Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #287 - From the mountains
of Iraqi Kurdistan (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Czech, afed: Bella chau -- Brief report from happening in
front of Prague 3 [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Holand, Vrije Bond: [Utrecht] Reading Session #1 - Borders
--- "The border is not a wall- it's a system of control".
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. black rosefed: THE CLAWS OF EMPIRE, THE RISE OF FASCISM:
BRAZILIAN ANARCHIST STATEMENT ON BOLSONARO
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Several Libertarian Alternative activists who visited Iraqi Kurdistan (Bashur) during the
summer of 2018 give us an account of their observations and their point of view on the
situation in this guerrilla zone. ---- Originally, we planned to go to Rojava (Syrian
Kurdistan), but the geopolitical vagaries of this troubled region prevented us from doing
so. It is therefore by default that we stayed in Iraq, where we were supported by Kurdish
activists who took us to the Qandil mountains, bases of the PKK (Workers' Party of
Kurdistan). ---- We are not specialists in the Kurdish question and the short time spent
on the spot does not allow us to provide an exhaustive point of view on this one, but
simply to lay the foundations for a more global reflection on the Kurdish movement. from a
revolutionary and libertarian point of view.
From our civilian camp in the mountains, we have been able to understand the political
project of the PKK, the democratic confederalism theorized by its leader, Abdullah Öcalan
from the Turkish prison-island where he has been imprisoned since 1999. Without going into
details, he It is an ideology that no longer favors a Kurdish nation-state, but a
confederation of democratic and self-managing communities pursuing an anti-capitalist goal
and making ecology and feminism its cornerstones.
Its local application has, however, remained relatively obscure because of the
difficulties to move in the guerrilla zone, but also because the mountains of Qandil are
scattered only by small hamlets where the low density of inhabitants, the essentially
pastoral economic activity and the already relatively communalist way of life does not
require democratic structures such as those of Syrian Rojava. In the absence of a
presentation of a functioning that we could not observe, we will present what appeared to
us during our discussions with PKK cadres and militants, as the most interesting practices
of a libertarian point of view: the feminist approach and the practice of tekmîl.
The liberation of women at the center of the struggle
We had the chance to meet activists involved at various levels in the Kurdish women's
movement. it is necessary not to fetish these women, to be interested in the political
project that they defend without considering them only as " warriors " victorious of Daesh.
In Qandil, Iraq, men and women take on collective tasks. (C) Yann RENOULT
Since its inception, the PKK has opposed the Kurdish people with feudal and tribal
functioning in force, particularly oppressive towards women. Later, Öcalan's analyzes of
women's and family issues lead to an influx of activists into the guerrillas.
The latter, however, have meant that we have had to fight within their own party against
ordinary sexism and have torn off some political achievements by fighting internally
against their male comrades.
From a practical point of view, the work of emancipation of Kurdish women is understood,
in our view, on two levels: the fight against the oppression they suffer as such, and the
participation of women in the political functioning of women. their society.
From an institutional point of view, every level of organization of society is, as far as
possible, feminized: either by the requirement of parity at all levels, or by the creation
of single-sex structures specifically concerned with regarding women on a daily basis
(such as dragging men accused of violence in court).
The improvement of women's lives is taken into account in the policies implemented. The
territories where democratic confederalism applies are thus meshed with non-mixed
structures, the Women's Houses.
From what we saw in the camp, the non-mixed is never questioned by men.
Alongside this political participation, the Kurdish women's movement fights against
specific oppressions. The activists we met talked to us at length about their work to
change attitudes and consciences in Kurdish society. More than by prohibitions, it is
through education that they seek this change in mentalities, especially of young people,
with regular interventions in schools. But men accused of violence (or volunteers), can
also integrate " rehabilitation centers " In which they can learn to question their
behavior. A re-education that, according to the confession of our interlocutors, seems
complicated, men with this annoying tendency, as in France, to be reluctant to any
questioning.
But their conviction and determination seemed foolproof. We were particularly impressed by
their non-virile approach to the revolution. They told us that " the best guerrilla
weapon is not the Kalashnikov, but the love of his comrades, " and tried to propagate
this conception of fraternal and " sororitarian " social relations .
Finally, jinology as the " science " of women's liberation must also bring about this
change in consciousness through the reintegration of women into all the sciences and
analyzes from which they have been banished by men. To understand the place of women in
history, in human relations, to reconsider any analysis from a feminine and non-masculine
point of view, must allow not only to restore the confidence of women not yet integrated
into the movement, but also to modify the state of mind of men.
Qandil, Iraq. Dance occupies an important place in the life of guerrillas. (C) Yann RENOULT
" The new man and the new woman "
Derived from the Marxist-Leninist ideology, the success of the Kurdish revolutionary
project is marked by the emergence of what they call " the new man and the new woman ".
The modification of personal behavior constitutes one of the bases of the application of
the democratic confederalism.
It is with this in mind that tekmîl was presented to us. The main tool of this search for
personal improvement, this one takes everyday local life and interpersonal conflicts as a
starting point for more global critiques, and / or oppressive behaviors to be modified.
Concretely, the tekmîls that we have been able to attend resemble general assemblies
having for subject the resolution of the conflicts and problems of organization of the
camp. Theoretically, each level of society adopts its own tekmîl (guerrilla unit, village,
neighborhood ...), which gathers as soon as necessary on simple request, even individual.
A tekmil is divided into three parts: criticism, self-criticism, resolution. Starting from
the criticism of the behavior of a member of the group, of a particular situation or
operation, each individual concerned is led to identify the causes of the problem in his
own behavior, and then to propose ways to solve it. The Kurds we met stressed the
benevolence of the critics, allowing them not to rush off the incriminated people and to
subscribe to a peaceful vision of social relations that offers the greatest chance for a
constructive resolution of the conflict. It is often the case that an individual
immediately refuses the criticism made to him, in which case the following tekmil will
resume the conversation, and so on sometimes for weeks, until the problem is solved ...
where exclusion in a few rare insoluble cases. and then to propose ways to solve it. The
Kurds we met stressed the benevolence of the critics, allowing them not to rush off the
incriminated people and to subscribe to a peaceful vision of social relations that offers
the greatest chance for a constructive resolution of the conflict. It is often the case
that an individual immediately refuses the criticism made to him, in which case the
following tekmil will resume the conversation, and so on sometimes for weeks, until the
problem is solved ... where exclusion in a few rare insoluble cases. and then to propose
ways to solve it. The Kurds we met stressed the benevolence of the critics, allowing them
not to rush off the incriminated people and to subscribe to a peaceful vision of social
relations that offers the greatest chance for a constructive resolution of the conflict.
It is often the case that an individual immediately refuses the criticism made to him, in
which case the following tekmil will resume the conversation, and so on sometimes for
weeks, until the problem is solved ... where exclusion in a few rare insoluble cases. not
to rush the incriminated people and to subscribe to a peaceful vision of social relations
offering the best chance for a constructive resolution of the conflict. It is often the
case that an individual immediately refuses the criticism made to him, in which case the
following tekmil will resume the conversation, and so on sometimes for weeks, until the
problem is solved ... where exclusion in a few rare insoluble cases. not to rush the
incriminated people and to subscribe to a peaceful vision of social relations offering the
best chance for a constructive resolution of the conflict. It is often the case that an
individual immediately refuses the criticism made to him, in which case the following
tekmil will resume the conversation, and so on sometimes for weeks, until the problem is
solved ... where exclusion in a few rare insoluble cases.
Importantly, women are organizing single-sex tekmîls, and should not criticize each other
in mixed tekmîls, so as not to allow men to use these criticisms against one of them or to
divide them.
It was striking to note that in a fairly tough camp life (according to our western
standards), in a context of military struggle (therefore potentially of intense stress),
we did not witness any violent argument during our two weeks of presence. . The ability of
the Kurds to calm tensions (although present at times), to seek a peaceful and
constructive settlement to the smallest interpersonal problems, comes in our opinion
behavioral changes allowed by the tekmîl.
Although these elements seemed to us very interesting and could inspire us to organize our
own struggles, we also have questions about what we had the chance to see on the ground,
not to make a lawsuit. but to mutually enrich our revolutionary movements.
We have seen for ourselves the importance of the " cult " of martyrs. Engaged in
military conflicts for at least decades, Kurdish revolutionaries have paid a heavy price
in human lives. Most of those we met had lost a family member or had a family member in
prison. This cult of martyrs seemed to us to constitute a cultural base in its own right:
the songs we listened to, the films, music videos and documentaries we watched, until the
discussions that we had, turned in their vast majority around martyr.es or directly evoked
them.
On the other hand, it seemed to us that the PKK largely controlled or inspired cultural
production based on this cult of martyrdom. This cultural hegemony questions the ability
of Kurdish youth to freely dispose and choose their destiny, other than by entering
guerrilla warfare or political struggle. Nevertheless, it is only the young Kurds we have
met, no doubt they are not representative of the entire population.
Another point that has intrigued us is the essentialization of genres. The discussions we
had on this subject were limited to " the Kurdish Woman As an inalienable historical
figure, perhaps in an understandable desire to link tradition and emancipation of women.
Although we were strongly impressed by the Kurdish women we met and the development of
their political movement, we can only note the lack of consideration of queer and LGBT
issues in general. Recall that when some international groups fighting Daesh in Syria
openly claimed their queer identity, the Kurdish forces immediately dissociated
themselves. The PKK does not focus specifically on opening its discourse on this issue, or
at least does not publicize any specific policies on this subject.
Finally, the PKK, in opposition to its political program focused on direct democracy,
seems to us to be based on a political elite, mixed, whose life is devoted to the
functioning of the party. These militants, the kadros (cadres), constitute the backbone of
the PKK.
Unfortunately, we do not know much about their role and their exact influence, and we
readily admit that a purely democratic system can not arise without being referred by
well-trained activists. But there is a risk of substitution of the popular power by that
of the cadres of the party, likely to reproduce an avant-garde system harmful to the
development of a popular autonomy.
Nevertheless, we know from our exchanges that the kadros (who are also the militants who
carry the most the project of the democratic confederalism) are aware of these risks and
think about solving them.
Of course, these criticisms are easy and remain from a quick and incomplete journey in
Kurdish territory. Let us not forget that most areas where democratic confederalism is in
place are at war, and often suffer from a more or less advanced form of blockade.
Difficult under these conditions to achieve this program. Despite this, the political
advances of the Kurdish revolutionary movement are impressive and inspiring for
revolutionaries around the world. We thus consider individually that the Western
revolutionary movements would have much to gain by importing the practice of Tekmil into
their militant structures, possibly by adapting it to our cultural specificities.
Let us also keep in mind that democratic confederalism is a political model adapted to the
local context: a history marked by ethnic conflicts, a less individualistic society than
in the West, a less industrialized economy, and so on. An application stricto sensu of
these precepts seems to us incompatible with the Western political situation where,
according to certain PKK cadres, the revolutionary process goes much further and faces
other problems than theirs. This does not prevent them from considering our struggle on
the same level as theirs, as one of the many fronts of the ongoing international
anti-capitalist struggle.
Libertarian communist hevals (comrades)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Depuis-les-montagnes-du-Kurdistan-irakien
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Message: 2
"If there is no sauna, it's not my revolution," Zizkov said on October 10 at about 5
o'clock in the afternoon. It was an unexpected thing. The big critic of the American
Social Center of Clinic and Squatting, Alexander Bella, built a sauna on the roof of the
house in which he owns a flat without the permission of an association of apartment owners
in the house. He finally became one of us, squatter. ---- So we decided to welcome our new
colleague stylishly. We met in front of Prague 3 Town Hall with pickeys like "ODS = Really
Good Sauna", "Sauning is not a crime" or "Sauna against anarchy". Even though the
happening was not very crowded - about 40 people met - the mood was cheerful, the music
was playing, and so it was worth it overall. Especially when the remake of a famous
Italian guerrilla song, called "Bellu Chau", was heard. Most of the attendees brought
bathrobes and towels if we were lucky enough and Sasha invited us to the sauna. Despite
the repeated encouragement and manifestation of sympathy, however, the person remained
naked somewhere in his den and refused to show. So a few people could see inside the town
hall. We did not find Sasha, only the people from town hall noticed that it would be
better to stay out.
For most passers-by and office workers, we have smiles on our faces, and we think that
Sasha is probably a little disappointed with his speech of squat solidarity. But who
knows? Maybe our visit will, on the contrary, bring more visits to his new squat.
Bella, however, denials and dares to sign up for his new career. Maybe soon, however, will
come the day when our new friend will proudly come out of the sauna and say, "Bind and live!"
https://www.afed.cz/text/6893/bellu-cau
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Message: 3
It doesn't protect people; it pits them against each other. ---- It doesn't foster
togetherness; it breeds resentment. ---- It doesn't keep out predators, it gives them
badges and guns. ---- The border does not divide one world from another. ---- There is
only one world, and the border is tearing it apart." ---- The topic of Borders is one of
the most discussed topics in news and media nowadays. One gets lost in the stream of tales
of crisis, invasions, state regulations, support, repression, morality and realpolitik.
---- In all this chaos, we can still feel, deep inside, that something is completely wrong
with the border system, we feel it in our hearts, we think it in our minds, we read it in
our books. ---- But how do we move from the thoughts and words we remember individually to
a communal feeling?
Our reading night is an event where we want to get together and share some good readings
about borders. We believe in the importance of experiencing reading as a collective act as
a form of resistance and in the empowering feeling that doing so can generate.
Do you feel like sharing a prose text, a poem or your own words with us? Send us an email
at barricade (at) acu.nl.
The reading should be max 10 minutes long and can be in whatever language you prefer.
If you don't feel like reading, join us anyway on Sunday 28 October at 20.30 at ACU to
hear some readings about borders.
Location: Book-Café The Barricade, ACU, Voorstraat 71, Utrecht
Time: October 28th, 20.30
ACU, grenzen, lezen
Vrije Bond Secretariaat
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Message: 4
What follows is translated statement by our comrades in Brazil on the current and
politically urgent situation in Brazil. As Brazil is rocked by economic recession,
parliamentary coups and scandals, into the void has stepped far right-wing presidential
candidate Jair Bolsonaro. Winning the first found of voting earlier this month Bolsonaro
is headed to the second round on October 28 where he will face off against the Workers
Party (PT) candidate Fernando Haddad. Often compared to Trump, Bolsonaro is actually far
more dangerous with a much more coherent and reactionary ideology and in praise for
torture and Brazil's previous military dictatorship. ---- To clarify language and
references that may be unfamiliar to a US audience we have added reference notes at the
end. The original statement, titled "Statement on the Current Class Struggle scenario in
Brazil," can be found here and in Spanish translation here. We also recommend an interview
on the situation with Brazilian anarchist Hugo Souza. For those in New York City, Black
Rose/Rosa Negra - NYC will be hosting an event with speakers from Brazil on Saturday,
October 20, details here.
By Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazilian Anarchist Coordination)
The current Brazilian political scenario requires a lot of lucidity and coolness for all
popular organizers and their analysis of reality. We of Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira
(Brazilian Anarchist Coordination), modestly, seek to give our contribution to the
understanding of the convulsing social and political situation, which is defined by the
legal-parliamentary coup that deposed Worker's Party (PT) President Dilma Rousseff from
office. We recently experienced the breakdown of the so-called New Republic agreement from
1988.[1]This pact maintained social exclusion of those at the bottom, at the same time it
guaranteed minimum legal rights, in a coalition involving bourgeois politicians,
corporations, the armed forces and part of the reformist sectors of the Left.
The construction of the Brazilian State, however, has always been closer to the interests
of the imperialist shift powers than to its own population. The State has always
criminalized the poor as a norm of institutionalized bourgeois democracy. The PT led
governments since Lula have increased the criminal machine of public order operated by the
entire legislative and judicial apparatus, reproducing the super-incarceration of the poor
and Black population, as well as sustaining a repressive apparatus that attacks social
struggles.
The so-called pact of class reconciliation was broken and the collaborationist agenda[of
social compromise]was torn apart to be replaced by an agenda of financialized capitalism.
These have replaced things such as social rights, relative freedoms and public services,
which we should remember were historical achievements of popular movements.
The Empire Shows Its Claws
We cannot understand the current historical moment in our country isolated from the
geopolitical reality of the Latin American continent. We need to calibrate our analytical
tools and better locate Brazil as a peripheral nation within the world-system to
understand what is at stake. The country has continued to maintain its primary industry of
agro-exports and has aligned itself with the IIRSA Plan (Initiative for the Integration of
South American Regional Infrastructure, now called COSIPLAN).[2]This plan sought to
maximise the exploitation of our natural resources and speed up the process of supplying
international markets to the benefit transnational corporations.This plan is a new
offensive aligned with free-trade treaties established between United States and countries
in the region. It's an attempt to expand the neoliberal model in South America, supported
by progressive and center-left governments.
The crisis of 2008 created major difficulties for the US to maintain their international
agenda, which since the fall of The Twin Towers[the WTC 9/11 attack], began to present as
the main objective the guarantee of their global hegemony which is evident by numerous
aggressive military interventions by the empire. It's also evident that imperialism guides
itself by the idea that "where Brazil goes, Latin America will go as well." It's clear our
continent, Latin America, is seen as a strategic reserve of resources (political, natural,
energy) for the use of US, which makes the political situation of Brazil so important to
Washington.
The coup of 2016 did not only disassemble the small gains from the previous period as it
made the financial and international control of the national economy stronger, by
purchasing "assets." These adjustments are required to be made by the judicial class,
especially the judges themselves, which can be seen by the fact the Lava-Jato
investigation[3]is aligned with imperialism, by using the strategy of lawfare.[4]It also
increases the control of infrastructure, renewable energies, service, health and education
by North-American and Chinese corporations. In regards to oil, 13 multinationals have
already appropriated 75 % of the pre-salt[oil below the ocean surface], especially, Shell
and BP, whose last auction rounds took place in October this year. From a political point
of view, the action of imperialism is to disrupt any possibility of the Brazilian
situation (even if it's governed by a center-left reformist government) to represent any
threat to its interests at continental level. It is important to clarify that the outcome
of the current electoral race will significantly impact the crises of Venezuelan regime,
possibly contributing to political destabilization, or even the possibility of military
intervention.
The New National Security Doctrine: Politics and Threats of the Military
It must be pointed out that some years ago, while under Lula's Workers Party government, a
new National Security Doctrine was inaugurated with General Etchegoyen of the Brazilian
armed forces[appointed as Secretary of Security by Temer]. This doctrine sees groups
linked to drug trafficking, human rights or environmental NGOs, "ideological" government
agencies, and social movements linked to a left vision as being new internal enemies.
Other elements of this doctrine is the emptying of the role of university and research, a
tougher stance of the penal code, continuity and expansion of mass incarceration, and
adoption of counter-espionage measures. The doctrine uses means of social communication
control, the spread of rumors, discrediting of accusers and the use of false documents.
The promotion of strikes, road closures, occupation of lands and buildings and the
struggle for social rights for political minorities are characterised as "terrorist actions."
It was this new doctrine responsible for the anti-terrorism bill approved by Dilma. Its
goal was to create a new pact, a "new democracy," where the military play an active role
in the geopolitics of the continent and national politics.
To summarize: The "Democratic State of Law"[5]is mounted on top of a state of exception
for the "dangerous classes " is now in the process of reconfiguration in the power plays
of the dominant classes (in some places, the narco-state), and makes it emergence from
reasons interior to the state and its relations with the interests of imperialism. Under
these circumstances, reaction factors operate as a police State. An adjustment that cuts
so deep into the flesh of the people and deeply increased the ambitions of the capitalist
class and its lackeys, sooner or later, calls security in their favor and extends the
space of the exception to redefine the normality of the system.
The Center-Left Bets All Their Chips At the Polls
The Brazilian left and center-left bet their luck at the ballot box expecting bourgeois
democracy to come to their rescue, protect their rights, and limit the strangle and defeat
of imperialism. While the system lifts the gun sight and wears the toga or the uniform to
exercise power, it is always with support from the US government. The opposition movements
on the left which emerged after the legal-parliamentary coup, and which took the streets,
now unfortunately enters into this pragmatic logic of the state and government, where the
enemy of the far right-wing would be supposedly won by the ballot box and vote.
The center-left strives to channel these efforts into electoral build-up by spending all
its energy with the institutional dispute and the rotten game of electoral parties, to the
detriment of class struggle. The Brazilian political scene is tainted by the fraud of a
representation which for the bourgeois liberals has always been a mechanism of usurpation
of collective forces and common goods by the powerful will of minorities. But we know that
the system twists the constitution and melts the rule of law when it comes to defending
the interests of its dominant classes.
We must build a long-term work that points out the unions and popular organizations as the
most correct alternative for the people to defend their rights and participate in
political life and by deepening direct democracy, repudiating the reconciliation of
classes, and giving combat without truce to proto-fascism.
Proto-Fascism as a Super-Dose of the Elite Program
Such configuration of political power is also supported by propaganda tactics and direct
action from reactionary sectors and ideologically affiliated groups on the far right which
are generally backed by law enforcement. A factor that gains incidence in the streets and
that everything suggests that it will grow, making space for its agents to repress the
national political scene and align it with what is happening at continental level.
But there is more. Coming together with this is economic frustration, the failure of
political solutions through representation, and the destabilization of values associated
with positions of power in family, culture, and education. We also see a conservative
subjective production which uses religious evangelicals as a popular base for
distribution. This new right transitioned from anti-PT rhetoric to a radicalized
anti-political and anti-system rhetoric, setting itself up as a right that does not speak
only to the elites, but also to the popular and peripheral sectors. They act in the social
vacuum left by the center-left, which puts itself only in defense of bourgeois democracy.
The despicable figure of Bolsonaro is part of this attempt to deepen the destruction of
social rights and the patriarchal violence against women, LGBT, indigenous, Blacks and
maroons. Violence that materialized in several attacks throughout the country lead by
Bolsonaro supporters, among which one that resulted in the brutal murder of Capoeira
Master Moa of Katendê in Salvador.[6]Far from minimizing the barbarity that Bolsonaro
represents, it is necessary to place him within the logic of the application of the
adjustment[neoliberalism], of the imperialist recolonialization of the country at a faster
pace than it would be under a center-left government.
The Polls Do Not Beat Imperialism, Tax Adjustment and Proto-Fascism!
The result of the elections therefore does not solve the complex context posed by the
correlation of forces opposed to the working class. All scenarios only serve to deepen the
class struggle and against oppression. The "useful vote" against the Bolsonaro sheet makes
at most an extension, leading to a "third shift" that will not be decided at the polls.
The struggle is long-term to build a class and mass alternative that does not surrender to
the reasons of state, governability and agreements subordinate to the empire.But it must
also be a social force capable of defeating the bourgeoisie, imperialism and its attacks.
Our class flags need to be lifted up at this time of proto-FASCIST AND NEOLIBERAL ATTACK.
We must not succumb to the panic and fear caused by the reactionary elites. Our role is to
actively resist, strengthen class solidarity, ensure the fight in the streets, and the
permanent mobilization of from below!
Therefore, We Defend:
Unity of anti-fascism beyond the polls, at the base level and on the streets - struggle is
what will define it. The unity will take place in action and mobilizations against the
neoliberal attacks and the barbarity promoted by Bolsonaro and his supporters.
Fight for social rights. Fight against privatization and attacks on the bottom. Fight
against attacks on education, welfare reform, fight against rising cost of living,
criminalization of social movements and the process of genocide of the Black, peripheral
and indigenous people.
Building of a general strike against the advancement of fascism and the attacks on the
rights of the workers which is the agenda of imperialism of the next period and of the
business elites and independent policies of the elections.
The Strength of the People Can Stop Fascism!
Against the Neoliberal Barbarism, Struggle and Organize!
To read more on the political situation in Brazil we recommend "Interview on the
Assassination of Marielle Franco" and a statement by the CAB "Marielle Franco, Presente! -
Political Murder and State Terrorism in Brazil."
Notes
1988 is the year Brazil's constitution was approved after the end of the military
dictatorship which began in 1964 and lasted over 20 years.
The Initiative for the Integration of South American Regional Infrastructure (IISAR), now
called COSIPLAN, regional development and integration plan to create regional
infrastructure such as major highways often facilitate the growth of extractive
industries. The effort is similar to Plan Pueblo-Panama in Mexico and Central America.
The Lava-Jato or "Car Wash" scandal was an investigation into political corruption
involving numerous high profile politicians.
Lawfare, a term combining law and warfare, the use of law for warfare.
http://blackrosefed.org/brazil-statement-class-struggle-scenario/
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