Anarchic update news all over the world - 30.10.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  anarkismo.net: "National" proud business by Anthous -
      Eleftherian Student Figure (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 2.  Britain, Class War: TOP SHOP BEEN THERE DONE IT - Protesters
      stage Oxford Street protest against Topshop owner Sir Philip
      Green (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group: The Anvil Vol 7 No 2 -
      MACG JOIN PUSH! by ablokeimet (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  belarus, pramen: Anarchist agitation in Baranovichi
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  anarkismo.net: Brazil: Fascism advances by Federación
      Anarquista Uruguaya - fAu (pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  belarus, pramen: Dmitry Polienko has been set free!
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  Germany, deliverunion fau: Deliverunion is going to Brussels
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
8.  Poland, rozbrat: The Medical University is devastating the
      green area of Grunwald [machine translation] 
     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

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Message: 1





Nationalism - patriotism is good for bosses, small and big. In hunting for a better life, 
do not come to build the tools for our own wars. Do not participate in organizing their 
armies, but in organizing our own struggles. Build the collective dikes against ethnic 
patriots - warlike plans that spread death, to take our lives in our hands. ---- The 
"national" proud businessmen of the University of Thessaly with the army  ---- Every state 
needs to exist and be maintained "nation". The "nation" for preservation and reproduction 
needs nationalistic - patriotic propaganda. The role of the reproduction and the 
consolidation of nationalism - patriotism, the history of the "nation" - is carried out by 
the state mechanisms of education, the army, the church.

Faithful to his duty as a state educational mechanism, the university "nationally" proudly 
has presented so far a series of events of nationalistic - patriotic character (Nation and 
antifascism, the Argonautic campaign and the unity of the Greek race through Christian 
narratives, celebrating 1821 in the digital age , etc.), and he informs us that "... one 
thing urges me and I to write, that we have all this together, both wise and wicked and 
wealthy and poor and both political and military, and the now smaller people. I wrote 
naked the truth that all the Greeks would find it and they would come to us and our 
children to say: we have paternal struggles, we have sacrifices. (General Makrigiannis) - 
Extract from the celebration "Celebrating 1821 in the Digital Age".

In July 2018 the outgoing Rector of the University of Thessaloniki signed a Memorandum of 
Understanding with the 304 Advanced Base Factory (Repair Facility for Army Battleships in 
Velestino, Magnesia). Through this collaboration, the university is capitalizing on 
nationalism - patriotism that has been promoting all these years.

"In the framework of high-level development, innovation and technical support in July 
2018, at the headquarters of the 304 Advance Base Plant (304 PEB), the Army General Staff 
signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the University of Thessaly. The delegation of 
the University, headed by the rector, Mr. Georgios Petrakos, visited 304 PEB, visited the 
plant premises and was informed about the ongoing effort to upgrade the means of the Army.

The purpose of the memorandum between the factory and the university is to develop 
cooperation, to improve the specialized education and services of the two institutions and 
to exchange experience and tools for the mutual exploitation of the results of joint 
research. "(From the published notice on the Memorandum of Cooperation between 304 PEBs 
and the University of Thessaly).

The Memorandum of Understanding of the University of Thessaloniki. with 304 PEB marks the 
start of a new postgraduate study program at the Department of Economics, which has as its 
subject "economic defense", ie the development of logistics for the most efficient 
economic planning of the land army. Correspondingly, the postgraduate program of 
toxicology studies in Larissa is another example of the collaboration of the University of 
Thessaloniki. with the Armed Forces for the establishment of a Biochemical War Battalion 
in Larissa.

At the time when the Rectorate authorities plummeted the camera lens for this 
collaboration, the victims of state-owned war machines around the world are maimed, 
buried, mass migrating, stacked in concentration camps being abused and deported. At the 
same time, the university sells philanthropy through creative employment programs for 
children who have been rescued from war and are lined up in concentration camps.

The University of Thessaly is "national" proud that our livelihood depends on the 
education and specialization imposed upon us in the curriculum of the schools, a training 
cut and sewn to the needs and interests of state and capital and not to our own needs. 
This direction of education is endorsed by university-military cooperation and indirectly 
engages students in the devastating plans of the army, the state, and capital. This 
co-operation puts war in our lives and establishes it through our studies as something 
natural and another means of advancement and career, as a field of research, a "necessary 
evil" that contributes to the development of "science".

But borders, homelands, arms, wars, national pride do not promote the interests of the 
oppressed, our own interests. Nationalism - patriotism is good for bosses, small and big. 
In hunting for a better life, do not come to build the tools for our own wars. Do not 
participate in organizing their armies, but in organizing our own struggles. Build the 
collective dikes against ethnic patriots - warlike plans that spread death, to take our 
lives in our hands.

Anthous - Eleftherian Student Figure

Related Link: http://anthoscollect.wordpress.com

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31183

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Message: 2





London's busiest shopping street ground to a halt as activists demonstrated against 
billionaire Topshop owner Sir Philip Green and his company's practices. ---- Protesters 
stopped traffic, scuffled with police and blocked the entrances to several shops in the 
demonstration which was billed as part of the campaign for a real living wage. ---- At its 
height the protest attracted around 150 activists, with crowds holding banners and 
standing in the middle of London's Oxford Circus, leaving traffic at a standstill for 
around 20 minutes. ---- Protesters block traffic outside Topshop in Oxford Street in 
London ---- Beginning outside the Topshop's flagship store, protesters stood in the road 
blocking buses and cars whilst chanting "Topshop, shame on you".

The group then marched down Oxford Street, rushing towards the entrance of a John Lewis 
store where police scrambled to stop them entering and faced off with several protesters.

The demonstration was arranged by living wage campaigners United Voices of the World union 
(UVW), who claim two Topshop cleaners have been "victimised and bullied" for joining their 
organisation.

UVW said the cleaners, dubbed the Topshop Two, had been initially suspended and one has 
since been sacked.

In recent weeks Sir Philip has come in for widespread criticism after BHS collapsed, 
months after he sold the company for £1, putting 11,000 jobs at risk and leaving a £571 
million pension fund deficit.

Aysan Dennis, from protest group Class War, told the Press Association: "We want our 
voices heard. This is a class war."

Asked why she was blocking traffic she said, pointing at Topshop. "I don't care. The tax 
dodgers are the real criminals."

Masked members of Class War lit red smoke bombs as bemused shoppers watched on.

Teresa Grey, from UVW, said the group took to the streets to "make their voices heard".

She said: "Two Topshop cleaners joined our union. For that, one was sacked, the other 
suspended."

Asked where they were marching to, she said: "No idea. We're just marching."

As the group diminished, they gathered outside Marble Arch Topshop, forcing the store to 
close its shutters leaving dozens of shoppers locked inside for around 15 minutes.

Protesters stood outside the store, continuing to chant and bang drums before marching 
back down Oxford Street towards the first Topshop.

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Message: 3






The Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group have joined PUSH! Organising and Educating to 
Build a United Front Against Fascism. As its name implies, PUSH! aims to build a united 
front of working class organisations against Fascism. Our forces are modest, composed of a 
handful of groups and individual activists who have left CARF, but we are clear about our 
basic direction. ---- As capitalism evolves ever more deadly contradictions, Right wing 
forces gather strength. Fascism, an ideology most people thought was defeated seventy 
years ago, has re-emerged. Like other reactionary forces, Fascists seek to blame society's 
problems on suitable scapegoats, but the distinguishing feature of Fascism is its use of 
violence as a strategy. By whipping up the middle classes into a frenzy of reaction, they 
create street gangs to attack vilified groups and "the enemy within" - progressive 
political forces. Ultimately, Fascists seek an open dictatorship to crush the unions and 
all other working class organisations. A Fascist group is a conspiracy to murder. Breaking 
it up is an act of self-defence and, if done using reasonable force, entirely justified.

Fascism can only be defeated by a united front, where workers from different tendencies 
unite all the Fascists' targets through solidarity in action. In Australia today, this 
means that the unions must take the lead and rally the rest of the working class behind 
their banners. A mass demonstration of thousands, or even tens of thousands, of unionists 
and others would be unbeatable. The police could not disperse them and the Fascists would 
recoil in terror, to fall apart in bitter recriminations afterwards.

It is to pursue this vision that the MACG have left CARF and helped establish PUSH! While 
CARF has done essential work since 2015 in mobilising against Fascist rallies, it has put 
the only winning strategy in the too-hard basket. Increasingly, it abandoned building a 
united front that drew on broader forces and turned into a campaign group that merely 
attracted radicalised individuals. Worst of all, it turned away from the labour movement, 
writing off the unions as hopelessly conservative. CARF's mobilisations have been a 
necessary stop-gap until we win the argument inside the unions, but they cannot win 
lasting victories when the constituency for Fascism keeps growing. There were some 
undemocratic practices within CARF, but we won't dwell on them because frankly we've seen 
much worse and they only arose because of the political issues in contention.

The MACG will pursue our vision for an anti-Fascist united front within PUSH! We know that 
many groups in the labour movement don't share our strategy, so they will have to be 
either won over or sidelined. And we know that the union bureaucracy is craven and 
conservative, but we place our faith in the rank and file workers who are Fascism's 
targets. The struggle against Fascism is inseparable from the struggle against the union 
bureaucracy - but didn't we know that already?

PUSH! can be contacted at antifascist.push@gmail.com or found on Facebook at: 
https://www.facebook.com/Antifascist.Push/.

NO PASARAN!

https://melbacg.wordpress.com/2018/10/25/macg-join-push/

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Message: 4





A group of anarchists in Baranovichi (Brest region) at 20th of October have put a few 
dozens of anarchist stickers all over the city. In public spaces the brochures "If silent 
- we lose everything" were left. A message and pictures were received by the email.

https://pramen.io/en/2018/10/anarchist-agitation-in-baranovichi/

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Message: 5





Special Opinion Letter, from the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation about the current 
political moment in Brazil, October 2018. ---- Brazil's recent historical process leaves 
many things clear, old debates that were resurrected about possible paths for changes, 
popular hopes and collective emotions put into play in the framework of the old tools of 
the system. In our Latin America we already knew about the tragic experience of "the 
peaceful path to socialism" of Allende and other processes that, through the state and 
many times through the electoral route, attempted some reforms of major or minor content. 
---- The pure and hard neoliberalism of the ‘90s opened the doors to political changes 
throughout Latin America. And Brazil was a relevant point in that process, when Luiz 
Inácio Lula da Silva took over the government in 2003. Lula, who was born into political 
life in the late 1970s and early 1980s as a trade union leader of the powerful 
metallurgical union in the ABC Paulista industrial zone, did not represent its most 
combative wing. But he was the main leader of that union, a reference point in numerous 
strikes and in the powerful CUT (Unified Workers' Central), a union centre with an 
interesting component of class independence as it broke with the traditional "state trade 
unionism" inherited from the populist era of Getúlio Vargas.

Popular protagonism was decisive at the time of achieving the end of the military 
dictatorship in 1983. Imposing workers' mobilisations and the also incipient MST (Landless 
People's Movement) created the conditions for the expulsion of the military from 
government and the opening of a certain period of "democratisation", which was to be 
synthesised in the 1988 Constitution, which recognised a series of workers' rights and 
social rights for the population as a whole. An arduous struggle that had positive results 
in advances in rights and that also generated a "new Republic", to put it one way.

Right at that moment, all that energy and growth at the popular level and confluence in 
the struggles of various oppressed sectors is channeled by the leadership of the CUT and 
other social movements towards an electoral solution, creating the PT (Workers' Party).

But the history of Brazil throughout the 20th century had practically been a history of 
oligarchical governments and "barracks". The Constitution of 1889 provided that only 3.5% 
of the population voted, and this generated a series of very significant political and 
social conflicts, among them the general strike of 1917, which saw important participation 
and impulse from the anarchist militancy. On the other hand, in the 1920s, there were 
uprisings by certain military sectors led by Luis Carlos Prestes, linked to the formation 
of the Communist Party of Brazil, demanding greater political participation for the 
population (expansion of citizenship) and certain social and economic rights. Logically, 
this movement also denotes bids for power between sectors of the Army.

In 1930, there was a new military coup that put Getúlio Vargas at the helm of government. 
A response to the world economic crisis of 1929, which hit Brazil hard, but which is also 
a synthesis of the power struggle in the country. Not only does a sector of the Army 
triumph, but also the mining and São Paulo bourgeoisie, and the Gaúcho landowners - the 
axis of power running to the ruling classes of the central-southern region of the country. 
Getúlio Vargas reformed the Constitution, repressed any attempt at popular mobilisation 
and staged another coup again in 1937, creating the "New State" in imitation of 
Mussolini's fascist state. Vargas was to govern until 1945, at first with the support of 
the United States, then without it; in that year a military coup deposes Vargas. An overly 
nationalist regime was seen by the US as a potential danger, especially if it was a 
country with the potential for industrial development that Brazil possessed - and possesses.

But Getúlio is to have his revenge by means of the electoral route in 1951. He triumphs 
and is elected president, promotes an import substitution model and the industrial 
development of Brazil, accepts foreign investments in industry and in the development of 
the productive apparatus. For example, Petrobras is created in this period. In Vargas's 
first term the Vale do Rio Doce state mining company was created. A politician of fascist 
orientation but that, within the framework of the Latin American and international 
economic situation, promoted a model of industrial development and the impulse of certain 
bourgeois sectors.

In 1954, Getúlio Vargas committed suicide and in his "testimonial letter" he points out 
that those responsible for hindering the development of Brazil - and indeed for him taking 
his own life - are the international economic and financial groups allied with national 
groups.

The last "developmentalist" push came at the hand of the Juscelino Kubitschek government, 
together with Janio Quadros and the government of Joao Goulart between 1961 and 1964. But 
attempts at a "serious capitalism", of a "developed Brazil", once again crashed against 
the groups of power and their interests. The military staged a coup d'état and installed 
an extremely harsh dictatorship until 1983.

That dictatorial process is what puts an end to the popular mobilisation of the early 
'80s, and this whole process is to be channeled toward the electoral road. The PT would go 
on to demobilise popular organisations until they achieve their almost total domestication 
in the interests of Lula's electoral victory.

The PT in government
The Lula and Dilma periods brought about economic assistance measures such as the Bolsa 
Família Plan, which took 4 million people out of hunger in the Northeast of Brazil. But a 
finance man of the Empire was placed in the Central Bank of Brazil: Henrique Meirelles. In 
this way the Lula government gave a clear signal to the financial and business 
establishment that economic policy was not going to suffer alterations, it would follow 
the line designed by the previous president, Fernando Henrique Cardoso.
These governments also brought about the Trade Union Reform, which made it possible to 
fragment the CUT and create small trade union centres financed by the Trade Union Tax, 
that is, with state funding. This led several political parties to break several unions 
and form their own centrals or "mini-centrals".

These progressivist governments in Brazil included a more independent position in the 
Latin American area and towards the United States, with Mercosur, Unasur and through 
BRICS. But internally it also included the continuation of assassinations of landless 
militants and the "Anti-Terrorist Law", criminalising the popular movement; military 
invasion in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro leading up to the Olympics and reactivation of 
entire areas of the city for real estate speculation. It included multi-million dollar 
expenditures for the Olympics and the 2014 World Cup, while very little was invested in 
health, education and housing and the cost of public transport was too high.

That was the beginning of the popular mobilisations of 2013. In March, a movement for free 
public transport started in Porto Alegre. It was not something new; the Free Pass Movement 
(Movimento Passe Livre, MPL) had been struggling for years in several of the country's 
cities. But from this moment, this movement took on a mass character and, for example, in 
Porto Alegre various social movements joined together in the Struggle Bloc (Bloco de Luta) 
and occupied the State Legislature, which was vacated after an agreement with the 
councillors that they vote for the reduction of transport costs. All a victory of the 
popular movement.

In June, the movement of struggle and protest grew widespread throughout the country, with 
1 million people taking to the streets. A movement initiated by students and the Free Pass 
Movement but that was joined by other social sectors, such as organised neighbourhoods and 
communities, in protest against the wasting of money on construction works for the World 
Cup and the Olympics and the lack of resources for society. Such was the case that Dilma 
Roussef had to recognise this reality and attend to the demands of the protesters, 
creating a fund with the profits of oil exploration in order to turn it into education and 
health.

These mobilisations marked a deep social discontent: they highlighted that important 
social problems were not being addressed and even less resolved; that some had progressed 
tepidly, but that it was not enough; the people demanded more progress and to attend to 
the urgent social needs. It was obvious that the PT governments were benefiting the 
construction companies and exporters, mainly soy producers. The mobilisations questioned 
the model of accumulation of the period: export mono-production to China, taking advantage 
of the high prices of raw materials, direct foreign investment with all the guarantees, 
alliance with the industrial bourgeoisie of São Paulo...

And the "Lava Jato" corruption scandal, a corruption scheme mounted through Petrobras and 
other public companies, was uncovered in an immense network of corruption in which 
countless politicians from all parties and a significant amount of businesspeople were 
implicated. It revived the Mensalao scandal of 2005, during the first years of the Lula 
government that cost him the resignation and judicial sentencing of José Dirceu, the 
president's right-hand man and architect of said corruption scheme.

It was again uncovered, and it was again confirmed, that the basis of governance in Brazil 
was in bribes, in the money that the government put in the pockets of the legislators and, 
logically, the private companies, real Brazilian multinationals, did the same. Within 
capitalist values no party would manage to govern in Brazil without this scheme of 
corruption, since there is a copious number of political parties, many of them state or 
regional, and a totally unstable bourgeois liberal political system. Let us keep in mind 
what was outlined above: the liberal democratic periods in Brazil are exceptions in its 
recent history.

Dilma Arrives
In 2011, Dilma Roussef assumes power with the intention of continuing the Lulista legacy. 
She is reelected for a second term between 2015 and 2019 by a narrow margin. The 
weathering of the government and criticism from the popular sectors for all that the 
expenses of the World Cup and other events had meant could be felt. Dilma Roussef's Vice 
President was Michel Temer, of the PMDB (Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement), a 
party created by the military dictatorship and the backbone of all governments from 1983 
onwards.
But the big media - the Globo Network - and the right also appeared, putting the issue of 
corruption on the public agenda. Lava Jato was not yet talked about, but surely from the 
factual, real power they knew. And that pot was uncovered. Judge Sergio Moro appeared on 
the scene, useful to certain interests but presenting himself as a kind of moralist 
crusader against corruption.

Meanwhile, parliament was holding an express judgment against Dilma Roussef, orchestrated 
by the legislators themselves, who were later proven to be a fundamental part of the 
corruption scheme. This whole manoeuvre was orchestrated by Vice President Michel Temer - 
Dilma and Lula's partner in government - in order to assume the Presidency himself and to 
now put three sectors that have stood out in Brazilian politics at the centre of political 
action: the ruralists, the evangelicals and the arms-military sector.

Dilma is displaced by her partners; the PT and social movements do not take to the streets 
against this coup d'état, which was characterised as a "soft coup". And then comes Lula's 
going to prison and all the direct persecution of the PT. Heavy blows follow for those at 
the bottom of society, above all the huge rolling back of social and labor rights and the 
decades of regression that this means, leaving a countless number of social struggles 
along the way.

It should be noted that in the legislative elections after the "soft coup", the PT 
maintained alliances with the PMDB, the party of Temer, in several states and cities.

Temer, Bolsonaro and the military
Temer was made out as the "strong man" in this new situation, but that did not last long. 
The discredit into which his figure and his government fell with the advance of the 
corruption scheme investigation, the winning denunciations of the owners and executives of 
the JBS refrigeration company and the anti-popular measures he was taking left a new 
"power vacuum" in the spheres of government.
The military - whose army chief, General Villas Boas, says plain and simply that the Armed 
Forces are ready to "establish order" amid the political chaos that reigns in the country 
- wants to fill this "vacuum" at the governmental level, and in a certain harmony with the 
power structure of the moment. And so it is that the displacement of the PT from 
government and the assumption of Temer have generated limitless political instability.

In this context the figure of Jair Bolsonaro, a former military officer and a deputy for 
two decades, had gone virtually unnoticed all this time, until the day of Dilma's 
impeachment. There he paid tribute to the soldier who tortured Dilma Roussef during the 
dictatorship, boasted of the military coup d'état and deployed a fascist diatribe. A 
diatribe that he continued and deepened to achieve his positioning as a presidential 
candidate, with a fierce discourse in favour of the dictatorship and torture, against 
women and the LGBT community, and against the black community. A true Nazi. It is worth 
mentioning that in January of this year he joined the PSL (Social Liberal Party), the 
party for which he ran for the Presidency of the Republic, and this is his ninth party in 
his political career. The same can be said of other candidates, who had their period of 
"switching parties" in the run-up to the elections.

How is it possible for this character to become the most voted candidate and is surely 
going to be the next president of Brazil? Everything that we have reviewed has affected 
this. The political instability of Brazil, its scant liberal-democratic life, but the PT's 
legacy in the government and the electoral path chosen plays a fundamental role, which has 
generated a great "political vacuum" of the left and of a left culture, that opens up 
spaces for the most reactionary and fascist ideologies, as has been happening in Europe as 
well.

We do not want to avoid it. We know that it is left to analyse a whole spectrum of 
ideology of important sectors of the people, especially those at the bottom, that seem 
accused here of a very high degree of disciplining, control, identification with imposed 
notions and representations, produced from the dominant structure. That the discontent, 
the despair, the anger have a channeling that has its specificity but with points of 
contact with what is happening in other places and that at times moves towards demagogic 
calls from the right. But these are not consolidated ideological groups, and many of them 
are not long-lasting either; they are in a dynamic play of subjectivities within a complex 
web of relationships. But, without doubt, it is all a challenge and a serious call to 
analyse future processes of subjective production that must necessarily confront any line 
of transformative work in the bosom of the people. New devices of the system tend to 
reinforce the insertion of the subject in this miserable structure of domination. We are 
left to consider how at the same time we can strengthen resistance and with it areas of 
conscience that counteract the aforementioned disciplining.

The limits of progressivism and developmentalist models
Anarchism has historically argued that no change is possible through the state and 
elections. That these structures do not allow modifications of content - and most of the 
time not even small ones - but that would rather crush whoever gets into them, a real 
corral of branches that does not allow escape. History teaches it with crystal clarity. 
Even those processes that have dared to touch the interests of the ruling classes and the 
empire have been overthrown by ferocious dictatorships and repression (the case of Allende 
in Chile, Arbenz in Guatemala, Bosch in the Dominican Republic, Omar Torrijos in Panama, 
etc.).
The electoral route is a dead end for changes. This path does not lead to any change, but 
turns the wheel of the system, which from time to time permits some small modification in 
order to keep everything as it is. Power is not at stake in this way.

Recently, the opinion of Frei Betto has circulated, which makes an interesting criticism 
of the PT and progressivist governments from another ideological matrix: they neglected 
the ideological development of the population. He points out that this had already 
happened in the USSR and in Eastern Europe. The disregard for popular organisations and 
mobilisation were lethal in undermining these processes and that not everything is 
resolved with "better living conditions", which only fostered consumerism within the 
framework of the existing society. There was no transformative or critical logic. And he 
says: "We direct a good but cosmetic policy, lacking roots, without foundations for its 
stability". In this sense, he is also critical of the Cuban Revolution and the 
shortcomings also generated in the ideological development in that process.

The dispute of subjectivity: that's the big issue. The progressivist governments bet all 
their chips to make the populations content with a certain standard of living - very basic 
in fact - and access to consumption. Even in Brazil there was talk of a "new middle 
class", which was nothing more than the poor popular sectors that managed to buy a plasma 
and the latest model phone.

It is clear once more that the electoral route is not the one shown to achieve substantive 
changes, nor to confront the power of the dominant classes. To get into government the PT 
had to reduce and dilute their program as well as compromise with the economic powers of 
Brazil and the Empire. The FA (Broad Front - Frente Amplio) did the same in Uruguay; 
remember Tabaré Vázquez going to the IMF with Astori to present him as Minister of Economy 
before the 2004 elections.

The period of progressivism in Latin America has clearly demonstrated its limits: there 
are no possibilities for change through this path. The Latin American ruling classes and 
US imperialism tolerate any type of left or popular bias, however tepid and sanitised it 
may be, less and less. They no longer tolerate a few pesos being used to contain the most 
atrocious misery, nor access to a minimum standard of living for the popular sectors, they 
do not tolerate measures such as the legalisation of abortion, gender equality, etc. It is 
the true face of the ruling classes, totally conservative and reactionary, fascists, that 
support any authoritarian recourse to maintain their privileges and deepen the system of 
domination in all its aspects. This is pure and hard capitalism, it is the system in its 
full expression. It is financial, agrarian and industrial fascism. It is the model that 
seeks to impose itself in Latin America and a good part of the world now.

The popular struggle is the only guarantee for change
But the Brazilian people have not been quiet. Beyond the "quietism" imposed by the 
bureaucracy of the PT and the CUT, and the limiting of the struggle to demanding Lula's 
liberation, the various grassroots organisations have been mobilised by concrete issues, 
against austerity and cuts in social spending. It is true, the scenario has been dominated 
by the release of Lula, but there are sectors of the Brazilian people who see that nothing 
is going to be solved with Lula free and a candidate. Neither with another candidate that 
is his puppet. An important mobilisation of rejection of Bolsonaro led by the feminist 
movement was generated. The "Ele não" ("Not him") campaign and slogan unmasks the most 
truculent of this fascist. Here is a way to deepen the struggle.
We reiterate something to which we refer above. The really important thing to analyse and 
take into account is how the same portion of voters who were going to vote for Lula if he 
was a candidate have voted for Bolsonaro. In large percentage, they are the same voters. 
What phenomenon occurs there that motivates people willing to vote for a "left" candidate 
equally to vote for a fascist? Such is the discredit of the Brazilian political system 
that people are willing to vote for a "strong man", "leader", "a saviour". It does not 
matter who. The weight of ideology, certain devices and the media - producers of political 
notions and options - operating at full speed. We see how ideological elements change and 
circulate with fluidity in certain conditions. We have to find and carry out actions so 
that they circulate in our direction.

For this reason, the only guarantee of putting a brake on this fascist advance is 
organised popular struggle. And this itself is the only guarantee of change. All social 
and labour rights have been won by struggle. The advance of the Agrarian Reform has been 
with struggle and occupations of land organised by the peasant movements. The history of 
the Brazilian popular movement is very rich in this sense.

There are no shortcuts, there are no exits in the labyrinths of the system. The 
construction of a true popular alternative lies in those social movements that have been 
resisting the attacks by all the governments and have opened their way in struggle: the 
workers', students' and peasants' movements, the black movement and its quilombola 
communities, the indigenous movement... it will not be easy or quick, but a resistant 
Brazilian people will find their way, will build Popular Power, the only guarantee of 
advancement for those at the bottom and the making of changes and a different society. 
Along this path are our comrades from the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB - 
Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira), who carry out intense militant activity throughout the 
country and are committed to strengthening popular organisations and a process of progress 
in struggles. They have been protagonists of varied struggles in these more than 20 years, 
and in this last period they have encouraged taking to the streets against the cuts.

All our support goes to our comrades of the CAB and to the Brazilian popular organisations 
that through resistance seek their way with class independence and solidarity, from below 
and with full democracy and the direct participation of the people.

¡ARRIBA LOS QUE LUCHAN!
FOR THE BUILDING OF POPULAR POWER
¡NO PASARÁN!
URUGUAYAN ANARCHIST FEDERATION - FEDERACIÓN ANARQUISTA URUGUAYA
English translation: Jonathan Payn
Related Link: 
http://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/carta-opinion-especial-brasil-avanza-el-fascismo/

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31175

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Message: 6




The prison administration has set him free from the penal colony at 7 o'clock and brought 
on a train station in ambulance car (!) to avoid public meeting near the entrance of a 
colony. ---- While serving his term Polienko was put to SHIZO (de-seg) multiple times. His 
letters were confiscated. ---- Dmitry Polienko has been detained in Minsk at 29th of April 
2016 on "Critical mass" action and accused in tearing the cop's jacket. Later on he was 
accused in "Producing and distributed pornographic materials" (quite a frequent accusation 
for political activists, who are not careful sharing fun content in social media). ---- At 
April, 12th, 2016 after staying in detention facility for half a year, he was sentenced to 
2 years of imprisonment with a delay. ---- At April, 7th 2017th, he was sent to a penal 
colony for violating the terms of his delay (participation in protest actions of 
spring-2017 in Minsk).

In total he served more than 2 years in prison.

According to news reports.

Pictures by https://t.me/bnkbel

https://pramen.io/en/2018/10/dmitry-polienko-has-been-set-free/

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Message: 7





October 25-26 Deliverunion is travelling to Brussels to meet other riders from around 
Europe for the biggest international meeting of food delivery couriers ever! ---- Since 
2016 a wave of rider strikes and protests has spread through Europe. Hundreds of couriers 
have stood up to the exploitative practices of Deliveroo, UberEats, Foodora and the like, 
demanding better wages and protections at work. ---- This week riders from Italy, Spain, 
France, UK, Netherlands, Switzerland, Denmark, Germany, Austria and Belgium will meet in 
Brussels to share experiences and ideas on organising for better working conditions. ---- 
This is an exciting chance to learn from the successes and failures from each country, and 
to connect and strengthen our common campaigns through a European wide courier network 
against poverty pay and precarious work in the gig economy.

https://deliverunion.fau.org/2018/10/23/deliverunion-is-going-to-brussels/

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Message: 8






On October 25 at 14 on ul. Grunwaldzka No. 55 will host a press conference organized by 
the ZaZielen Poznan Coalition. Participants in it will be residents of Grunwald, 
representatives of the Green Grunwald Association, chiropterologist on behalf of the 
Naturalists 'Club, dendrologist from the Institute of Dendrology of the Polish Academy of 
Sciences, ornithologist on behalf of the Naturalists' Club, representative of the Rozbrat 
Collective. Below, we submit a statement regarding the issues raised during the planned 
conference. ---- The Medical University is devastating the green area of Grunwald ---- On 
ul. Grunwaldzka 55 Medical University originally planned to expand the existing hospital 
on a small scale, but the current plans assume the construction of the Central Clinical 
Hospital. It is to be built in the immediate vicinity of close residential buildings, in 
the area of conservation protection in an exceptionally rich natural resource.

At the beginning of October, the university started to demolish barracks using excavators.

Currently, under the pretext of demolition of buildings on the entire area, low greenery 
and bushes are cut out, which constitute bird's habitats. In this way, the university 
plans to annul the ornithological inventory planned for the spring of 2019, because the 
destruction of these habitats will result in the extermination of a dozen or so species of 
birds currently living in the whole area. In addition, due to carelessly carried out 
demolition work, many tree trunks have been damaged, including oaks and their branches 
were cut off. Rubble and boards left after the demolition of buildings have become a 
shelter for protected amphibians, reptiles and hedgehogs. Removal of such residues in the 
autumn and winter season will result in the killing of animals seeking shelter in them. 
Destruction of green is also progressing in the 30-meter belt, which the university 
undertook to keep as a buffer belt between the future investment and residential 
development from ul. Ostroroga.

The University only after the intervention of the Naturalists' Club informing the RDEP 
about activities destroying the habitats of species of protected animals (especially bats) 
carried out an inventory of the demolished buildings for the presence of bat and bird 
habitats and taking compensatory measures. Inventory, however, was carried out 
incorrectly, and therefore did not show all species of bats living in the area. On October 
22, in one of the bunkers, the chiropterologist recently found a killed bat, a species 
that is completely protected. The investor also malfunctionedly closed the cellars, which 
resulted in the imprisonment in one of them of the bat with the cat, which dramatically 
tried to get out.

The abovementioned cases violate art. 52 of the Act on Nature Conservation and paragraph 6 
of the Regulation of the Minister of the Environment on animal species protection. 
Demolition works carried out at the request of the Medical University are therefore illegal.

In connection with the above, we demand from the Medical University:

suspending work that may prevent the planned inventory from being carried out, until it is 
completed;
conducting a full environmental inventory (trees and shrubs, birds, amphibians, reptiles 
and mammals) in specific periods dedicated to specific species, allowing for a real 
assessment of the situation;
carry out cleaning works after stopping the demolition in a way that will not cause 
further losses in the natural environment.
We demand from the city authorities and RDOS, in turn:

withdrawal of the decision exempting the investor from carrying out the Environmental 
Impact Assessment of 2013, in which it was found that there is "run-down trees" and "no 
protected species" on the site, which is not consistent with the actual state.
Area at ul. Grunwaldzka 55 is one of the green areas in Poznan, which is threatened by 
buildings. This threat results from the policy pursued by the city authorities in 
cooperation with the Medical University. Both entities provide the social side that the 
planned hospital will not take up more than half of the total area. The scale of current 
demolition works indicates, however, that Grunwald is being threatened by a much larger 
investment that causes a much greater devastation of the green area.

The ZaZielen Poznan Coalition is a social initiative gathering city councilors from 
Naramowice, Umultowa, Kolektyw Kapielisko, Kolektyw Rozbrat, the Zielony Grunwald 
Association, the Zielona Staroleka Association, the management board of the Surma Archery 
Club operating in the Kasprowicz Park.

http://www.rozbrat.org/informacje/poznan/4644-uniwersytet-medyczny-dokonuje-dewastacji-terenu-zieleni-na-grunwaldzie

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