Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #287 - Neither God nor
schoolmaster: Change of course but no goal (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Greece, liberta salonica: Solidarity gathering with the
arrested anti - fascists on 19 March 2017 | Thursday 25/10,
09:00, Thessaloniki Courts [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. black rose fed: VIDEO - FASCISM AT THE GATES: BOLSONARO AND
THE BRAZILLIAN ELECTIONS (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. US, black rose fed: INSURRECTIONS AT THE INTERSECTIONS:
FEMINISM, INTERSECTIONALITY, AND ANARCHISM
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Greece, NOTICE CONCERNING THE FRAMEWORK
OF PARASKEVOPOULOU
by dirty horse APO [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #287 - Ideas: The company
facing the industry ! (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
After months spent closer to a reality different from that of France, I am back in
European lands, to continue other projects. This temporarily takes me away from the
Francisco Ferrer school in Belém, but not from libertarian education. ---- On the
contrary, the hexagonal territory that I once again tread has been, during the history of
the workers' movement, one of the most fertile in terms of putting into action the ideas
of anarchist thinkers, until today and will not fail to inspire us again in the coming
struggles to free education from the straitjacket of state or denominational education.
---- We can start our journey with a few pages written from the Belle Epoque with Cempuis
and Paul Robin. To speak about this educator is to evoke, in the background, the important
pedagogical and political work of James Guillaume, collaborator of Ferdinand Buisson,
joint authors of the Dictionary of Pedagogy of 1887. It is also, in the wake of these
pioneers, to refer to Sébastien Faure, the activist-educator of the Hive that before the
First World War, will put back to work the libertarian principles. But between these
masculine figures, it is important to give an important place to Madeleine Vernet, and to
her proletarian orphanage of L'Avenir social. Browse this time and its paths,
In 1880, the Republic, the third version, was reinforced, supported by a bourgeois class
that broke away from monarchism in the 1870s after crushing in blood the revolutionary
attempt of the Commune in 1871. This is only from 1879 that, definitively, will be
consolidated the regime with the electoral victories of the republicans (Jules Ferry)
supported by the radicals (Clemenceau). After the Commune, the labor movement reorganized
with difficulty: it lost many of its leading figures, but gradually return to France, more
or less clandestinely, the companions of Bakunin; militant networks are reforming. From
1881, Jules Ferry, who will occupy various ministerial positions, will begin this
primarily for what he has gone down in history: a cycle of educational reforms that aim to
root the Republican regime at the heart of the nation by the formation of citizens
attached to it and that one. But, between the guidelines of this plan wanted by the
Republican elite will organize a form of libertarian and educational resistance.
Next step, Cempuis and the educational writings of James Guillaume. Thus, Ferdinand
Buisson was placed in the 1880s by Jules Ferry as director of primary education. He spent
part of the 1860s in Switzerland and will find a few years later a major militant of the
Swiss anarchist movement, with whom he will write the dictionary mentioned above: James
Guillaume. This collaboration is consistent with the choice of Buiisson to place in 1880 a
certain Paul Robin at the head of an orphanage created by a priest: Cempuis.
Accattone
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Ni-Dieu-ni-maitre-d-ecole-Changement-de-cap-mais-pas-d-objectif
------------------------------
Message: 2
On Sunday, 19 March 2017, the fascist city of the city attempted once again to surround
its rotten flesh in our city. The anarchist and anti-fascist movement of Thessaloniki, as
it is obvious, could not have left their way into this city. In the city of 35,000 Jews
exterminated in the Nazi concentration camps, tens of thousands of refugees have been
sheltered in the city, in the multinational and racing city of Thessaloniki there is no
room for the remnants of the Nazis and Gotsamans. With the concentration of fascists and
anti-fascists at a distance of just a few tens of meters, the state once again fought for
the 30 sorrowful wounds of the "Holy Lodge," playing the role of a "protector of public
order". But for anyone who sees that on the one hand there are the advocates of freedom,
equality and dignity, and on the other hand the defenders of capital, power and
inhumanity, it becomes apparent not only that the state takes its place but that the
fascists are its long hand, regardless of whether the government is right or left. Through
a miserable provocation, the cops found an opportunity to attack the anti-fascist
concentration and make arrests.
The oppressed and the exploited have nothing to divide between us. Our oppressors are
common and have the same name, regardless of their nationality, and they are the state and
the capital. The only thing that nationalism manages to do is to separate and distract
them from the bottom by facilitating the bosses, and that is precisely the service that
offers sovereignty, that is why it is systematically promoted and planted on the social
basis. We, for our part, will strive to dissolve every separation on the body of the
oppressed and exploited. Therefore, we must fight together with the oppressed and the
exploiters of all countries to create a common internationalist front that will raise a
barrier to nationalism and fascism, who will fight against the state and the capital,
which will thunder that it will not let our bosses separate us on the basis of
nationality, color, sexual orientation, gender, religion or any other line. Who will fight
for an a-state, a-class, a-national life society, for a free life.
Alongside nationalism, we will struggle to crush its most advanced form: fascism, whenever
he tries to raise his head. In this city, we saw the various fascists trying to appear on
the road with various occasions. We see them now and lead the a-colored rallies, the first
berry behind the banners, the first berries in the "episodes". The ending of the total
movement of the national torso and fascist frontman has so far recorded attacks on combat
venues (the arrest of Libertatia occupation, attacks on the ESC School, the ESF Favela,
the Free Self-managed Theater Forward , to fans and players of the self-organized football
team of Progressive Toumba, to the occupation of Lely Karagianni 37, to the occupation of
a former PIKA, in the former Murder in Alexandroupolis just a few days ago), defections of
the Jewish Holocaust Monument and the Jewish cemetery, attacks on migrants or passers-by
because they carry Muslim religious symbols. We can see now clearly that the organized
core of these rallies is the epitome of the black reaction, especially if we take into
account the anti-Semitic actions they have undertaken, the chauvinist-racialist rhetoric
they are stating, by generalizing it generously with conspiracy theories of absurd
stupidity and obsessive perceptions, but also the anti-anarchist and anti-communist
slogans that shout. All of this simply complements the overall fascist (hence unarmed
enemy of the proletarian masses) profile of the organized front of the rallies, trying to
take root in the public sphere. It is worth mentioning, however, that aiders in the theme
of nationalism, as shaped by rallies for the Macedonian issue, are amongst others
bourgeois parties that oppose the search for votes within a conservative-reactionary
audience, the church, the Russian factor (see bribery right-wing and metropolitan bishops
by Russian diplomats) and various pieces of the local bourgeoisie, thus confirming that
from this whole case the only real winners will be the states and the head Laius on both
sides of the border. The racist storms continued in the nationalist rally on 8/9, where
the so-called "grandiose" rally picked up only 6-7,000 people, mainly fascists,
nationalists, priests, members of partisan organizations, Christian-Taliban and other
black and spooky guys with whom unfortunately we share our city. Once again, during the
rally, the "protesters" (strangely this right-wing manhole is referred to by the channels
as "protesters" and for so many years we all, workers and workers who go out on the
streets claiming our right to life, are referred to as " hurt "), attacked cars that had
Macedonian signs or carried Muslim women (the reason for the attack was the scarf that the
passengers wore), one of them threatened a journalist with a gun.
The world of the struggle, the exploited and the oppressed, all and all that we have not
forgotten the brutality of the historical past, we must drastically curb any attempt to
develop fascism and social cannibalism in the world of the social base. We have to crush
fascism in the whole social field in which we move and live: in the streets, in the work,
in the schools and in the schools, in our neighborhoods.
Against reactionary and diabolically disciplined voices condemning violence wherever it
comes, we find that proletarian anti-violence is a means of social and class self-defense
and counter-attack in order to prevent social conditions of generalized violence and
enforcement. It is a response of the oppressed to oppressors.
We, as anti-fascists and anti-fascists, no matter what the fascists invoke to get out of
their hole and assemble a number of racists, greek-believers, religious, we see fascism as
the long hand of capital. And that is why we are not separating our struggle against the
fascism from it to capitalism. Fascism is the intensification of the capitalist condition
of the exception. Our fascism wants slaves of the bosses. Fascism intensifies the
misappropriation and militarization of labor, placing conditions of extermination on the
"labor force". We have no illusion that the final blow to fascism will come through the
legal way from the hands of the state, since fascism is a weapon of the bourgeoisie itself.
Fascism is the birth of this world of oppression, exploitation and exceptions. That is why
it is treated in class terms, upsetting the system that rears it and which it always
serves. We will not leave our city to the fascists and the nationalists, as few as they
are, no matter how ridiculous they imagine.
REMOVING THE TRACKS IN COLLECTED ANTI-FRAUDERS OF 19/3/2017
NO LAKE OF LAND IN THE PHASES
NO FAASTIC ATTEMPT WILL NOT BE RESPONSIBLE
MECHANICAL DETERIORAL ANTI-FOCUS
CONCENTRATION OF SOLIDARITY:
25/10/2018, at 09:00, at the courts of Thessaloniki
Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki - member of the Anarchist Federation
lib_thess@hotmail.com libertasalonica.wordpress.com
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2018/10/20
------------------------------
Message: 3
https://www.facebook.com/BRRNfed/videos/2160408730869417/?t=2 ---- The following Facebook
live stream was recorded at the event "Fascism at the Gates: Bolsonaro and the Brazillian
Elections" at Interference Archive on October 20, 2018 hosted by Black Rose/Rosa Negra -
NYC. Please note that the audio quality in the opening of the video has some issues but
improves ---- The past few years in Brazil have been marked by intense political
turbulence. In 2013 there were massive protests throughout the country demonstrating clear
popular dissatisfaction with the political situation, cases of corruption involving most
of the Brazilian parties, and President Dilma Roussef was impeached from office in a
"parliamentary coup" replaced by the right-wing neo-liberal Vice President, Michel Temer,
who one of the least popular presidents in Brazilian history.
Now, in 2018, there is a new electoral period marked by a strong polarity between left
(and center-left) and right (and far right), with a frightening factor - the candidacy of
Jair Bolsonaro, an explicit supporter of dictatorship who is known for his flippant and
nakedly racist, homophobic and sexist statements. Bolsonaro is interpreted by political,
academic and media groups all over the world as an actual fascist and almost without
precedent in the twenty-first century. Currently leading major polls, Bolsonaro stands to
win in the second round of elections on October 28.
Anarchist groups in Brazil, invited by Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation, will
present their analyze on the political moment from a libertarian socialist perspective,
and discuss strategies for fighting back.
Participants:
- Zenite is a Brazilian anarchist, engaged in the squatting movement, and an editor and
contributor to Facção Fictícia and Crimethinc.
- Victor Fernandes is a Brazilian anarchist, engaged in housing movements among others
mass movements, and a researcher at the Observatory on Innovation, Citizenship and
TechnoScience. He is also a environmental studies researcher and PhD candidate at UFMG
(Federal University of Minas Gerais).
- Cí Melo is a Brazilian anarchist and current member of Black Rose Anarchist Federation
in New York City. She is engaged in housing, transportation as well as feminist groups,
and is a contributor to El Coyote publication.
For more on the current political situation in Brazil we recommend the following articles:
"The Claws of Empire, the Rise of Fascism: Brazilian Anarchist Statement on Bolsonaro,"
"Dispatch on Brazil: Interview with Hugo Souza," and "Brazil: Interview on the
Assassination of Marielle Franco."
http://blackrosefed.org/brazil-fascism-at-the-gates-bolsonaro/
------------------------------
Message: 4
The politics of intersectionality remain contested terrain. One version which has been
appropriated by institutional liberal politics could be called "liberal identity politics"
and most famously deployed by neoliberal figures such as Hillary Clinton during her
election campaign. On the other end we have a version that pushes back to the roots of the
concept rooted in Black socialist feminism (see here, here) and emancipatory radical left
politics (see here, here). This piece by writers and activists Abbey Volcano and J. Rogue
presents an overview of liberal conceptions of "intersectionality" and outlines an
anarchist and class struggle approach. It was originally published in the third edition of
Quiet Rumours: An Anarcha-Feminist Reader from AK Press.
By Abbey Volcano and J. Rogue
"We need to understand the body not as bound to the private or to the self-the western
idea of the autonomous individual-but as being linked integrally to material expressions
of community and public space. In this sense there is no neat divide between the corporeal
and the social; there is instead what has been called a ‘social flesh.'"
-Wendy Harcourt and Arturo Escobar[1]
The Birth of Intersectionality
In response to various U.S. feminisms and feminist organizing efforts the Combahee River
Collective,[2]an organization of black lesbian socialist-feminists,[3]wrote a statement
that became the midwife of intersectionality. Intersectionality sprang from black feminist
politics near the end of the 1970s and beginning of the 1980s and is often understood as a
response to mainstream feminism's construction around the erroneous idea of a "universal
woman" or "sisterhood."[4]At the heart of intersectionality lies the desire to highlight
the myriad ways that categories and social locations such as race, gender, and class
intersect, interact, and overlap to produce systemic social inequalities; given this
reality, talk of a universal women's experience was obviously based on false premises (and
typically mirrored the most privileged categories of women- i.e. white, non-disabled,
"middle class," heterosexual, and so on).
Initially conceived around the triad of "race/class/gender," intersectionality was later
expanded by Patricia Hill Collins to include social locations such as nation, ability,
sexuality, age, and ethnicity.[5]Rather than being conceptualized as an additive model,
intersectionality offers us a lens through which to view race, class, gender, sexuality,
etc. as mutually-constituting processes (that is, these categories do not exist
independently from one another; rather, they mutually reinforce one another) and social
relations that materially play out in people's everyday lives in complex ways. Rather than
distinct categories, intersectionality theorizes social positions as overlapping, complex,
interacting, intersecting, and often contradictory configurations.
Toward an Anarchist Critique of Liberal Intersectionality
Intersectionality has been, and often still is, centered on identity. Although the theory
suggests that hierarchies and systems of oppression are interlocking, mutually
constituting, and sometimes even contradictory, intersectionality has often been used in a
way that levels structural hierarchies and oppressions. For instance, "race, class, and
gender" are often viewed as oppressions that are experienced in a variety of ways/degrees
by everyone-that is, no one is free of the forced assignations of identity. This concept
can be useful, especially when it comes to struggle, but the three "categories" are often
treated solely as identities, and as though they are similar because they are
"oppressions." For instance, it is put forward that we all have a race, a gender, and a
class. Since everyone experiences these identities differently, many theorists writing on
intersectionality have referred to something called "classism" to complement racism and
sexism.
This can lead to the gravely confused notion that class oppression needs to be rectified
by rich people treating poor people "nicer" while still maintaining class society. This
analysis treats class differences as though they are simply cultural differences. In turn,
this leads toward the limited strategy of "respecting diversity" rather than addressing
the root of the problem. This argument precludes a class struggle analysis which views
capitalism and class society as institutions and enemies of freedom. We don't wish to "get
along" under capitalism by abolishing snobbery and class elitism. Rather, we wish to
overthrow capitalism and end class society all together. We do recognize that there are
some relevant points raised by the folks who are talking about classism-we do not mean to
gloss over the stratification of income within the working class.
Organizing within the extremely diverse working class of the United States requires that
we acknowledge and have consciousness of that diversity. However, we feel it is inaccurate
to conflate this with holding systemic power over others - much of the so-called middle
class may have relative financial advantage over their more poorly-waged peers, but that
is not the same as exploiting or being in a position of power over them. This
sociologically-based class analysis further confuses people by mistakenly leading them to
believe their "identity" as a member of the "middle class" (a term which has so many
definitions as to make it irrelevant) puts them in league with the ruling
class/oppressors, contributing to the lack of class consciousness in the United States.
Capitalism is a system of exploitation where the vast majority work for a living while
very few own (i.e.: rob) for a living. The term classism does not explain exploitation,
which makes it a flawed concept. We want an end to class society, not a society where
classes "respect" each other. It is impossible to eradicate exploitation while class
society still exists. To end exploitation we must also end class society (and all other
institutionalized hierarchies).
This critical issue is frequently overlooked by theorists who use intersectionality to
call for an end to "classism." Rather, as anarchists, we call for an end to all
exploitation and oppression and this includes an end to class society. Liberal
interpretations of intersectionality miss the uniqueness of class by viewing it as an
identity and treating it as though it is the same as racism or sexism by tacking an "ism"
onto the end. Eradicating capitalism means an end to class society; it means class war.
Likewise, race, gender, sexuality, dis/ability, age-the gamut of hierarchically-arranged
social relations- are in their own ways unique. As anarchists, we might point those unique
qualities out rather than leveling all of these social relations into a single framework.
By viewing class as "just another identity" that should be considered in the attempt to
understand others' (and one's own) "identities," traditional conceptions of
intersectionality do a dis- service to liberatory processes and struggle. While
intersectionality illustrates the ways in which relations of domination interact with and
prop up each other, this does not mean that these systems are identical or can be
conflated. They are unique and function differently. These systems also reproduce one
another. White supremacy is sexualized and gendered, heteronormativity is racialized and
classed. Oppressive and exploitative institutions and structures are tightly woven
together and hold one another up. Highlighting their intersections-their seams-gives us
useful angles from which to tear them down and construct more liberatory, more desirable,
and more sustainable relations with which to begin fashioning our futures.
An Anarchist Intersectionality of Our Own
Despite having noted this particularly common mistake by theorists and activists writing
under the label of intersectionality, the theory does have a lot to offer that shouldn't
be ignored. For instance, intersectionality rejects the idea of a central or primary
oppression. Rather, as previously noted, all oppressions overlap and often mutually
constitute each other. Interpreted on the structural and institutional levels, this means
that the struggle against capitalism must also be the struggle against heterosexism,
patriarchy, white supremacy, etc. Too often intersectionality is used solely as a tool to
understand how these oppressions overlap in the everyday lives of people to produce an
identity that is unique to them in degree and composition.
What is more useful to us as anarchists is using intersectionality to understand how the
daily lives of people can be used to talk about the ways in which structures and
institutions intersect and interact. This project can inform our analyses, strategies, and
struggles against all forms of domination. That is, anarchists might use lived reality to
draw connections to institutional processes that create, reproduce, and maintain social
relations of domination. Unfortunately, a liberal interpretation of intersectionality
precludes this kind of institutional analysis, so while we might borrow from
intersectionality, we also need to critique it from a distinctly anarchist perspective.
It is worth noting that there really is no universally-accepted interpretation of
intersectionality. Like feminism, it requires a modifier in order to be truly descriptive,
which is why we'll use the term "anarchist intersectionality" to describe our perspective
in this essay. We believe that an anti-state and anti-capitalist perspective (as well as a
revolutionary stance regarding white supremacy and heteropatriarchy) is the logical
conclusion of intersectionality. However, there are many who draw from intersectionality,
yet take a more liberal approach. Again, this can be seen in the criticisms of "classism"
rather than capitalism and class society, and the frequent absence of an analysis of the
state.[6]Additionally, there is also at times a tendency to focus almost solely on
individual experiences rather than systems and institutions.
While all these points of struggle are relevant, it is also true that people raised in the
United States, socialized in a deeply self-centered culture, have a tendency to focus on
the oppression and repression of individuals, oftentimes to the detriment of a broader,
more systemic perspective. Our interest lies with how institutions function and how
institutions are reproduced through our daily lives and patterns of social relations. How
can we trace our "individual experiences" back to the systems that (re)produce them (and
vice versa)? How can we trace the ways that these systems (re)produce one another? How can
we smash them and create new social relations that foster freedom?
With an institutional and systemic analysis of intersectionality, anarchists are afforded
the possibility of highlighting the social flesh mentioned in the opening quote. And if we
are to give a full account of this social flesh-the ways that hierarchies and inequalities
are woven into our social fabric-we'd be remiss if we failed to highlight a glaring
omission in nearly everything ever written in intersectional theories: the state. We don't
exist in a society of political equals, but in a complex system of domination where some
are governed and controlled and ruled in institutional processes that anarchists describe
as the state. Gustav Landauer, who discussed this hierarchical arrangement of humanity
where some rule over others in a political body above and beyond the control of the
people, saw the state as a social relationship.[7]
We are not just bodies that exist in assigned identities such as race, class, gender,
ability, and the rest of the usual laundry list. We are also political subjects in a
society ruled by politicians, judges, police, and bureaucrats of all manner. An
intersectional analysis that accounts for the social flesh might be extended by
anarchists, then, for insurrectionary ends, as our misery is embedded within institutions
like capitalism and the state that produce, and are (re)produced, by the web of identities
used to arrange humanity into neat groupings of oppressors and oppressed.
As anarchists, we have found that intersectionality is useful to the degree that it can
inform our struggles. Intersectionality has been helpful for understanding the ways that
oppressions overlap and play out in people's everyday lives. However, when interpreted
through liberal frameworks, typical intersectional analyses often assume myriad
oppressions to function identically, which can preclude a class analysis, an analysis of
the state, and analyses of our ruling institutions. Our assessment is that everyday
experiences of oppressions and exploitation are important and useful for struggle if we
utilize intersectionality in a way that can encompass the different methods through which
white supremacy, heteronormativity, patriarchy, class society, etc. function in people's
lives, rather than simply listing them as though they all operate in similar fashions.
Truth is, the histories of heteronormativity, of white supremacy, of class society need to
be understood for their similarities and differences. Moreover, they need to be understood
for how they've each functioned to (re)shape one another, and vice versa. This level of
analysis lends itself to a more holistic view of how our ruling institutions function and
how that informs the everyday lives of people. It would be an oversight to not utilize
intersectionality in this way.
From Abstraction to Organizing: Reproductive Freedom and Anarchist Intersectionality
The ways in which capitalism, white supremacy, and heteropatriarchy-and disciplinary
society more generally-have required control over bodies has been greatly detailed
elsewhere,[8]but we would like to offer a bit of that history in order to help build an
argument that organizing for reproductive freedom would benefit from an anarchist
intersectional analysis. Reproductive freedom, which we use as an explicitly anti-state,
anti-capitalist interpretation of reproductive justice, argues that a simple "pro-choice"
position is not sufficient for a revolutionary approach to reproductive "rights." Tracing
how race, class, sexuality, nationality, and ability intersect and shape a woman's access
to reproductive health requires a deeper understanding of systems of oppression, which
Andrea Smith outlines in her book Conquest.[9]Looking at the history of colonialism in the
Americas helps us understand the complexities of reproductive freedom in the current
context. The state as an institution has always had a vested interest in maintaining
control over social reproduction and in particular, the ways in which colonized peoples
did and did not reproduce. Given the history of forced sterilization of Native Americans,
as well as African- Americans, Latinos, and even poor white women[10], we can see that
simple access to abortion does not address the complete issue of reproductive
freedom.[11]In order to have a comprehensive, revolutionary movement, we need to address
all aspects of the issue: being able to have and support children, access to health care,
housing, education, and transportation, adoption, non-traditional families, and so on. In
order for a movement to be truly revolutionary it must be inclusive; the pro-choice
movement has frequently neglected to address the needs of those at the margins. Does Roe
v. Wade cover the complexities of the lives of women and mothers in prison?
What about the experiences of people who are undocumented? Trans* folks have long been
fighting for healthcare that is inclusive.[12]Simply defending the right to legal abortion
does not bring together all those affected by heteropatriarchy. Similarly, legal "choice"
where abortions are expensive procedures does nothing to help poor women and highlights
the need to smash capitalism in order to access positive freedoms. Reproductive justice
advocates have argued for an intersectional approach to these issues, and an anarchist
feminist analysis of reproductive freedom could benefit by utilizing an anarchist
intersectional analysis.
An anarchist intersectional analysis of reproductive freedom shows us that when a
community begins to struggle together, they require an understanding of the ways that
relations of ruling operate together in order to have a holistic sense of what they are
fighting for. If we can figure out the ways that oppressive and exploitative social
relations work together-and form the tapestry that is daily life-we are better equipped to
tear them apart. For instance, to analyze the ways that women of color have been
particularly and historically targeted for forced sterilizations requires an understanding
of how heteropatriarchy, capitalism, the state, and white supremacy have worked together
to create a situation where women of color are targeted bodily through social programs
such as welfare, medical experiments, and eugenics.
How has racism and white supremacy functioned to support heteropatriarchy? How has
sexuality been racialized in ways that have facilitated colonizers to remain without guilt
about rape, genocide, and slavery, both historically and contemporarily? How has white
supremacy been gendered with images such as the Mammy and the Jezebel?[13]How has the
welfare state been racialized and gendered with an agenda for killing the black
body?[14]Systemic oppressions such as white supremacy cannot be understood without an
analysis of how those systems are gendered, sexualized, classed, etc. Similarly, this kind
of analysis can be extended to understanding how heteropatriarchy, heteronormativity,
capitalism, the state-all human relations of domination function. This is the weight
behind an anarchist intersectional analysis.
An anarchist intersectional analysis, at least the way we are utilizing the standpoint,
does not centralize any structure or institution over another, except by context. Rather,
these structures and institutions operate to (re)produce one another. They are one
another. Understood in this way, a central or primary oppressive or exploitative structure
simply makes no sense. Rather, these social relations cannot be picked apart and one
declared "central" and the others "peripheral." And they are intersectional. After all,
what good is an insurrection if some of us are left behind?
Pictured above, panel discussion video "Reflections on International Feminism & Social
Movements." If you enjoy this article we also recommend the following additional related
articles:
Refusing to Wait: Anarchism and Intersectionality
A Feminist Movement to End Capitalism, Part I
Breaking the Waves: Challenging the Liberal Tendency Within Anarchism
More Feminist Readings and Resources
Notes
1. Harcourt, Wendy, and Arturo Escobar. 2002. "Women and the politics of place."
Development 45 (1): 7-14.
2. Combahee River Collective Statement. 1977. In Anzalduza, Gloria, and Cherrie Moraga
(Eds). 1981. This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color. Watertown,
Mass: Persephone Press. Available here.
3. "Refusing to Wait: Anarchism and Intersectionality."
4. For example: Crenshaw, Kimberle W. 1991. "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality,
Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color." Stanford Law Review, 43 (6):
1241-1299.
5. See: Purkayastha, Bandana. 2012. "Intersectionality in a Transnational World." Gender &
Society 26: 55-66.
6. "Refusing to Wait: Anarchism and Intersectionality."
7. Landauer, Gustav. 2010. Revolution and Other Writings, translated by Gabriel Kuhn.
Oakland: PM Press.
8. For more analysis on how race, gender and sexuality shaped capitalism and colonialism
in the U.S., see: Smith, Andrea. 2005. Conquest: Sexual Violence and American Indian
Genocide. Cambridge, MA: South End Press.
9. Smith, Andrea. 2005. Conquest: Sexual Violence and American Indian Genocide. Cambridge,
MA: South End Press.
10. For example: "Victims speak out about North Carolina sterilization program."
11. For a good book that shows examples and the history of reproductive justice, see:
Silliman, Jael M. 2004. Undivided Rights: Women of Color Organize for Reproductive
Justice. Cambridge, Mass: South End Press.
12. Trans* is taken generally to mean: Transgender, Transsexual, genderqueer, Non-Binary,
Genderfluid, Genderfuck, Intersex, Third gender, Transvestite, Cross-dresser, Bi-gender,
Trans man, Trans woman, Agender. Additional resources here.
13. Hill Collins, Patricia. 1991. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and
the Politics of Empowerment. New York: Routledge.
14. Roberts, Dorothy E. 1999. Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning
of Liberty. New York: Vintage.
http://blackrosefed.org/feminism-intersectionality-anarchism/?fbclid=IwAR1XKmE3CEMvjf_DhxDeL5GcCGO9mpZJfTDmZgAbKxj3tXOXeM7GiBnkFYs
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Message: 5
In recent years, governments and governments have, through a series of reactionary
measures, launched a relentless attack on the largest part of society. In particular, in
higher education, with bill adoption, the student acquisitions and the conditions of study
and life are struck, as the state passes on the cost of studying on the backs of students
and transforms student care into a contributory benefit. As an extension of the Gavroglu
law, which has come to intensify the attack on our student achievements, comes the
conclusion of the Paraskevopoulos Committee, which proclaims "academic freedom and peace"
at the university campus. In fact, it reinforces the existing tendency of sterilizing
universities and disciplining students, ---- The finding builds a pseudo-dilemma between
"academic freedom and peace" and "delinquency", ignoring the fact that freedom is only won
against some power. Freedom can only exist to the extent that it is delinquent, that is,
only to the extent that it exceeds an institutional framework, which is set as a universal
and inviolable one. The term "institutional freedom" is contradictory, since it
presupposes integration into a field of limited traffic, where each path leads to the
verification of the Law.
In particular, the conclusion provides for the revision of the security system in the
space of the Universities through the creation or upgrading of the existing security
systems (cameras, security, fencing of the space, bars). In this context, any kind of
resilience becomes verifiable and potentially criminalizable: from the posters and the
mass representations to the occupations, all political acts of interference or resistance
within the university can be considered criminal offenses.
Asylum is described as purely "academic", taking the toll from Gavroglou's law. The
creation of an "Asylum Committee" builds the institutional framework for police
intervention in the event of a misdemeanor, but at any time as well. In case of a felony,
the police intervene of its own motion. This movement is part of a wider plan of schooling
for all students of political action and political fermentation, either through the
dispersal of fear or through the suppression and criminalization of the resistances that
emerge in them.
Moreover, according to the finding, self-managed spaces within the university are an
obstacle to proper academic mode and therefore recommended the immediate evacuation in
conjunction with the creation of recreational facilities in universities, guarded and
controlled externally, which will operate with strict conditions of the Decoration. From
our side, we understand that this will create enclosures, without the possibility of
interaction and exchange of ideas among students, which would result in indirect
intensification of our everyday life. The university is further shaped like a place that
does not promote the symmetrical development of all aspects of our lives,
The occupations of university departments since the student clubs have always been a means
of struggle and demand for the student movement. According to Paraskevopoulos' finding,
occupations hamper academic functions. In addition, it is proposed to set up committees
(involving representatives of students) to prevent and deal with squatting. This movement
attempts to abolish the uninterrupted student struggle and to consolidate the undecided
and supposed claim through the assignment, depriving the student movement of the
possibility of radicalization and massization.
All of the above form a university detached from any form of struggle, within which any
attempt of resistance will be defined as illegal and suppressed. What we owe is to
reorganize the university by turning it into a living race and fermentation cell against
the sovereign's plans. We must put collective and bottom-up struggles against the
assignment, mediation and subordination again. To organize our resistances against the
attack we accept.
ORGANIZATION AND COMPETITION IN AND OUT OF SCHOOLS
FOR A STUDY MOVEMENT TAX - FREE - ANTIQUESTITLES
TO CONVERT UNIVERSITY AREAS IN ANIMATION AND RESISTANCE STATIONS
Eleftherioscopy of the University of Patras
e-mail:elsfpatras@episv.net
blog: eleftheriakosxhmapatras.wordpress.com
https://ipposd.wordpress.com
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Message: 6
We begin here a series of articles of reflection on the industry in the society: on what
conditions an industry could be integrated within an ecological society, serving the needs
of the population and respecting the imperatives of the world alive ? This first article
aims to recall how the consequences of pollution were managed before the industrial
revolution. ---- A pollutant, even if it is not identified as such, is an agent of
external origin to an ecosystem that has negative impacts on all or part of an ecosystem
[1]. The regularization of polluting processes is an ancient history within human
societies. The turn of the French revolution, which has brought the capitalist class to
power, will however return full foot in the era of pollution as the least harm related to
the good development of the interests of the state. But before that ?
The pollution begins with prehistory, with fire control: " The soot found on the ceiling
of prehistoric caves is a clear proof that the homes caused a high level of pollution due
to insufficient ventilation. " [2]The metallurgy of the bronze age and the age of the
iron, a turning point in the pollution of the external environment. The coring of the
Greenland glaciers revealed an increase in the pollution associated with the metallurgy of
the Greeks, Romans and Chinese [3]. But at that time, pollution was comparatively low, and
had no significant environmental impact at the global level.
Urban concentrations have also been a major source of pollution throughout our history.
The cities concentrated the presence and the dung of many men and horses, leading to
pollution of the air and water. Massive combustion of wood and coal also leads to air
pollution. In England, Edward 1 st enacted in 1272 a proclamation prohibiting the use of
bituminous coal in London [4].
Which pollution management ?
" Many ancient documents show that from the Middle Ages to the French Revolution, the
conflicts are old and numerous, but that we have most often sought to limit or reduce the
nuisance of the craft activities, with measures (fines, displacements of activity,
closures ...) and a dialogue between the parties, or investigations of the administration.
" " According to historical records (legal, administrative records), these disturbances
were pretty heavily controlled and relatively mastered in Paris in the XIV thcentury, by
the police as part of its public safety missions. Until this date, the royal or urban
governance calls for consultation, seeking a pragmatic balance between economic
constraints by the police [5]. "
The revolution of 1789 will spell the end of all pre-existing forms of regulation: in the
spring of 1791 the constituent assembly decided the suppression of guilds, corporations,
inspectors ... The time of the chemical engineers, already in ambush, has arrived. This is
what we will see in the next article.
Reinette reinvested (Al Aveyron) and Jacques Dubart (AL Nantes)
[1] Dictionary of standardized vocabulary of the Environment of AFNOR in France.
[2] " Indoor Air Pollution: A Public Health Perspective ", Science, Vol. 221, No. 4605,
1983.
[3] " History of Ancient Copper Smelting Pollution During Roman and Medieval Times
Recorded in Greenland Ice, " Science, Vol. 272, No. 5259, 1996.
[4] David Urbinato, " London's Historic" Pea-Soupers, " United States Environmental
Protection Agency, Summer 1994.
[5] Wikipedia, " Industrial pollution ".
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Idees-La-societe-face-a-l-industrie
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