Anarchic update news all over the world - 11.11.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Greece, liberta salonica: BIO.ME. will remain in the hands
      of workers Concentration in the courts: Thursday 8/11, 15/11 &
      13/12 at 11:00 [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #288 - international,
      Kanaky: Self-determination referendum, a chance or a trap ? (fr,
      it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  [Italy] International anti-militarist demonstration in
      Gorizia brings together hundreds of anarchists By ANA (pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Turkey, DAF, Journal Meydan Gazetesi #47 - Content (tr)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  anarkismo.net: Nestor Machno (7/11 / 1888-6 / 7/1934) by
      Dmitri - MACG (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






In August 2011, Philippe Johnson's Philippe Johnson, a subsidiary of Philippe Johnson, is 
charged by its parent company with a 1.9 million-euro loan in an attempt by Philkeram 
Johnson to present a fictitious , thus balancing the negative balance sheet of the company 
with this combination. However, the employees remained unpaid and after 18 months of work 
reassurance, the BIO.ME corporation, operating under horizontal procedures, decided at its 
general meeting the self-management of BIO.ME, proceeding to the occupation of the 
factory. Today BIO.ME. operates with self-management of production with labor control, 
without bosses, with the workers themselves co-deciding on its functioning, directly and 
democratically.
On 25/10/2018 the trial of the attempted auction of the entire factory site and not only 
of the Philkeram Johnson division was reopened in the courts of Thessaloniki, as suggested 
by the BIO.ME workers. Coordinated, in the identification of their interests, state and 
bosses seek to put an end to the self-management labor of BIO.ME. and to push its workers 
to poverty and unemployment. Noteworthy, at the side of the employers are the workers of 
Philkeram Johnson, who have adopted a reactive attitude of cannibalism within the working 
class. Allied and consensual towards employers' indecision, they have chosen to turn to 
the employees of BIO.ME,

SYRIZA. pre-election attempted to approach the employees of BIO.ME. promising that once it 
becomes a government, it will resolve the issue. These false promises, aimed at redeeming 
votes in the polls, collapsed in the most outrageous way when, in July 2016, the LAs 
attacked the workers of BIO.ME. and solidarity by carrying out two solidarity 
demonstrations and injuring protesters (the 2 adherents, 2 BOM.ME workers and one 
solidarity). The state has continued. Whether it is managed right or left, its role is to 
perpetuate political freedom and economic exploitation from the bottom, repression being a 
fixed means of enforcement. The state ensures the reproduction and widening of the 
interests of the privileged at the expense of the hard strata.

State and capital exterminate daily the social base by intensifying poverty and 
exploitation through the neoliberal policies of class burdens demanded by capital 
restructuring due to the capitalist overaccumulation crisis. In order for our viewer to 
remain in the process of extermination, it is imperative to go into the counter-attack. 
Organize into base societies and fight the indecision of the bosses, whether large or 
small, the sold bureaucratic-regime trade union factions and paternalist unions. We do not 
need leadership or representatives. We know our own interests well as our class, our needs 
and our desires.

For us the BIOM.ME. is a libertarian example of class self-organization and 
self-management of production. The struggle of her employees is fair. It is an advanced 
and radical response of the workers to the capitalists who live by the labor of the former 
through the abstraction of surplus value, relying on the abusive ownership of private 
property. The struggle for self-management is part of the struggle for the social 
revolution and as such we are called upon to defend it. The employees of BIOM.ME. they 
realize that no institutional or legal entity can guarantee their dignity. Only their 
unstoppable struggles can give a winning outcome. We stand beside them, with our weapon 
the classical solidarity,

FACTORIES IN THE WORKERS

BIO.ME. I WILL BE HANDLING LABOR

AGAINST COUNTRY AND CAPITAL.
ORGANIZATION AND GAME FOR ANARCHY AND COMMUNICATION

TO BLOCK THE BUSINESS OPERATION OF BIOS.

CONCENTRATION IN THE THESSALONIKI COURTS:

THURSDAY 8/11, 15/11 & 13/12 at 11:00

Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki - member of the Anarchist Federation

lib_thess@hotmail.com
libertasalonica.wordpress.com

https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2018/11/07

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Message: 2





The residents of Kanaky vote on November 4 for or against independence. For demographic 
reasons, the Kanak being a minority in their own country, the "yes" has very little chance 
of winning. What to do with this referendum, under these conditions ? ---- Following the 
Matignon Accords of 1988, signed by Jean-Marie Tjibaou for the FLNKS (in a position of 
extreme weakness following the Ouvéa assault), Jacques Lafleur for the RPCR ("   loyalist 
") and Michel Rocard for the French government, followed by those of Nouméa of 1998 signed 
by the FLNKS, the Rally for Caledonia in the Republic (RPCR) and representatives of the 
French government on the spot, the deadline of the referendum of self-determination 
arrives with 2018 The Committee of Signatories chose the date, November 4, and the 
question asked during his last visit to Paris in March: "  Do you want New Caledonia to 
achieve full sovereignty and become independent ?  "

Its result is almost known in advance, it will be negative for the claim of the Kanak 
people, given:

the demographic distribution of the different populations present in the Territory, in 
which the Kanak do not represent today, with more than 100,000 people (which is in itself 
a "  victory  " compared to the population fallen to about 20,000 individuals in the years 
1920), that nearly 40% of the total population ;
the Special Electoral Corps, which has allowed individuals with continuing residence in 
the Territory since 1994 to vote (and arrivals have continued many after the Matignon 
Agreement) ;
that this same electorate is tainted with numerous loopholes (thousands of Kanak are said 
to be "   untraceable   " and unregistered, many young Kanak unregistered and abstainers, 
fraudulent inscriptions in municipalities mostly "   loyalist   " ...)
and that it is not organized by an international institution like the UN, but by the 
colonial power itself with only the control of UN experts.
Solidarity meeting with Kanaky , 19 September 2018, at 7 pm in Paris 3 rd
Read also: "  1984: The FLNKS shakes New Caledonia  " in Alternative libertaire of 
December 2014
"  June 1878: The great revolt Kanak  " , in Alternative libertaire of June 2018
"  1917: Kanaks make war on war  " in Alternative Libertaire , April 2017
Admittedly, the agreements provide for two other referendums of self-determination, in 
2020 and 2022, to be organized ; but if the latter was still negative, the blocked 
electoral body would disappear and the last newly-appointed "  metro  " on the spot could 
vote according to French common law, and that would be the end of any possibility of 
independence by electoral means.

Fortunately, the French Constitution does not include an article similar to the 155 of the 
Spanish Constitution (which removed all autonomy from Catalonia). The current autonomy of 
New Caledonia would be maintained, and it is important (it corresponds to that which is 
claimed today by the Corsicans of the former FLNC !).

In this context, the Kanak people are divided on the attitude to have: the signatory 
organizations of the Accords are almost obliged to accept the rules of the game while 
predicting the result, and looking for ways to ensure that failure not happen again three 
times ; while other currents would prefer the boycotter of entry.

But as was well summed up, at the FLNKS convention on April 28 and 29, Daniel Goa, current 
spokesman of the Front: "  A people who loses united is a people who was made a minority 
at home by the colonization of stand. If the people lose because they are divided, what 
credibility does he keep for the rest of his fight ?  "

So let us wish the Kanak people a common unitary position, whatever emerges from the 
consensus in the tradition of their culture, while recalling the last words of Jean-Marie 
Tjibaou shortly before dying: "  The blood of the dead remains alive.  "

Whatever happens on November 4th, the claim remains  !

Daniel Guerrier, friend of AL (Pyrénées-Orientales),
former co-president of the Association Information and support for the rights of the Kanak 
people ( AISDPK )

Photo: graffiti tribute to Eloi Machoro, anti-colonialist murdered in 1985 .

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Kanaky-referendum-autodetermination-2018

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Message: 3





During World War I, the small town of Gorizia (on the border of Italy and Slovenia) became 
the focus of one of the bloodiest battles of the proletariat against the interests of 
rulers and bosses. ---- Saturday,  3 of of November 2018 , the official anniversary of the 
end of World War I , hundreds of comrades from Italy, Slovenia and Croatia met in Gorizia 
streets to propose the "Relaunch of anti - militarism" ( Rilanciamo l'anti - militarism! ) 
. And to put into practice class solidarity and fight beyond borders and states. ---- At 
the same time as the protest in Gorizia was going on, a strong anti-fascist demonstration 
was taking place in neighboring Trieste against the neo-fascists of the "Casa Pound" party 
who wanted to celebrate Italy's victory in World War I.

The demonstration in Gorizia was organized by the Regional Liberation Coordination of 
Friuli Venezia.

For a world without homeland and without frontiers!

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Message: 4




Some of the articles in this issue of our newspaper: ---- - Interview on Self-Education: 
"My Child Doesn't Like School, But He Loves Playing Games" ---- - Service in the Sector 
Unlimited Business Undefined - Young Labor Association ---- - Here's the Crisis 6,000,000 
Unemployed - Halil Çelik ---- - Exploitation of Agent-to-Consumer Intermediaries - Nergis 
Sen ---- - AKPMHPCHPHDP Alliances - Ilyas Seyrek ---- - Pastor? - Gökhan Soysal ---- - 
Anti Policy - Hüseyin Civan ---- - Anti-Anti-AKP as a Project for the Impunity of Power - 
Emrah Tekin ---- - Anti Human - Mercan Dogan ---- - 21st century. Theories and Practices 
of Surrender: Inadequate Balance for Life IMM - Merve Arkun ---- - Paper on Brazilian 
Anarchists Bolsonaro: The Paws of the Empire, Rise of Fascism ---- - Prison Strikes 
Demonstrate the Realities of Capitalism ---- - Be Missing from Our Lives - Özlem Arkun

- The Righteous Man Who Ever Runs - Özgür Oktay

- The Virtual Man Turned From Reality to Sanala - Sahin Efe

- Super Human - Who's Not Preparing The Future - Emircan Kunuk

- Efes Lost and Lost - Özgür Erdogan

- History Standing on the AVM - Güven Gökdere

- Crossdresser - Pelin Derici

- The Awakens in the Dark - Ece Uzun

- Archeology of Violence - Seyma Çopur

- Woman of the Mountains - Didem Deniz Erbak

- Burying in Pits - Gürsat Özdamar

- The Concept of Libertarian - Furkan Çelik

- Anarchist Publications (18) Anarchist Publications in Chile (II) - Zeynel Çuhadar

- Back Cover Collective: Anarchist Collective in Socialist Cuba ABRA

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Message: 5






As today, a historical form of anarchism and revolutionary thought was born, Nestor 
Machno. The following extensive excerpt from Daniel Guerin's book "Anarchism (From Theory 
to Practice)" was translated by the partners of the website http://www.nestormakhno.info 
and is a succinct story of the Ukrainian anarchist revolutionary movement (more known as 
"Makhnovtsina", as defined by the historian of the movement, Arsinov). ---- Nestor Makhno 
(November 7, 1888 - July 6, 1934)  ---- As today was born a historical form of anarchism 
and revolutionary thinking, Nestor Makhno. The following extensive excerpt from Daniel 
Guerin's book "Anarchism (From Theory to Practice)" was translated by the partners of the 
website http://www.nestormakhno.info and is a succinct story of the Ukrainian anarchist 
revolutionary movement (more known as "Makhnovtsina", as defined by the historian of the 
movement, Arsinov).

Brief History of the Makhnovist Movement

It was relatively easy for the Bolsheviks to clean up the small, weak nuclei of the 
Anarchists in the cities, but things were different in Ukraine, where the agricultural 
proletarian Nestoras Makhno had created a strong anarchist organization of peasants, 
economic and military. Makhno, a child of poor Ukrainian peasants, was twenty years old in 
1919. As a child, he had lived in the revolution of 1905 and later became Anarchist. The 
Tsarist regime arrested him and sentenced him to death, eventually turned into eight 
years' imprisonment, who had been largely quartered at Butyrki Prison, the only "school" 
he ever attended. He covered at least some of the gaps in his education with the help of a 
co-sponsor, Peter Arsinov (Photo 1).

Immediately after the October Revolution, Makhno took the initiative in organizing masses 
of peasants into an autonomous region with a radius of approximately 400 to 480 miles, 
with seven million inhabitants. In the South, its borders reached the sea azov at 
Berdyansk port, with Gulyai-Polye center, a large city of 20-30,000 people. A 
traditionally revolutionary region that had experienced the violent riots of 1905 (Photo 2).

The story began when the German and Austrian occupying armies imposed a right regime that 
was hurrying to return to their previous owners the lands occupied by the rebellious 
peasants. Land workers have risen in an armed defense of their recent conquests. They 
resisted the reaction as well as the early infiltration of the Bolsheviks' comisaries and 
their excessive imposition. This vast "non-State" was inspired by a "lover of justice", a 
sort of anarchist "Robin Hood", the so-called farmers "Father" Makhno. His first armed 
feat was the capture of Gulyai-Polye in mid-September 1918. The November 11 truce, 
however, led to the withdrawal of the Austro-German occupying forces,

For the first time in history, the principles of libertarian communism were implemented in 
the liberated Ukraine, and the self-management as much as possible in the conditions of 
the civil war came to power.

The farmers were united in "Communes" or "Free Workers' Soviets" (photo 3) and 
co-organized the ground for which they had fought the previous owners. These groups have 
respected the principles of equality and fraternity. Every man, woman and child had to 
work according to his power, and companions who were temporarily elected to managerial 
posts, returned after their tenure to their normal work with the rest of the community 
members.

Every Soviets was simply the executor of the will of the peasants in the region that 
elected him.

Production units were combined into Federations by region, and Federations in Unions. The 
Unions have joined together in a general economic system based on social equality, 
regardless of any political party. No politician imposed his will on the others under the 
guise of the Soviet power. Members had to be genuine workers in the service of mass workers.

When the Makhnovites made their way to a region, they posed posters that read:

"Workers and farmers are free and not subject to any limitation, it depends on the workers 
and the peasants that they will act, how they will organize themselves, that they will 
agree among themselves about all aspects of their lives, such as themselves they think 
.... Makhnovites can not give anything more than some advice and reinforcement ... Under 
no circumstances can they or they want to rule. "[1]

When, in 1920, when the Makhno people presented themselves to negotiate with the 
Bolsheviks, they made it equal to equal, and concluded an ephemeral agreement with them, 
in which they insisted on adding the following annex: "In the area occupied by the army 
workers and farmers are free to set up their own institutions in the context of economic 
and political self-government. These communities will be autonomous and federally 
associated with agreements with the Soviet Republics ". The Bolsheviks negotiators was 
extremely hesitant and eventually disconnect the annex of the agreement to avoid the state 
in Moscow where the course was theoretically "absolutely unacceptable".[2]

One of the related weaknesses of the Makhnovites movement was the lack of libertarian 
intellectuals, but somewhat covered the void of solidarity from abroad. This was 
originally expressed by the anarchists Clarkoff and Kursk who were inspired by Voline 
(photo 4) who had set up an organization called Nabat (the alarm bell) in 1918.

In 1919 a conference was organized in which they clarified: "We expressly and 
unequivocally oppose any form of participation in the Sobet, which has become a purely 
partisan body organized on an authoritarian, centralized, statist basis." The Bolshevik 
government considered this statement a warfare, and Nabat was forced to stop all its 
activities. Later in July, Voline arrives at Makhno's headquarters and meets with Peter 
Arsinov to take responsibility for the cultural and educational part of the movement. He 
chaired a conference in October in Alexandrovsk, where he adopted the "general theses" 
that define the doctrine of the Free Soviets.

These conferences were attended by farmers and representatives of the rebels. In fact, the 
political organization was an extension of the organization of the army of rebellious 
peasants who applied guerrilla tactics.

This army was impressively agile, covering at least 160 miles a day, thanks not only to 
its cavalry but also to its infantry, which traveled to lightly horsed spring-loaded carts 
(photo 5). This army was organized on a specific libertarian, voluntary basis. The system 
of elected administration was applied at all levels and everyone agreed to discipline the 
elected.

The rules of the latter were drawn up by rebel committees, then ratified by general 
assemblies and strictly controlled by all.

Makhno's militia created a number of problems for the Lefkosian armies that attempted in 
the area. The Bolshevik Red Border units, on the other hand, were not very effective. They 
fought only along the railways and never escaped from their armored trains, where they 
were withdrawing when they encountered resistance, sometimes ignoring all the warriors 
left behind. This fact did not inspire enough confidence in the farmers who were unarmed 
and isolated in their villages, at the mercy of the counter-revolutionaries. Arsinov, as a 
historian of the Makhnovist movement, wrote that "the price of the destruction of 
Denikin's counter-revolution in the autumn of 1919 is mainly due to anarchist rebels."

But after the Red Army units were absorbed by the Red Army, Makhno insisted on refusing to 
put his army under the command of Trotsky's Red Army. The great Revolutionist Trotsky 
afterwards considered it appropriate to attack the Makhnovist movement. On June 4, 1919, 
he drafted an order forbidding the forthcoming Maconite congress, accusing them as rebels 
against the Soviet power in Ukraine. He described attending the conference as an "ultimate 
treason" act and demanded the arrest of delegates. He refused to equip the Makhnovist 
rebels, failing to strengthen them, then accused them of "desertion" and being allowed to 
be hit by the Belarusian front.

The two armies, however, again came to an agreement in two other cases, when there was 
again a risk of counter-revolution and the circumstances required them to act together. In 
the first case in March 1919, against Denikin, in the second during the summer and autumn 
of 1920 against the threat of the Belarusian forces of Wrangel, eventually destroyed by 
the Makhnovites. But as soon as the danger passed, the Red Army returned to hostilities 
against Makhno's rebels, who were taking care to repel every hit they had received.

At the end of November 1920, the owners of power overturned it so that they set a trap: 
the Bolsheviks invited the Crimean Makhnovist Army officers to join a military council. 
There, they were immediately appraised by Cheka, the party police, and assaulted while 
their rebels were disarmed. At the same time, they launched a regular attack on 
Gulyai-Polye. The increasingly unequal struggle between the libertarians and the rulers 
continued for another nine months. Eventually, the most numerous and best equipped forces 
prevailed, and Makhno had to end the armed struggle. He managed to obtain asylum in 
Romania in August 1921, and shortly afterwards in Paris, where he died much later[3]of the 
affections and poverty[4]. That was the end of Makovvsina's epic story. According to Peter 
Arsinov, it was the prototype of an autonomous movement of working masses and therefore a 
source of future inspiration for the workers of the world.

Daniel Guerin excerpt from "Anarchism: From theory to practice".

Notes

1]The Army Manifesto of Ukraine (Makhnovsina).

[2]The Makhnovites were informed much later that they had not finally accepted the annex 
to their agreement (since it never reached Moscow), so there were cases where both the 
sources of the Anarchists and the Bolsheviks claimed that the "permission" of the Kremlin 
on the functioning of the Free Soviets in Ukraine. In fact, the Bolsheviks tolerated them 
because they could not do otherwise.

[3]In Paris, Machno (photo 6) continued his struggles for world freedom and genuine 
socialism he envisioned. He often met well-known anarchists in Europe, Berger, Dorouti, 
Malatesta and others. He participated in the effort to create an "Anarchist Organization 
Platform" in order to unite anarchists around the world in a common class struggle. 
"Platform" has become rough and under pressure, resulting in many mistakes and 
inaccuracies that have received constructive criticism from many comrades, we can say that 
it still expects to get its final form. Makhno himself, however, remained faithful to his 
principles, and in every case he needed, the Anarchist conspirators stood solidarity on 
his face. Prophetic has also been proved "

[4]The poverty and poverty of Makhacho, who never ceased to be persecuted for his 
struggles, was "satinized" in the most vulgar way by right and Bolsheviks well-paid 
slimmers in the service of one or the other power.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31200

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