Anarchic update news all over the world - 12.11.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Britain, Brighton Solfed - Fox & Sons: Pay Compensation for
      Cancelled Accommodation! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  anarkismo.net: FORA in Argentina by Scott Nappalos
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #288 - Sexual violence:
      Towards justice for victims at a discount (fr, it, pt)[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Poland, INICJATYWA PRACOWNICZA - WORKERS' INITIATIVE: Strike
      at LOT - a summary of the activities of the OZZ IP [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Belarus, PRAMEN, An event in honor of Emma Goldman was held
      in Minsk (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





We're outside Fox and Sons Estate Agents in Kemptown this morning, demanding that they pay 
compensation to six student tenants who were told five days *after* the day they were 
meant to move in that the property had been withdrawn, leaving them with nowhere to live. 
---- Fox and Sons' employees offered no help finding an alternative property, other than 
suggesting one over the students' budget. They didn't communicate properly with the 
tenants, telling them that the property would be ready to move into by early September, 
which it wasn't. ---- Our demand is that Fox and Sons pay £380 compensation to each of the 
tenants. This amount equals the difference in rent for the year on the more expensive 
property the tenants were forced to find at the last minute.
Fox and Sons were given a week to respond to the demand but are yet to be in touch.

An injury to one is an injury to all!

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Message: 2





Where there is sufficient interest and capacity, new groups must be created. Work 
networks, tenants and community groups, solidarity networks and trade unions can be 
created with a small number of fighters who want to combine their political work with a 
coherent socio-political plan. ... However, the primary task ahead of us is to find ways 
to turn a militant revolutionary anarchism into concrete activities that can be realized 
and coordinated by a small number of committed fighters and allow us to bridge the next 
phases of the struggle. ---- An Anarchist Social Movement - FORA in Argentina ---- The 
rise of the right and the inability of the institutional left to offer an alternative 
raises the critical question in our time: what is our strategy in pre-revolutionary 
periods? Although the revolutionary left has invested heavily in ruptures and revolutions 
of the past, it has done nothing to prepare us for the present. In the United States, for 
example, there are no social movements at national level based on the creation of a new 
social consciousness. Resistance remains largely fragmented and is often characterized by 
the absence of struggles for everyday life issues and carried out by actors of a 
semi-professional activist subculture. So the challenge we face is where to start or, more 
specifically,

There are some experiences that we can draw from the edge of the anarchist movement, where 
in a similar way the radicals began in a hostile environment for them to discuss and 
process strategic interventions. An ignorant and little-known discussion within anarchism 
was between the so-called dualism and the unified positions for the organization.[1]This 
controversy comes largely from the supporters of dualism who advocated the existence of 
specific anarchist political organizations independent of the workers' organizations of 
their time. This was in direct contradiction with the anarchists who supported the 
existence of anti-political organizations in libertarian unions and proposed a model of a 
workers' organization that was at the same time a politicized organization and a union. 
That is, the promotion of anarcho-syndicalist organizations as inherently against 
political organization and as defense organs of unions made up exclusively of anarchists, 
resembles a group of stray men. On the contrary, orthodoxy supported political 
organizations such as Pierre Bresnard, former head of the International Workers' Union 
(IWA-AIT), the Spanish CNT (through affiliation groups, special organizations around the 
editions and the FAI) and others coming from revolutionary trade unions -IWA-AIT members. 
That is, the promotion of anarcho-syndicalist organizations as inherently against 
political organization and as defense organs of unions made up exclusively of anarchists, 
resembles a group of stray men. On the contrary, orthodoxy supported political 
organizations such as Pierre Bresnard, former head of the International Workers' Union 
(IWA-AIT), the Spanish CNT (through affiliation groups, special organizations around the 
editions and the FAI) and others coming from revolutionary trade unions -IWA-AIT members. 
That is, the promotion of anarcho-syndicalist organizations as inherently against 
political organization and as defense organs of unions made up exclusively of anarchists, 
resembles a group of stray men. On the contrary, orthodoxy supported political 
organizations such as Pierre Bresnard, former head of the International Workers' Union 
(IWA-AIT), the Spanish CNT (through affiliation groups, special organizations around the 
editions and the FAI) and others coming from revolutionary trade unions -IWA-AIT members.

A more "balanced" image of the movement could be (at least) a division of four trends 
within IWA-AIT organizations, such as: the unionism of the class struggle that undermined 
anarchism and revolution (both with the defenders and with them the dominant position of 
the revolutionary syndicalism influenced by anarchism but promoting the idea of a big 
union, the political anarchists focused on insurrection and spiritual activities them and 
a fourth position is probably unknown to most readers.

This last position will be called anarchist social organization because of a lack of a 
better term. Elements of this position have existed and continued to exist throughout the 
history of the trade union movement, but they found their core within the revolutionary 
workers organizations of South America in the early (20th) century. In Argentina and 
Uruguay, a powerful immigration movement of anarchists has dominated the labor movement 
for decades, creating the first trade unions and establishing a policy in an environment 
where the trade union's reform activities did not have a framework that would allow them 
to thrive[2]. This trend has spread throughout Latin America from Argentina to Mexico and 
its zenith has affected trade union movements in Europe and Asia as well. Its progress was 
hampered by the combination of a changing framework and a political response that favored 
the emergence and development of both nationalist and reformist contrasts. In both 
Argentina and Uruguay, some of the earliest legitimate labor and populist reform regimes 
in the world emerged in order to curb the militant workers' movement, coupled with 
dictatorships that selectively targeted the anarchist movement, while supporting 
socialists and nationalists in the region . For example, the anarchist movement of El Río 
de la Plata (in Argentina) suffered heavy blows in the 1930s and began to decline. In both 
Argentina and Uruguay, some of the earliest legitimate labor and populist reform regimes 
in the world emerged in order to curb the militant workers' movement, coupled with 
dictatorships that selectively targeted the anarchist movement, while supporting 
socialists and nationalists in the region . For example, the anarchist movement of El Río 
de la Plata (in Argentina) suffered heavy blows in the 1930s and began to decline. In both 
Argentina and Uruguay, some of the earliest legitimate labor and populist reform regimes 
in the world emerged in order to curb the militant workers' movement, coupled with 
dictatorships that selectively targeted the anarchist movement, while supporting 
socialists and nationalists in the region . For example, the anarchist movement of El Río 
de la Plata (in Argentina) suffered heavy blows in the 1930s and began to decline. while 
supporting socialists and nationalists in the region. For example, the anarchist movement 
of El Río de la Plata (in Argentina) suffered heavy blows in the 1930s and began to 
decline. while supporting socialists and nationalists in the region. For example, the 
anarchist movement of El Río de la Plata (in Argentina) suffered heavy blows in the 1930s 
and began to decline.

In particular, FORA theorists (Argentine Regional Workers' Federation) have developed an 
alternative policy approach that has had a great influence. In Argentina, perhaps, along 
with Spain, it has grown to be one of the most powerful anarchist movements in the world, 
which is still not known today.

FORA has got its name as a direct influence from internationalism and one of the most 
thorough anti-democratic and anti-nationalist movements in radical history. FORA has 
inspired sister unions across Latin America that have adopted similar names like FORU (in 
Uruguay), FORP (in Paraguay), FORCh (in Chile) and trade unions in Peru, Colombia and 
Bolivia. It has also attracted the movement and local associations of the IWW in Mexico 
and Chile, away from the IWW's neoliberal syndicalism.

FORA's ideas became known as finalismo (because in Spanish the word fines means purpose or 
purpose), declaring anarchist communism to be a clear goal in 1905. Finalismo was a 
rejection of traditional trade unions and political organizations in favor of anarchist 
socialism In the trade unions, FORA faced the tendency to deflect the working class 
movement into a reformist movement, potentially reproducing capitalist labor relations. 
Trade unions, according to FORA, are institutions that inherit very much the capitalism we 
seek to abolish[4]. The capitalist division of labor, which is particularly reflected in 
the industrial unions, could be a possible basis for maintaining capitalist social 
relations after the revolution,

"We must not forget that the union, as a result of the capitalist economic organization, 
is a social phenomenon born of the needs of its time. The preservation of its structure 
after the Revolution implies the preservation of its cause: capitalism. "[5]

This critique has been extended to nonprofit revolutionary trade unions such as the IWW 
and, indeed, to anarcho-syndicalism itself, which was seen as an argument for the use of 
trade union resistance vehicles reflecting capitalist society as cells of the future 
structure of society. Their goal was to transform a society that was set up to maintain 
class order dominance in an organized society that responds to human needs, something the 
existing industries have poisoned.

"Anarcho-syndicalist theory, quite similar to revolutionary syndicalism, is now confused 
by many who approach the labor movement and even participate in it because they believe 
that all anarchists dealing with trade unionism are automatically anarcho-syndicalists." 
Anarcho-justification is a theory based on building society after the liberation 
revolution in the same unions and professional workers' associations. FORA explicitly 
rejects anarcho-syndication and maintains the notion that no one can legislate the future 
of society after a revolutionary change ... "[6]

While participating in class struggle on a daily basis, FORA members also reject the 
ideology of class struggle. The class struggle as an ideology was considered to reflect a 
mechanistic worldview inherited from Marxism, which would eventually strengthen the 
divisions that originated from capitalism that would hinder the construction of communism 
after the revolution. They argued that class and workers' identity is too "tied" to 
capitalist relations, and it is better to attack them than cultivate them.[7]

The foristas were skeptical about those political organizations that were separate from 
the workers' organizations and thought they were a danger. These organizations tended to 
overestimate the preservation of their political hegemony against the long-term goal of 
building anarchist communism[8]. The world of political anarchism was seen as a reaction 
coming from spiritual and cultural philosophies drawn from everyday life, while the 
anarchist workers' movement chose to inspire it from the association of anarchist morality 
with the exploits of the exploited.

"Anarchism as a revolutionary political party lacks the main force and its vital elements. 
Anarchism is a social movement that will gain the greatest ability to act and propagate as 
closely as possible in its own environment."[9]

In their place, the FORA guerrillas suggested a different type of workers' organization 
and another role for anarchists. Emiliano Lopez Arango, a brilliant self-taught and baker, 
stressed that we need to build workers 'organizations to achieve anarchist society rather 
than anarchist organizations for workers or anarchist workers' organizations.

"Unlike philosophical or political anarchism, we present our view and our own experience 
of the anarchist social movement, huge mass organizations that do not avoid the problems 
of philosophical anarchism, but regard man as he is, not only as a proponent of an idea, 
but as a member of a exploited and oppressed human society ... In order to create a trade 
union movement in accordance with our ideas - the anarchist labor movement - it is not 
necessary to "cram" into the brain of the workers ideas who do not understand or stand 
against those who take routine precautions. The issue is another ... Anarchists need to 
create a means of action that allows us to be a fighting force active in the struggle for 
the conquest of the future. The trade union movement can cover this high historical 
mission, but provided it is inspired by anarchist ideas. "[10]

This position has often been misinterpreted or misrepresented as "anarchist syndicalism", 
ie trying to create ideologically clean groups of workers. However, FORA employees kept 
the political anarchist movement to a minimum of appreciation and did not believe in 
intellectuals trying to impose lax tests on workers. Instead, they created an organization 
that, since 1905, has set anarchist communism as its goal and built around anarchist 
ideals in struggles and operations.

There is a fundamental difference between the existence of an ideological organization 
that does organizational work and anarchist-oriented organization. FORA employees tried to 
create the second. Opposing the neat economics and the ideology of class struggle, they 
emphasized a process of transformation and anti-piracy built through the struggle but 
guided by values and ideas.[11]Against the idea that trade unions are the seeds of future 
society, they suggested using struggles under capitalism as a way of educating the 
exploited to achieve revolutionary goals and a radical break of the structure of 
capitalism through the revolution.[12]

In this way, they organized the working class of Argentina under the pioneering light of 
anarchism, until a series of repressive measures destroyed them. The CNT will follow 
FORA's views about three decades later by ratifying the goal of achieving libertarian 
communism, but wobbles on these issues (predicted by some foristas such as Manuel 
Azaretto)[13]will prove catastrophic. The CNT scored a contradictory initial victory, but 
began to falter when it was asked to look at how it would move from an organization 
struggling within capitalism to a post-capitalist class.

The Anarchist Social Organization today

FORA's insight was precisely about its focus on how to achieve social liberalization. 
These organizational programs focus on struggles around everyday life. Participating and 
acting in these struggles aims to create a climate where participants can develop into a 
particular environment guided by anarchist principles, goals and tactics. Ideas are 
developed through an action process where actions, views and values interact and meet in 
strategy. These are the particular weaknesses we have in the recent anarchist and 
libertarian strategies in the United States.

And in political organizations and in organizational work, anarchists have failed to 
promote themselves as an independent force with their own proposals. The anarchist view 
remains outside the context of everyday life and struggle, where it has the greatest 
feeling and the greatest potential for positive contributions. Conversely, ideology 
remained largely owned by political organizations, while anarchists often do their 
organizational work as if they were soldiers of reforming non-profit organizations, 
bureaucratic associations, and neutral forms hostile to their ideas. This is done without 
a plan to promote our goals or independent projects that prove their value.

Similarly, as I have argued[14]against the trade unionist (industrial vs. industrial) 
debate, the divisions between a dual and a single organization bring important lessons but 
displace more fundamental issues. The role our ideas play in everyday struggles in 
pre-revolutionary times is at stake. Foristas were right when they saw a positive role for 
our vision when it came along with a practice of questioning everyday life under 
capitalism while actively pursuing a fundamental transformation. Many minds are missing 
from these points when they seek to impose an artificial separation between the place and 
the way we mix an organizational form.

Still, these issues do not prevent, for example, political organizations from playing a 
positive role with crafting strategy, helping anarchists to develop their ideas together 
and coordinate, etc. Emphasis has been placed on political thought, to talk about 
generalizations, forms and structures, and therefore the contextual and historical aspect 
of these kinds of discussions is missing. The most important part of the structure of an 
organization is when it is in that context and is active based on its time, and it is 
bypassing to make this action live in everyday struggles of the exploited. This can happen 
in different ways in many different projects.

Today, such a strategy can be implemented in the context of the work already being done. 
For those fighters who are members of existing organizations such as solidarity networks, 
trade unions and community groups, they must start networking to find ways to form an 
anarchist program through their work, to promote proposals to deepen the influence of 
anarchism on organizations and struggles, towards an anarchist model of social struggle. 
With our experience and the development of our forces, we could challenge the direction of 
these organizations or create new ones depending on the context in which we act.

Existing political organizations can also contribute to this work by supporting anarchist 
social organizations, contributing to work within existing organizational projects and 
collaborating to create new ones. In some cases this may require local political groups to 
create new organizing efforts on their own. Ideally, this will be done with other people 
and groups through a dialogue process. There are at least three anarchist organizations at 
national level who benefit from the ability to influence the debate and could intervene 
alongside the promotion of anarchism as an express power within the social movements.

Where there is sufficient interest and capacity, new groups must be created. Work 
networks, tenants and community groups, solidarity networks and trade unions can be 
created with a small number of fighters who want to combine their political work with a 
coherent socio-political plan. In the United States, such a strategy has not been 
attempted on any serious scale, perhaps from the days of Haymarket witnesses and 
anarcho-syndicalist IWMA. The unprecedented displacement of the population caused by the 
2008 crisis has made these types of experiments more feasible. It is up to us to take up 
the challenge and the undertaking. However,

November 2017

Notes

1]This discussion took place in the councilors after the German Revolution of 1919, with 
the split between AUD against AUD-E. They adopted the term ecumenical organization for a 
group that denied the political organization and agreed with the approach I describe in 
this text except that they refused to organize for issues of everyday life of the workers 
who were differentiated by the FAU of the time, and until later when AUD was in decline, 
AUDE moved closer to anarcho-syndicalism and KAPD organized moved to a close political 
organization. The ecumenical organization must be said to be confusing as these anarchists 
who defied ecumenical organizers from the followers of dualism repeatedly fought their 
ecumenical organization,
[2]Solidarity Federation. (1987). Revolutionary unionism in Latin America: The FORA in 
Argentina. ASP LONDON & DONCASTER
https://libcom.org/library/revolutionary-unionism-latin-america-fora-argentina
[3]Lopez Arango, E. Syndicalism and Anarchism. SN Nappalos translation. 
https://libcom.org/library/syndicalism-anarchism
[4]Lopez Arango. E. (1942). Means of struggle - Excerpt from Doctrine, Tactics, and Ends 
of the Workers Movement, the first chapter of the 1942 Posthumous collection called 
Ideario. Published in Anarquismo en Latin America. (1990). ed. Ángel J. Cappelletti and 
Carlos M. Rama. Prologue, edition and chronology, translation: Ángel J. Cappelletti. 
https://libcom.org/library/means-struggle
[5]Lopez Arango, E. & amp; Santillan, DA. (1925). El anarquismo en el movimiento obrero. 
Pg. 32
http://www.portaloaca.com/images/documentos/El%20anarquismo%20en%20el%20movimiento_obrero2.pdf
[6]La FORA Anexo 208. Translation SN Nappalos. Quoted in Lopez, Antonio. (1998). FORA en 
el movimiento obrero. Tupac Ediciones. Pg. 73-74.
[7]Antilli, T. (1924). Lucha de clases y lucha social. 
https://libcom.org/library/lucha-de-clases-y-lucha-social
[8]Lopez Arango, E. Political leadership or ideological orientation of the workers movement.
https://libcom.org/library/political-leadership-or-ideological-orientation-workers-movement
[9]Lopez Arango, E. & de Santillan, DA. (1925). El anarquismo en el movimiento obrero. Pg. 77
http://www.portaloaca.com/images/documentos/El%20anarquismo%20en%20el%20movimiento_obrero2.pdf
[10]In the same.
[11]Lopez Arango, E. The resistance to capitalism. 
https://libcom.org/library/resistance-capitalism
[12]At the same. Means of struggle
[13]Azaretto, M. (1939). Slippery Slopes: the anarchists in Spain. Translated in May-June 
2014 by Manuel Azaretto, Las Pendientes Resbaladizas (Los anarquistas en España), 
Editorial Germinal, Montevideo, 1939.
https://libcom.org/history/slippery-slopes-anarchists-spain-manuel-azaretto
[14]Nappalos, SN. (2015). Dismantling our divisions: craft, industry, and a new society.

https://iwwmiami.wordpress.com/2015/06/17/dismantling-our-divisions-craft-industry-and-a-new-society/
* This text was originally published in November 2017
here: http://ideasandaction.info/2017/11/anarchist- social-organization/
Then, without the notes, it was republished here:
https://robertgraham.wordpress.com/2018/08/19/scott-nappalos-anarchist-social-organization/
Translation: Neither God-Neither Master.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31195

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Message: 3





On August 5 the law was enacted to strengthen the fight against sexual and gender-based 
violence. This title is misleading as the demands of feminist associations have not been 
heard. Back to the beginnings and the failures of this long-awaited text after Metoo and 
Balancetonporc. ---- A year ago, the Weinstein affair highlighted the extent of sexist and 
sexual violence in Hollywood. The opportunity for many women, finally, to denounce and 
describe the violence suffered, past and present, with the now famous #Metoo and 
#Balancetonporc, including France. Far from a massive awareness and condemnation of the 
aggressors as one would expect, these denunciations have led to lawsuits against the 
victims. The latter were summoned to be silent, denied and treated as "   informers   " by 
those who defend "   a right to importuner   ", in the name of galling and a certain 
French tradition.

Originally, between mobilizations and indignation
In the same period, it was learned that two men were for the one relaxed, the other judged 
in correctional, although accused of rape on girls of 11 years. These two decisions 
provoked an uproar and highlighted the weakness of the judicial system to condemn what is 
nevertheless a crime and therefore the Assize Court.

At the heart of all these cases, the question of the complainants' consent comes back in a 
loop. And it is always to them that one asks tirelessly to prove that they were not 
consenting. We can better understand why nine out of ten rape victims never push the door 
of the police station. Beyond the trivialization of sexual violence, a majority of victims 
already know what to expect: questioning their testimony, their behavior, their sexual 
practices ... that could bring down their victim status while clearing the dead. 
'aggressor. If the aggressor is a spouse (or ex), and voila  ! "   Consenting one day, 
always consenting  Seems to be the watchword of investigators and magistrates (90% of 
marital rape complaints are thus dismissed). Because the criminal definition of sexual 
assault in France, including rape, takes up the idea that these acts must have been 
imposed by violence, coercion, surprise or threat. In fact, the victim must also prove 
that she has clearly expressed a refusal (either because she said so or because she has 
struggled). The notion of coercion, morality in particular, is only little taken up by 
magistrates with little training on the problem of violence against women and the 
mechanisms preventing victims from notifying any refusal. The law of 5 August was 
therefore expected by feminist associations and organizations to be able to repair the 
shortcomings of past laws.

It took five months of debate and polemics for the mountain to finally give birth to a 
mouse. Because the final text is redacted essential questions. In fact, contrary to what 
Macron and Schiappa announced, no minimum age of consent has been set, and the assessment 
of the sentence (and thus the characterization of the facts) will be up to the magistrates 
or the juror. es. It is just stated that the age difference between a minor and a major 
may (and should not) constitute a constraint in itself. Moreover, the imprescriptibility 
of the facts has not been retained and the limitation periods have increased from 20 to 30 
years from the age of majority for rapes committed on minors. Improved but still 
problematic delays in view of advances in traumatic amnesia, which we know can sometimes 
be very late in the life of a victim of sexual violence during childhood. This text, which 
wanted to be ambitious, will not have finally been at the end.

A cautious and insufficient law
While Sweden voted in June of this year on a law on sexual consent (which considers rape 
any sexual act without explicit agreement, even in the absence of threat or violence), the 
government and parliamentarians preferred the status quo . The burden of proof continues 
to rest on the victim, and it is still not up to the accused to prove that he has made 
sure of his consent. Worse, the future reform of justice provides for departmental 
criminal courts to judge "   the less serious crimes   " (according to the words of the 
Minister of Justice) including rape. Unlike the Assize Courts, the trial will be without 
juré.es and will be shipped faster (in the absence of expert.es or witnesses), " offering 
»Victims of rape justice at a discount, under the pretext of speeding up procedures and 
avoiding correctionalization.

Obviously, these different texts are system and integrate completely into the patriarchate 
and the culture of rape. Rape becomes a disqualified crime, always so difficult to prove, 
especially when it is the act of a relative or an acquaintance of the victim. Abusers can 
continue to sleep quietly, especially since the programs of prevention of sexual violence 
in national education (yet mandatory) are most often ignored, lack of resources and 
trained personnel. Similarly, equality education between girls and boys is random from one 
school to another and is often the result of the teacher's willingness to approach this 
subject with his or her students. risk of being accused by the reactionaries (who are once 
again on the rise) of perverting the children. This widespread lack of political will to 
prevent and act on sexual violence must be denounced. This is what we will do again on 
November 24, by demonstrating for the elimination of violence against women.

Gaëlle (AL Saint-Denis)

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Violences-sexuelles-Vers-une-justice-au-rabais-pour-les-victimes

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Message: 4





Solidarity protest with a strike at LOT at the Lawica airport in Poznan ---- On 1 
November, a two-week strike of pilots, pilots and cabin and airborne staff in LOT Polish 
Airlines ended - trade unions and management signed an agreement under which: ---- (1) all 
persons dismissed (67 dismissed in October and dismissed in June this year Monika Zelazik) 
will return to work, ---- (2) the rebuke for the chairman of the Trade Unions of the 
Communication Pilots will be withdrawn, ---- (3) The Management Board will withdraw claims 
for reimbursement of financial losses incurred as a result of a strike, ---- (4) the 
parties will start negotiations on the remuneration system and undertake to maintain a 
"social peace" for a period of 24 months. ---- In connection with the conclusion of the 
agreement, the National Commission OZZ Inicjatywa Pracownicza issued a post summarizing 
the strike and participation of our union in this protest[read the entire content of the 
position].

KK IP reminds that "From the very beginning , the National Trade Union Workers' Initiative 
supported the struggle of employees and employees associated in ZZPPiL and ZZPK." Our 
representatives and representatives were present at the pickets, strike assemblies and 
solidarity demonstrations. leaflet and information actions directed to passengers and to 
employees of other airlines.The Workers' Initiative committees actively used their 
communication channels to disseminate information about the strike, and the Works 
Committee at the University of Warsaw organized a rally of employees and employees of 
science. "

 From the perspective of the Employee Initiative, the strike at LOT was also of key 
importance for other industries and enterprises: "What happened in LOT Polish Airlines 
shows that united employees have enormous strength, a force that no power, no management, 
no court will take away from them - they can stop work and demand a dignified life for all 
working people, not just directors. " . As it was taken by Monika Zelazik - chairwoman of 
the Trade Union and Air Personnel Union, dismissed from work in June this year. and 
restored to it in November under the agreement ending the strike: " This is no longer a 
strike but LOT Polish Airlines employees, this is a strike of all employees in Poland"

KK also reminds that the situation in Polish Airlines has made it clear once again that 
fundamental labor rights in Poland are often a fiction: "In recent years, further changes 
in the law have radically limited the functioning of trade unions, trade union pluralism, 
obtaining representativeness at the level of workplaces and law In our relationship, the 
Commission at the Chung Hong factory was painfully affected, where the employer used the 
lockout lockout workers, Aelia duty-free shop workers and Volkswagen workers who were 
fired for starting a trade union. Krowarzywa restaurant. "In this perspective, the 
agreement concluded on November 1 is the victory of all trade unions and all employees and 
employees - regardless of the place of work or the industry in which they are and they are 
employed.

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/ogolnopolskie/item/2426-strajk-w-lot-podsumowanie-dzialan-ozzip

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Message: 5





Event was held at 23th of October. The doors opened at 19.40. Despite the fact that at the 
last moment the venue of the event had changed it gathered about 20 people. The program 
included: ---- - a brief presentation of Emma Goldman's memoirs, a story about the main 
events in her life and a discussion of her ideas ---- - informative and creative 
exhibition, namely: a master class on the creation and interpretation of comics about 
feminism and not only; creation of postcards with cool artwork with your own hands; 
conversation with people who adhere to different ideas of Goldman in our time (in format 
of the living library) - anarcho-feminist, childfree and polyamory. ---- Visitors were 
regaled with coffee and vegan cakes, listening to music and buying themed merchandise.

Partners of the event were:
- Publisher "Radical theory and practice" (facebook.com/rtpbooks)
- The anarchist library "Volnaya Dumka" (facebook.com/volnaja.dumka)
- Anarchist shop "Sabotage" (sabotage.ninja)

Source: https://www.facebook.com/events/1901621796624673/permalink/1923677241085795/

https://pramen.io/en/2018/11/an-event-in-honor-of-emma-goldman-was-held-in-minsk/

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