bombings, as the local
dictator of Kronstadt. He would see to it that no one else would have the audacity to
revolt. And so Trotsky could boast: "At last the Soviet power sweeps Russia, with an iron
broom, to anarchism!" The revolution was dead. (16) The Bolshevik explanations regarding
what happened in Kronstadt will be many and even contradictory. First they will say that
it was an uprising of Tsarist exiles commanded from Paris. Then they will say that it was
an uprising of exiles, but commanded from Finland, where there were still many refugees.
By those days Finland had signed a peace treaty with Russia, so the Finnish government was
very careful that the Russian exiles in Finland did not disturb or harm the pact. (17)
Then another argument will come, also unjustified. It will be said that the sailors of
Kronstadt will have support from abroad, from powers such as England or France. While the
right wing of several countries wanted to take advantage of the seamen's uprising to
restore tsarism and wanted to help the sailors economically, they rejected the aid, even
though they were blocked and without food.
The Kronstadt will not be an organized uprising as the Bolsheviks said, since the uprising
occurred days before the first thaw, and had waited to rise during the same, the Bolshevik
repression would have been very complicated since it is an island, the only thing that
connected it to the continent was that immense block of ice, which when being in thaw made
it impossible for the red infantry to pass by to suppress. It was not expected at that
moment because the Kronstadt was something spontaneous, not something organized. In this
way the Bolsheviks were able to repress, and for that reason there were no negotiations
between both sectors. Trotsky saw that thaw coming, and in the face of doubt decided not
to delay things. If the Kronstadt thing was expanded the "revolution", as Trotsky
understood it, was in danger. In the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party, held on March
8, 1921, Lenin will say: "behind the revolt the familiar figure of the white guard
appears, it is perfectly clear that this is the work of the revolutionary socialists and
the White Guards emigrated. " This is absurd since between 1918 and 1920, 40,000 sailors
from Kronstadt had confronted the white generals, always putting their lives to defend the
revolution. On March 15, the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party continued, and thus, 7
days after his first accusation against the sailors, Lenin will say that "in Kronstadt
they do not want the white guards, nor do they want our power," referring to to the
sailors, but did nothing to prevent the killing that at that very moment, while he was
recanting, It was taking place on the island. (18) Nor was it an uprising of Ukrainians
infiltrated into the Kronstadt fleet, since although there were Ukrainians in their ranks,
there were also Latvians, Estonians and Finns, but the bulk of the Kronstadt fleet was of
Russian origin, many were from Moscow and Petrograd, where the revolts against the
Bolshevik regime multiplied, and beyond the nations of origin, from the first to the last
seaman supported the uprising because they considered it a defense against what they
understood, rightly so to my understanding, as the threat of death to the revolution on
the part of the red bureaucracy and the nationalization of the soviets.
The Kronstadt sailors spoke of their uprising as signaling the beginning of the "Third
Revolution". In the case of Kronstadt, the Bolshevik press will also use the argument used
in Ukraine, saying that the rebels were rich landowners. The falsity of this argument can
be seen by observing the peasant origin of Petrichenko and the other sailors, who at the
time of the uprising had their families starving in the countryside, because of the grain
searches carried out by the government Bolshevik
Relationship between the Makhnovist movement and the Kronstadt events.
There are two exclusively political and geographical points of relation between Makhnovism
and what happened in Kronstadt. In the first place, when the Makhnovist movement ended in
1921, conflicts began in Kronstadt in that same year. Secondly, many (although not the
majority) of the sailors of the Kronstadt fleet were of Ukrainian origin, so that the
experience in Ukraine could have influenced when it was time to stir the already exalted
spirits of the unhappy city of Kronstadt. Petrichenko himself, the most recognized figure
of the uprising in this city, was Ukrainian. (19)
On the other hand, there are those who affirm that the fugitive Néstor Machno, when
expelled from the Ukraine, and on the way towards his exile towards Poland, and then
towards France, could have contacted the anarchists who were in Kronstadt, wishing to take
at least his ideas towards the city of the sailors. (twenty)
It is also known that both in the whole region of Ukraine and in the city of the sailors,
although more in the first than in the second, numerous anarchist groups acted that
fomented the open rebellion against the Bolshevik regime. But there is no conspiratorial
hypothesis here because in both regions the revolts were spontaneous, and the anarchists
were one of the many sectors opposed to the Bolsheviks.
Another similarity between the two processes is that in both regions Lenin sent red guards
to repress, but also foreign mercenaries (in the case of Ukraine, Chinese and Latvian
mercenaries are sent in Chinese Kronstadt and Bashkires) and both are ex-Tsarist officials
who repress
Finally another phenomenon occurs, the sailors of Kronstadt were of peasant origin, like
the guerrillas of the Ukraine, and all of them had witnessed or listened to the stories of
their relatives about the obligatory requisitions of grain that they suffered on the part
of the Bolshevik army, between other abuses, to feed their soldiers and the growing
bureaucracy that lived in the cities. In both regions there is much more widespread anger
towards the Bolsheviks, in cities such as Petrograd or regions such as Siberia that had
suffered all kinds of strikes and revolts throughout 1920 and 1921.
The projects of the sailors of Kronstadt were similar to those of the Makhnovists:
decentralization, free soviets, defense of the first ideals of the revolution of October
1917, desires to finish the Communism of War, etc. (twenty-one)
Final hypothesis.
The hypothesis to pose is the following: The revolution is not compatible with the State
because when the new State triumphs the revolution dies. In order for the "revolutionary"
State to impose itself, the revolution must subordinate itself to it, and the revolutions
are not made by the parties or the statesmen but by the great masses, which will be
repressed by the new State in case they do not agree with it. , in the same way that the
new party in power was repressed when fighting for its conquest.
It is interesting to see how in 1923 Luiggi Fabbri predicted almost perfectly, everything
that would happen in Russia later; it seems to anticipate the emergence of Stalinism.
However, two years had passed since the events in Kronstadt, and analyzing that massacre
it was foreseeable that if "the glory of the revolution" was savagely repressed, something
much worse could be expected for the rest of the Russian population.
Conclusion.
Finalmente, creo que queda claro que un grupo o partido puede tener un discurso o una
ideología muy progresista, pero que al llegar al poder empieza a olvidarse de sus
principios y rápidamente lo revolucionario va dejando lugar a lo reaccionario. El
movimiento se convierte en algo estático, y quien se rebela ante el nuevo orden pasa a ser
un "contrarrevolucionario". Queda claro aquí que no hay nada mas derechista que los
izquierdistas reprimiendo a los anarquistas. Por lo analizado en estos casos creo que
Estado y Revolución no pueden convivir, para que uno de los dos triunfe es necesario que
el opuesto muera. Por otra parte se puede hablar de "dictadura del proletariado",
"gobierno de los trabajadores" y demás, pero sabemos que quien gobierna no trabaja, y
quien trabaja no gobierna, que si no hay cambios permanentes de roles se genera una
burocracia parásito y la revolución se muere. El socialismo no puede existir si los mismos
espacios de poder no están socializados, si todo el poder es un monopolio del Estado
centralizado, de un partido, de una vanguardia o de un líder. En el caso ruso podemos
observar cómo los soviets de obreros, soldados y campesinos, pronto se convirtieron en
soviets de dirigentes bolcheviques, pronto pasaría lo mismo con los sindicatos y otros
espacios de poder. Hay que recordar que la estatización de los sindicatos, la
borucratización y copamiento de los soviets, la militarización de las fábricas, el
genocidio político y la persecución y matanza de opositores, junto a la aplicación del
taylorismo explotador en las fábricas tomado del modelo norteamericano; el ejército y las
levas obligatorias sumados al hambre y la miseria de millones de seres humanos a causa de
la requisa autoritaria y violenta de granos y productos agrícolas, como así también la
incorporación de altos jerarcas militares ex zaristas al Ejército Rojo, es decir toda esa
gama de síntomas para nada revolucionarios, ya se daban entre 1918 y 1921 con Lenin y
Trotsky a la cabeza, mucho antes de Stalin. Lo que hizo Stalin fue aumentar las cifras de
las atrocidades cometidas por los otros dos líderes bolcheviques. Los metodos de Stalin no
eran desconocidos en Rusia, al contrario, eran moneda corriente. Estos eran los líderes
"revolucionarios", estos eran los "defensores" de la clase trabajadora, estos eran el
"cambio" para el mundo. Habría que empezar a analizar seriamente quiénes eran en realidad
los verdaderos contrarrevolucionarios y burgueses al servicio del capital.
On the other hand: What would have happened if the rest of Russia folded to the Kronstadt
uprising? How far could the revolution have come if it was allowed to be? Why the rest of
Russia did not fold to Kronstadt?. The answer is simple: the new Bolshevik state when it
came to power, was taking over the media, then the most used were the radio and the
newspaper. It must be borne in mind that the Bolsheviks monopolized the media and banned
and persecuted opposition newspapers. Through these means the new State was misinforming
the population to the point that the information that reached Moscow and other cities was
false, and in many cities they learned of the Kronstadt massacres months after they
occurred. In addition, during the period from 1918 to 1921, the lack of communication
between the cities was almost total due to the destruction of bridges, routes and roads.
It was very difficult to move to neighboring cities. In addition, the bulk of the revolts
against the Bolsheviks were taking place during 1921, in Petrograd, Moscow and Siberia,
places that also suffered Bolshevik repression. The sailors of Kronstadt expected these
cities to fold to them after their uprising, but when the same occurred the other revolts
had already been stifled and were not connected to each other. That is why the rest of
Russia did not join the commune of Kronstadt. For the rest, it is clear that if the
Russian revolution survived, and it was allowed to be, the possibilities of change would
have been endless. The impact of the Russian revolution on the world was enormous, and the
expectations were enormous.
For this reason, it is necessary to alert the deluded people who are currently awaiting
revolutions or changes by parties of the most diverse acronyms, but with similar aims,
which even today are vindicating genocide of workers and peasants like Lenin, Trotsky or
Stalin, who criticize genocide like Videla (who led the massacre and disappearance of
30,000 people under the last dictatorship in Argentina, among other atrocities) but they
claim to genocide as Trotsky who killed more people than the detestable Argentine
military, and we are not talking about massacres of bourgeois or accomplices , but of
massacres of workers and peasants in the name of socialism, justifying their opponents'
hunts as "a mistake", when behind that error there is actually a dead person, and
thousands of mistakes that cost thousands of lives. You have to always remember these
killings,
If we talk about recovering memory, that all memory is recovered and not only things "that
do not harm the party". On the other hand, we must not forget that among those who
currently talk about the freedom of political prisoners in Argentina, there are those who
justify political prisoners in Cuban prisons, where even today there are hundreds of
anarchists imprisoned who are currently being imprisoned. rotting between its walls. As
they also rotted in Russia or China under regimes called "communists." Those leftists are
against this or that government, against this army or against this police, not against
every government, against every army or against any police. They do not realize that the
problem is the State, the authority. They want their own police, their own army, and their
own jails, although they put the red color behind him. Also, if possible, they want their
own ESMA, as did Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin in their respective concentration camps. It is
enough to think about what would happen to us if one of these many current left parties
had tomorrow the much desired power that they seek to take today. Any criticism of his
authoritarianism would be branded as "petit bourgeois or counterrevolutionary influence
bancada Yankee imperialism" and this booklet that is in his hands would be burned, his
author arrested by the future red police with friends, family and supporters, just in
case. One can still hear the occasional Trotskyist regret that in Argentina there is no
longer compulsory military service, since in its authoritarian logic the Trotskyist
considers that military service was a good possibility for the people to know the handling
of weapons and to liberate themselves on the day of the revolution, as if self-liberation
should be based on imposition, an example of a mentality Jesuit that justified compulsory
military service during the Russian Revolution, trying to force the peasant to join a
"liberating army" that in reality had nothing of such and that in case of denying that
same "liberating" army, he shot him. A peculiar way of "liberating" the oppressed.
Everything we tell on these pages is what those who filled their mouths talking about
surplus value, workers and socialism, but who only sought power. And everything they did
in the past, they will do it again if they have the possibility, those who still vindicate
these red Machiavellians, because they do not criticize the power itself, but criticize it
because it is not yet in their hands, and when they have it they will stop criticizing it,
to keep it without getting out of hand, as good conservatives they are.Finally, the most
important conclusion is that revolutions are made from below, or are not revolutions, that
the revolution is not the work of illuminated vanguards, or parties, or leaders . In the
revolutions act multiple sectors, and all must have the same possibility of making
decisions. These can not be a monopoly of a party. A government can be overthrown by
another that is attributed the nickname of revolutionary, this "workers and peasants
government" it can forcibly requisition peasants and militarize the factories, it can kill
thousands of workers and thousands of peasants in its name. An army can change its uniform
and add the color red, and add to its ranks renowned repressors. You can do that and much
more in the name of the most abstract ideals and phraseology, but if the revolution and
the possibility of permanent change is not an end in itself, there is no change, only
parodies. If one is not a socialist on the level of everyday practice and concreteness,
socialism will never come. If power is not socialized, socialism is a lie. The new state
can take power and repress all those who do not agree with it, but please, then let's not
talk about revolution. An army can change its uniform and add the color red, and add to
its ranks renowned repressors. You can do that and much more in the name of the most
abstract ideals and phraseology, but if the revolution and the possibility of permanent
change is not an end in itself, there is no change, only parodies. If one is not a
socialist on the level of everyday practice and concreteness, socialism will never come.
If power is not socialized, socialism is a lie. The new state can take power and repress
all those who do not agree with it, but please, then let's not talk about revolution. An
army can change its uniform and add the color red, and add to its ranks renowned
repressors. You can do that and much more in the name of the most abstract ideals and
phraseology, but if the revolution and the possibility of permanent change is not an end
in itself, there is no change, only parodies. If one is not a socialist on the level of
everyday practice and concreteness, socialism will never come. If power is not socialized,
socialism is a lie. The new state can take power and repress all those who do not agree
with it, but please, then let's not talk about revolution. but if the revolution and the
possibility of permanent change is not an end in itself, there is no change, only
parodies. If one is not a socialist on the level of everyday practice and concreteness,
socialism will never come. If power is not socialized, socialism is a lie. The new state
can take power and repress all those who do not agree with it, but please, then let's not
talk about revolution. but if the revolution and the possibility of permanent change is
not an end in itself, there is no change, only parodies. If one is not a socialist on the
level of everyday practice and concreteness, socialism will never come. If power is not
socialized, socialism is a lie. The new state can take power and repress all those who do
not agree with it, but please, then let's not talk about revolution.
Notes.1- Volin. "The Unknown Revolution", ed. Projection. Bs.As, 1977. 2- Idem 3- Trotsky,
León. "For the history of the October Revolution." (p 114) Russian edition in New York.
1920. Source quoted in the work "The Russian Revolution and Anarchism" by Anatol Gorelik.
Ed. Anarchy. Bs.As, 1933.4- Radek, Carlos. "The Soviet government and the disarmament of
the anarchists." Source cited by Anatol Gorelik in his already named work. It would be an
edition made in Moscow, written by Radek in 1918. Remember that for that year there were
already military, political and social conflicts between Makhnovists and Bolsheviks.5-
While there were certain sectors of anarchism close to the Bolsheviks, known as the
"anarchobolcheviks", (including Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkmann) the paranoia
generated after the events of Kronstadt in 1921, made every suspect of an anarchist was
shot, arrested or expelled from Russia, the latter measure was applied to Goldman and
Berkmann who are exiled in United States United. According to Volin, towards 1921 the
anarchist movement disappears from Russia. It is also known the case of Zensl Müsham, (the
companion of the renowned Jewish poet and anarchist Erich Müsham, killed by the Nazis in
1934) who was 13 years under the regime of Stalin, but by then a living anarchist in
Russia was a rarity . 6- Volin. op. cit. p180.7- Rocker, Rudolf. "Bolshevism and
anarchism." Editorial Rebuild. Bs.As., 1959.8- BRB "Remembering Pedro Kropotkin". Acratas
Editions "El Sembrador". Andorra, Teruel. No year of editing. You can also see the "Letter
of Kropotkin to Lenin", March 4, 1920. There Kropotkin will tell Lenin, among other
things: "As you live in the center of Moscow (by then Lenin lived in the Kremlin,
luxurious palace formerly home of the Tsar) he does not know the true situation of the
country, he should go to the provinces, get in touch with the people, share his desires,
jobs and calamities, be with the hungry-adults and children-bear the innumerable
inconveniences that arise at the moment of obtaining a miserable oil lamp, and I would
reach conclusions that could be summed up in one: the need to find a way to a life in
better conditions, otherwise we will soon fall into a bloody catastrophe. " Note that the
letters of Kropotkin never received an answer, far from that, Lenin only managed to
surround the villa of Kropotkin, several red guards. A year later the wise and Russian
anarchist died. 9- Why do we affirm this? Because for the Bolshevik leaders in general,
with their ideology of "revolutionary vanguards" and "professional revolutionaries", any
opponent of their ideas, be it a left-wing revolutionary socialist, a Menshevik, a
Democrat, a liberal or an anarchist, he was a "counterrevolutionary", "petty-bourgeois",
"at the service of English capitalism", "agent of German imperialism or of the Czarist
refugees of Finland". For this mentality, which claims to be the owner and guide of the
revolution, which monopolizes power, There is no possibility that there are
revolutionaries outside of their party, who may not share their concept of "revolution".
That anarchists and left-wing revolutionary socialists have demonstrated since the early
1900s their capacity for organization, rebellion and destabilization of the tsarist
regime, through strikes, attacks, armed insurrections and factory takeovers, for the
Bolsheviks did not matter. Who opposed the party, automatically opposed the revolution,
for the Bolsheviks. They were the revolution, and not others. Therefore, there was no room
for criticism. For those who dared to say that they were going to the counterrevolution on
their way, the concentration camps created between 1920 and 1921, prison, execution, exile
or death by hunger awaited him. The heroic Maria Spironodova, emblematic figure of the
Left Socialist Revolutionary Party, which had committed several attacks throughout Russia
against the Tsar and his regime, will be released from prison at the beginning of the
revolution, but will soon oppose the policy of the Bolsheviks, and these the They arrest
again, dying sick in jail. The same fate will run other legendary members of his party,
pioneers in the clashes against Tsarism, imprisoned and killed by the Bolsheviks. For more
information, Archinoff, Pedro. "History of the Makhnovist movement" (1918-1921). Editorial
Argonauta. Bs.As. 1926 and "The Subterranean Russia", by Stepniak, Editorial Americalee,
Buenos Aires, 1945.10- Machno, Néstor. "The Russian Revolution in Ukraine", volume I.
Editorial Vértice, Barcelona (No edition year). It should be noted that the majority of
the few survivors of the Makhnovist guerrilla, unbelievably, will go as volunteer
internationalists to fight against fascism in Spain at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil
War in 1936, always in pursuit of anarchy and social revolution, despite have miraculously
escaped from Russia and made a rag, full of wounds. This figure is highlighted by
Christian Ferrer in his book "Cabezas de Tormenta", Utopia Libertarian Collection, Bs.
As., 2004.11- Chernomordik, S. "Majno and the movement majnovista". Publications Edeya.
Barcelona. Chernomordik is the pseudonym of P. Sarianof.12 This can be seen in the
pamphlet of the Bolshevik S. Chernomordik, as well as in some issues of the newspaper
"Pravda", cited and transcribed by Volin or by Pedro Archinoff.13- Volin op. cit. On the
encounter between Machno and Durruti can be seen "Durruti in the Spanish Revolution", by
Abel Paz, edited by the Anselmo Lorenzo Foundation in Madrid, in 1996. 14- Volin op.cit15-
Petrichenko, leader of the Kronstadt insurrection, will flee to Finland after the fall of
Kronstadt, through the United States, but after the Second World War will be repatriated
to Stalin's Russia, where he will be locked in a concentration camp, dying there in 1947,
in terrible living conditions.16 - Avrich, Paul. "Kronstadt 1921". Projection Editorial.
Bs. As. 1973. What Trotsky could not see is that a short time later he too would be swept
out of Russia with an iron broom by the same political system that he had defended and
with the same methods of terror that he had used, to later be assassinated in Mexico by
Stalinist envoys. Kamenev, Zinoviev, Bukharin, and Marshal Tukhachevsky (military
repressor of workers in the time of the Tsar, then placed in the Red Army by Lenin and
Trotsky, and one of those responsible for the Kronstadt massacre in 1921), Lenin's four
pimps and after Stalin, they would die executed by order of it in the purges carried out
between 1934 and 1938, along with thousands of other Bolshevik leaders. For more
information, read "Stalin", Jacinto Toryho's book, Editorial Americalee, Bs. As., 1946.17-
Avrich, Paul. op cit.18- Avrich, Paul. op cit. See, above all, on page 99 and 130.19-
Avrich, Paul. op cit.20- Volin. op.cit.21- Avrich, Paul. op.cit. and Marshal Tukhachevsky
(military repressor of workers in the time of the Tsar, then placed in the Red Army by
Lenin and Trotsky, and one of those responsible for the Kronstadt massacre in 1921), the
four panderers of Lenin and then Stalin, would die executed by order of the latter in the
purges carried out between 1934 and 1938, together with thousands of other Bolshevik
leaders. For more information, read "Stalin", Jacinto Toryho's book, Editorial Americalee,
Bs. As., 1946.17- Avrich, Paul. op cit.18- Avrich, Paul. op cit. See, above all, on page
99 and 130.19- Avrich, Paul. op cit.20- Volin. op.cit.21- Avrich, Paul. op.cit. and
Marshal Tukhachevsky (military repressor of workers in the time of the Tsar, then placed
in the Red Army by Lenin and Trotsky, and one of those responsible for the Kronstadt
massacre in 1921), the four panderers of Lenin and then Stalin, would die executed by
order of the latter in the purges carried out between 1934 and 1938, together with
thousands of other Bolshevik leaders. For more information, read "Stalin", Jacinto
Toryho's book, Editorial Americalee, Bs. As., 1946.17- Avrich, Paul. op cit.18- Avrich,
Paul. op cit. See, above all, on page 99 and 130.19- Avrich, Paul. op cit.20- Volin.
op.cit.21- Avrich, Paul. op.cit. they would die executed by order of this one in the
purges carried out between 1934 and 1938, next to other thousands of Bolshevik leaders.
For more information, read "Stalin", Jacinto Toryho's book, Editorial Americalee, Bs. As.,
1946.17- Avrich, Paul. op cit.18- Avrich, Paul. op cit. See, above all, on page 99 and
130.19- Avrich, Paul. op cit.20- Volin. op.cit.21- Avrich, Paul. op.cit. they would die
executed by order of this one in the purges carried out between 1934 and 1938, next to
other thousands of Bolshevik leaders. For more information, read "Stalin", Jacinto
Toryho's book, Editorial Americalee, Bs. As., 1946.17- Avrich, Paul. op cit.18- Avrich,
Paul. op cit. See, above all, on page 99 and 130.19- Avrich, Paul. op cit.20- Volin.
op.cit.21- Avrich, Paul. op.cit.
Bibliography · Anonymous. "Unsustainable anarchism." Insurrectional anarchism in Russia at
the beginning of the 20th century. Insurgent editions. Published in November 2002. This is
a response to the book "The Other Soul of the Revolution" by Paul Avrich, written in 1978.
· Archinoff, Pedro. "History of the Makhnovist movement" (1918-1921). Editorial Argonauta.
Bs.As. 1926. · Avrich, Paul. "Kronstadt, 1921". Projection Editorial. Bs.as. 1973. · BRB
"Remembering Pedro Kropotkin". Publications Acratas "El Sembrador". Andorra, Teruel. (It
has no edition year) · Chernomordik, S. "Majno and the movement majnovista" (The
anarchists to the work). Publications Edeya. Barcelona (No edition year). It is the
Bolshevik look on what happened in Ukraine. · Fabbri, Luiggi. " (Thirteen years imprisoned
by Stalin). Editions SAI (It has not year of edition) · Stepniak. "The Underground
Russia", Editorial Americalee, Bs. As., 1945. · Toryho, Jacinto. "Stalin." Editorial
Americalee. Bs. As. 1946. · Trotsky, León. "Terrorism and Communism". Workers Policy
Editions. Bs.As. 1965. · Williams, Chester S. "Soviet Crimes." Editorial Agora. Bs.As.
1957.Fuentes. · Letters from Kropotkin to Lenin, written in 1919 included in the work
"Ideario Anarquista", Editorial Longseller. Bs. As. 2000. · Transcripts of journalistic
notes appeared in 1921 with the events of Kronstadt, in the newspapers "Pravda", "New York
Times" and "New York Tribune", made by the historian Paul Avrich. Literary source. Gorky,
Máximo. "Mother". United Mexican Publishers.
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