Anarchic update news all over the world - 30.11.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Greece, 3rd Conference of Anarchist Policy Organization
      (APO) Federation of Collectives [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  US, black rose fed: POPULAR POWER IN A TIME OF REACTION:
      STRATEGY FOR SOCIAL STRUGGLE (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Poland, zsp: Changes at the post office in Wolomin [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 4.  Poland, zsp: Enough to the exploitation in Debak! [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 5.  Rusia, avtonom: "Do not ask for mercy from the king": an
      interview with the "Autonomous Action" [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 6.  Greece, Photos of anarchist women's blockade against gender
      violence on November 24th in Athens By APO [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  Ireland, WSM marks International Day for the Elimination of
      Violence against Women at their strategy gathering
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

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Message: 1





The 3rd Congress of the Anarchist Political Organization (APO) | The Federation of 
Collectives will be held on December 1-2, 2018, in Thessaloniki.
On the first day of the Congress and for specific procedures, the presence of observers is 
foreseen.
For expressions of interest and communication you can contact the mail: anpolorg@gmail.com
Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collectivities

apo.squathost.com

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Message: 2






Editorial Note: This piece builds upon and updates the strategy and analysis document 
"Below and Beyond Trump" we released in late 2017 and aims to capture a snapshot of our 
internal discussions and conclusions over the past year. Because these conversations began 
in the lead up to our National Convention in early August we were not able to incorporate 
some more recent events and especially the feminist analysis developed in the statement 
"Kavanaugh and a Feminist Movement Fighting to End Capitalism" and which draws upon the 
article "A Feminist Movement to End Capitalism, Part I (Part II forthcoming). We recommend 
reading these pieces in addition to this. #PowerFromBelow #BuildPopularPower ---- Popular 
Power In a Time of Reaction: Strategy for Social Struggle ---- Strategy and Analysis / 
Análisis de Coyuntura Document

Prepared by members of the BRRN Analysis and Strategy Committee and approved by the 
membership.

Last year in "Below and Beyond Trump: Power and Counterpower," we argued that the U.S. 
ruling class is in the midst of a destabilizing political crisis, leading to increasing 
politicization and polarization across the country, and that the Trump regime is both a 
symptom and a cause of the current divisions playing out at the top of the political food 
chain. In response to the rise of Trump, we noted that social movements, particularly 
those driven by the "institutional left" (nonprofits, business unions, etc), have been 
characterized by retrenchment, militant reformism, and a sharp turn toward electoral 
politics. In this context, we highlighted the growing potential for advancing a 
libertarian socialist vision and strategy that speaks to the needs and desires of the 
current moment.

In this follow up to Below and Beyond Trump, we will briefly highlight recent expressions 
of the dominant trends that characterize the current social, political and economic 
landscape and outline a strategic orientation for building popular power and advancing 
social movements toward libertarian socialism. Our argument is simple, that we need to 
move from "protest" to building popular power. We define popular power as creating 
independent institutions and organizations of the working class to fight white supremacy, 
patriarchy and capitalism. Whether in workplaces, neighborhoods, prisons, or schools, 
building organizations in these sites can help movements build power and transform the 
current tide of right politics. With a focus on organizing, movements can win not only 
meaningful reforms, but create a path toward a libertarian socialist society.

Power at the Top
In the realm of foreign policy, Trump has represented a huge step backward for US global 
leadership. In a whole number of strategic areas, Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, 
Europe and Asia, the US role as global economic, diplomatic, and military leader is on the 
wane (although still in the top position). Perhaps this is nowhere more evident than in 
Europe, where US leadership in NATO and the G7 is under serious strain. Sometimes this can 
open the door for the aims of anti-militarist movements such as the case with the Korea 
peace process. But this can also be dangerous, for example in Syria where Trump has 
allowed horrendous atrocities by Assad and US ally Turkey.

In many of these moves, we find the Trump administration's behavior inexplicable. For 
example, in the emerging trade war with China, Canada, and European powers, the imposition 
of $34 billion in tariff protections defies longstanding elite consensus on global trade. 
In making this move the Trump administration has angered many powerful corporate sectors 
of US society, who stand to lose billions of dollars, and have been vocal in their 
opposition to the trade tariffs. Why this isn't enough to stop the policy is unclear, as 
are the motives for it in the first place. China is emerging as an economic power that is 
beginning to rival the United States, although in military capacity the US still dwarfs 
the rest of the world. The tariffs could be a way to counter the economic rise of China, 
or an ideological and racist move for which economic factors are less significant. But it 
points to a highly unpredictable and maverick leadership, and because of this many 
establishment liberals are adamant in the necessity to oust Trump.

In the domestic realm, Trump's positions, as odious as they are, have largely stayed 
within the scope of neo-liberal practice of state management. He continues to roll back 
the Keynesian New Deal state much like Obama and Bush before him. Numerous environmental, 
labor, and civil rights protections have been abandoned by the administration. In 
budgetary priorities, the Trump administration has granted the Pentagon its largest 
funding priority ever, exceeding even the requests from US military planners, and at the 
same time is imposing and proposing some of the harshest cuts on social services in recent 
memory, all while cutting taxes on the very rich. For example, bedrock programs of the New 
Deal state like Social Security and Medicaid are under serious threat. Meanwhile, the 
Trump administration has appointed a series of semi-criminal elements that have been 
forced to resign, and some like Dinesh D'souza and Sheriff Joe Arpaio the president has 
personally pardoned.

In all this, it appears that the Trump administration has little concern for the 
"legitimation" function of the state, which is a basic role of government to build support 
for established centers of authority and capital. Instead he is strengthening and 
expanding the authoritarian elements devoted to violence. The two best examples of this 
are the family detention and separation policy imposed by Trump advisor Stephen Miller and 
the Muslim ban recently approved by the Supreme Court. These come as huge shocks to the 
liberal establishment, but here too build off policies of Obama and other centrists. This 
lack of legitimation, and widespread corruption within his administration may lead to his 
impeachment. The recent indictments and convictions of close Trump aids increases this 
likelihood. If these scandals move toward impeachment, it will be a major test of the 
constitutional resilience of the liberal institutions of governance and will be important 
to watch closely.

A further potential disruption on the horizon is the possibility of economic 
destabilization and depression. While the capitalist class and the corporate sector are 
exploding with wealth, the rest of the country never recovered from the 2008 financial 
crisis. This dynamic echoes the economic inequality and tensions of the 1920s that led to 
the historic 1929 market crash and resultant depression. No one can tell the future, but 
there are worrying signs on the horizon like the slowdown in the housing market, and the 
"inversion" of bond rates spelling trouble for long term investments. If there is a 
recession or depression it would significantly change the organizing terrain before us.

The State of Popular Power
Social movements have been disoriented and have responded in ways we laid out in our Below 
and Beyond Trump strategy document from 2017. US social movements are comparatively weak 
when examined from an international perspective. This means that movements here must 
organize at a much more basic level than those in other countries to build the capacity 
for mobilization and empowerment. Even so, with the election of Trump movements have 
become more cautious and shifted efforts into electoral campaigns.

Many movements have been forced or voluntarily moved to a defensive footing. This is 
especially true for the "institutional left" - unions, non-profits, and those with 
institutional interests to protect and preserve. Unions in particular have been flat 
footed in the response to significant existential threats like the recent Janus ruling and 
the declared offensive by very large and well-funded business groups. Other NGOs have also 
been unable or unwilling to respond to the clamor for more activism and resistance against 
Trump. For example, organizations like the ACLU their "membership has grown from 400,000 
to 1.84 million so far during the course of Trump's presidency. And while it usually 
brings in an average of $3-$5 million each year, during these first excruciating 15 months 
it has raised almost $120 million in online donations." Yet that growth has not translated 
at all into the power necessary to resist Trump and his authoritarian version of 
neoliberalism.

For more dynamic social movements, the current moment reflects a mixed bag. In 2016 many 
social movements including environmental activism, the BLM movement and others were 
ascendant. The momentum has definitively shifted against them under Trump, but not all 
movements. For example two dramatic and powerful direct action movements emerged in the 
shadow of Trump, the #MeToo and the Parkland students movement against gun violence. Both 
of these show the dramatic power of direct action, mass disruptive movements focused on 
power. For #MeToo, several powerful men, many of them employers, have had their careers 
ended by the social media campaigns against sexual assault and sexual violence. For the 
Parkland students, their national protests (the first wave of school walkouts and 
disruptive actions, not the milquetoast efforts co-opted by the Democrats) forced major 
Republican figures to change their positions on guns, and in Florida to enact some modest 
though ultimately reactionary reforms. These are exactly the types of mobilizations we 
predicted as militant reformism as popular opposition pushes against institutional 
boundaries and forces legislative and social change within very narrow, liberal, confines.

These efforts have also quickly been diverted from their more militant and disruptive 
forms of protest into electoral channels either inside or outside the Democratic Party. 
For the left the largest phenomenon here is the rise of the Democratic Socialists of 
America, a political organization now with a reported 50,000 membership base, and one with 
significant impacts on movement strategy and direction, drawing people into electoral 
efforts. Their biggest victory was the recent primary win and successful election of 
Alexandria Ocasio Cortez in Queens New York who beat out an entrenched Democratic 
incumbent to win a seat in the House of Representatives. There are also efforts among 
liberals and progressive elements to redouble electoral organizing. Most notable here is 
the move by BLM founder and movement leader Alicia Garza to build a Black voting base 
called Black Futures Lab, who just endorsed their first candidate Ilhan Omar, to replace 
Keith Ellison in Minnesota. We expect to see more of these moves to electoralism and see 
it as a major step backward for social movement strategy for reasons we have explained 
elsewhere.

However, the most significant and surprising development of the last year for social 
movements was the emergence of a militant rank-and-file teachers movement. This movement 
deserves more careful study from our organization, but it has achieved impossible gains in 
a very short time, and BRRN members have been active organizing here. Most notable is that 
through labor action in the workplace, strikes, walkouts and sickouts, the teachers have 
forced major gains, as much as 20% pay increases and expanded state funding for schools, 
on some of the most reactionary Republican legislators and administrators in the country. 
Notably, they also did this by organizing under, over, around and through their union 
leadership, sometimes bringing them along to the fight, at other moments having to 
circumvent the leadership entirely, and vote against official recommendations for 
conciliation. They built power outside of established channels, used small actions to 
build for strikes that were meaningful, and actually shut down their workplaces. Another 
example of worker militancy is the Burgerville Worker Union, the first fast food union in 
the United States organized by rank-and-file militants. Again BRRN members are active here 
and their approach highlights the failing strategy of the major unions and NGOs. One 
aspect of the rank-and-file organizing is the spark of confidence by workers that realize 
the potential of their power and that they can win is a huge victory for working people. 
These developments are a major step forward and a model we should look to in our organizing.

A movement that deserves mention are the deep and growing immigrants organizing networks. 
Whether around rank-and-file workplace militancy or direct defense against deportations 
organizers are working to strengthen immigrant communities. Trump's shocking policy of 
family separation was built on Obama era policies of family detention, and galvanized much 
of this popular push back. But again, the large NGO mobilizations have yielded 
disappointing results, where on the ground direct action is having a much larger impact. 
One example we would point to is the Koreatown Popular Assembly (KPA) of Los Angeles, a 
project that BRRN members are helping organize. The KPA has used technology that allows 
them to rapidly respond, alert and mobilize community members in response to ICE activity 
such as raids and detentions. Here there is a connection to mass incarceration, and again 
BRRN members are involved organizing the historic prison strike of August of this year, 
and building connections with immigrants detained in corporate deportation centers. It is 
through these engaged, on-the-ground organizing and direct action campaigns that we can 
push back against the right-ward tide of American politics. Meanwhile, efforts tied to the 
institutional left are failing to adequately face this challenge.

Practical Strategy for Building Popular Power
Our vision for building popular power to both stop the advance of the right and create 
transformative change to build the libertarian socialist society is detailed here. We 
advocate a strategy that focuses on building popular organizations and institutions of 
community control. Building popular power is meant to build autonomous organizations for 
and run by working class people to realize their political power, which is in contrast to 
power negotiated between those in the state political arena and directed by 
professionalized staff. In any sector, it means we must organize; this involves building 
small nuclei of organizers, engaging with movements on a direct action basis, and scaling 
up those projects to mass participation. There are further steps after this that are 
necessary, for example building organizational structures that are resilient and flexible 
enough to remain both mass oriented and combative in nature, but for now we will focus on 
local militant activity and how to build popular power.

In the last 18 months we have heard an increasing call that social movements should move 
"from protest to politics." Typically this means that street demonstrations of 
#BlackLivesMatter or anti-fascist organizers have limited efficacy, and to make lasting 
change activists must organize in electoral campaigns to support progressive mainstream 
politicians. We fundamentally disagree here. While we share the critique of activism and 
the limitations of mobilizations, we argue that a move to electoralism is a step backward 
because it does not build the independent power we need to win.

Instead, we argue that social movements build on the tremendous power of protest by 
organizing more deeply and more widely in different social sectors. Indeed, BRRN is 
considering adopting a sectoral strategy as the basis for our organizing work. We see 
social sectors as the people, social relationships and institutions that define our lives 
and experiences. For example, labor is a major social sector, a place where we spend most 
of our adult lives, where we generate profit for capitalists, and have established social 
networks and collective interests. Other organizing sectors we have identified are the 
neighborhood, in prisons and carceral institutions, and with students and education. Each 
of these sectors is a site of power, and movements can turn from disconnected 
mobilizations to organizing in these sectors to build popular power. We also see the need 
to highlight the intersectional and intersectoral nature of social struggle and social power.

Organizing 101
Whatever your movement work, building popular power means organizing. This is the process 
of bringing people together to impact the issues that concern them. Our model comes from 
labor organizing, and involves forming an organizing committee to take collective action. 
The committee can be small, between three and twenty persons, but with an emphasis on 
organizing and disruptive action it can have a huge impact. With a committee, organizers 
can bring more and more people into political action, and plan a direct action campaign 
targeted against power to win concessions. With success here, those projects can be scaled 
up to increased participation in mass mobilizations and mass direct actions, like strikes 
or sit-downs or civil disobedience, and a proliferation of the model.

This part of organizing we call "political layers" and are considering adopting as a 
formal strategic framework. Here we see three layers of social movement organizing, from 
the political layer, to the intermediate, and the mass layer. The political layer is the 
role of parties and political organizations like BRRN, and organizations that have clear 
political principles and objectives. In the above schema, the committee organizing takes 
place in the intermediate layer, a grouping with loosely shared objectives or tactics, 
with an eye toward building mass layer organizations and movements. We find this break 
down helps clarify and organize our tasks for supporting and sustain social movement 
organizing and transformative change.

Conclusions
With sectoral and political layer analysis, we still have many lingering questions and 
there has been significant internal discussion about our adopting these strategic 
frameworks. Most of the questions have to do with what gets left out, what are the 
intersections with identity and social oppression, and how we can use them in our 
organizing. For the time being, we argue that organizing within the arenas of our 
workplaces, neighborhoods, schools and where we are incarcerated can help take movements 
from "protest to politics," but to a politics of different sort, not ones based on 
supporting politicians and building the institutions of capitalism, white supremacy, 
patriarchy and the status quo. Instead building popular power rooted in sites of struggle 
can help us win transformative gains, and help turn the course of history to a brighter 
future.

Fractures at the top provide opportunities for building power from below. It is our task 
to seize these opportunities and push forward movements for liberation.

http://blackrosefed.org/popular-power-in-time-of-reaction/

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Message: 3






After our last publication regarding the case of a former postman from Wolomin, Rafal 
Czerski, some changes in the local post office took place against Poczta Polska. ---- We 
described the testimonies of the postmen, which showed that each of them had to pay PLN 40 
a month from one of their own employees to sort the list. Failure to pay this amount meant 
that the postman had to sort himself, which practically prevented all tasks from being 
completed within 8 hours of work. ---- After our publication, the post office in Wolomin 
created an additional post for a person whose duty is to sort letters for postmen. ZSP 
believes that this is a step towards normality and we are glad that this development is 
going on. ---- It is enough to charge employees with the costs that should be covered by 
the employer! ---- http://zsp.net.pl/zmiany-na-poczcie-w-wolominie

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Message: 4






Cleaning staff at the Center for Foreigners in Debak demands normal working conditions. 
---- For several years, the Polish Syndicalists' Union has been publicizing cases of 
exploitation in state institutions, where work has been outsourced and employees are 
employed by companies that cheat in a different way and deprive them of their rights under 
the Labor Code. Another group of employees who decided to fight for improvement of their 
working conditions is cleaning staff at the Center for Foreigners in Debak. ---- The 
tender for cleaning services was won by Sadar Sport Management. The company is present in 
various institutions, including in Debak, at WKD stations in Grodzisk Mazowiecki and in 
Warsaw, as well as in Radio dla Ciebie. Recently, she also won a tender for periodical 
window cleaning services at the Court in Grodzisk Mazowiecki.

When starting to tender, the company declared employment under a contract of employment. 
In fact, it employs employees with bypassing the law. At the WKD and Debak stations, the 
employees work in black, without any record of working time and without paying dues. They 
are also contracted, although they work regularly for 40 hours a week and their work has 
all the features of an employment relationship. Some of these employees have employment 
contracts, but they are understated to 1/2 or 1/4 full time, though they work 40 hours.

These employees lose not only their free days, but also have lower pension contributions 
and do not receive sickness benefits in full. The employer simply cheats them.

Sadar Sport Management employees also complain about the inability to use appropriate 
cleaners and harassment on the part of management and the use of humiliating methods of 
addressing employees, personal attitudes, etc. In addition, the transport of workers to be 
guaranteed is not always available.

The Polish Syndicalists' Union - Zwiazek Wielobranzowy Warszawa issued a letter to the 
Office for Foreigners in this matter, demanding intervention. We propose that the Office 
should abandon the services of an external company and employ cleaning staff (5 people) 
directly on employment contracts.

In the near future there will be information campaigns and protests regarding the situation.

http://zsp.net.pl/dosc-wyzysku-w-debaku

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Message: 5






"Autonomous Action" is a libertarian media project that grew out of the anarchist movement 
of the same name. Its creators write and collect texts about anarchism: activists, the 
movement itself, literature and events. "We act independently, regardless of government 
bureaucrats, officials, various party functionaries and other official bodies." ---- The 
creators of Avtonom are about anarcho-communes, the case of the Network, the attention of 
the authorities and the inevitable disappearance of exploitation. ---- - Your Manifesto is 
very detailed. What role did he have left? ---- "This detailed Manifesto was important a 
few years ago, when Autonomous Action was a fixed membership organization, contributions, 
and so on. Now it is not so important, no one, of course, does not check his knowledge. 
Nevertheless, we assume that the project participants still share most of the provisions 
of the Manifesto and the thoughts that are contained in it. We know that we are dealing 
with like-minded people.

- You also release the magazine "Avton" . What usually publish in it?

"We are positioning Avton as a magazine broadcasting a libertarian, anarcho-communist view 
of the world." But this is not a campaign leaflet: we are trying to make the materials 
interesting for any person. Although, of course, it is unlikely that Avton will read the 
fascist or active supporter of Putin.

- Antijob was once separated from "Autonomous Action" . What is the relationship between you?

- We maintain a very close relationship with this project, we consider it extremely 
important and successful. Antijob contributes to the fact that people are aware of the 
possibility of active struggle for their rights. It all starts with the receipt of a 
delayed salary, and how it will end - who knows!

Antijob - a project that aims to protect the rights of victims from the actions of the 
employer. The creators themselves position their website not only as a place where there 
is a black list of companies, but also as a place for coordinating forces in the class 
struggle against capitalism and suppression.

- How do you see the replacement of the usual state system and capitalism today?

- Our alternative is to unite people on the principles of self-government and direct 
democracy. That is, decisions should be made by those affected by the consequences of 
making these decisions. This is a radical difference from the state vertical, where 
decisions are made by some people for others. Capitalism, in its classical sense, already 
meets in few places and in the course of the development of human society will inevitably 
be replaced by economic systems based on cooperation and donation instead of exploitation 
and a thirst for profit. But the question of an economic alternative to capitalism is 
extremely complex. In general, to understand our alternative to the existing system, we 
recommend Peter Gelderloos's book Anarchy Works .

- How to create a society without any violence and power, without a state?

- We see such associations of people around us every day, for example, when we communicate 
with friends. For this, no state is needed. The question of a society "without violence 
and power" is also extremely complex, since these concepts themselves are extremely 
ambiguous. But in general, we believe that it is necessary to minimize the power of one 
person over another, and, consequently, violence, on which power always rests.

- How does the state's attention today towards anarchists and anti-fascists differ from 
what it was a year ago?

- Since then, the " Network " case has happened , in which the FSB constructs a "terrorist 
community" from a group of paintball fans (some of them positioned themselves as 
anarchists and / or anti-fascists). For the sake of raising the statistics of the FSB, 
they do not hesitate at all to torture people with electric shock in front of the whole 
country, being confident of their impunity. In this sense, the anarcho-movement really 
attracted the attention of the state.

In general, they became more attentive. This is partly due to increased activity, partly - 
with the cane system. In the latter case, anarchists are a very convenient enemy. Since 
they deny the idea of statehood, it is their easiest to expose the terrorists who are 
willing to blow up random people.

- Why do the authorities show such attention to anarchists and anti-fascists?

- I would very much like to say: this is because anarchists are a particular danger to the 
regime. But objectively this is hardly the case. Therefore, most likely, as before, this 
is not some special interest specifically for anarchists or anti-fascists.

Russian law enforcement agencies are pursuing anyone who doesn't love the president 
enough, as it allows them to quickly earn new shoulder straps. In addition, anarchists on 
average are more difficult to integrate into the establishment (unlike, by the way, from 
"apolitical anti-fascists", many of whom after 2014 were led to Russian propaganda and 
joyfully rushed to "fight against Bandera".

- Judging by the reaction to what happened in Arkhangelsk, you are trying to stick to a 
neutral position in this situation. How have other anarchists responded to this?

- "Autonomous Action" did not take any special decision on a single position on the act of 
Michael. Anarchists may have different opinions about what happened in Arkhangelsk, they 
range from "a hero boy, everyone should be like him" to "a guy didn't achieve anything by 
his senseless act, only ruined his life and gave power a pretext for new repression." What 
we are sure about is that, in any case, the main culprit of the incident is the modern 
regime and the torture cases of his "power departments".

The Arkhangelsk demolition man was in fact an action of individual terror. However, around 
the guy has already come up with an organized group, they have already arrested a 
14-year-old boy and they are looking for up to 10 accomplices. The Kerch shooter was also 
declared an anarchist, although it was suicide, with no political motive.

But anarchists have long been tortured with electric shocks in basements and hung upside 
down with a plastic bag over their heads. Torture as a whole became the background of our 
life: those arrested were maimed in detention centers and prisons, detainees were beaten 
up in the police station. Each person, coming to the police as a victim, risks becoming an 
accused.

Mikhail was sure that it could not be worse. It is like a threshold of sensitivity: at 
some point you stop distinguishing how much it hurts. So perhaps this is only the 
beginning - society is close to its limit.

https://avtonom.org/news/ne-prosit-milosti-u-carya

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Message: 6






With banners against anti-patriarchalism against the state and patriarchalism of the Group 
against Patriarchy (APO) and "Gender Violence is a Status as Long as State and Capitalism" 
of Anarchist Agreements Against Patriarchy, we participated in the fight against gender 
violence that took place on November 24th in Athens. ---- At the gathering in Kavikarera, 
before the course began, slogans were called outside the "Attica" bakery - a subsidiary of 
"Horiatikos" - owned by the entrepreneur Giannakopoulos responsible for slavery for women: 
"Attica - Villages are not bakeries, they hide trafficking, ". ---- In the course of the 
day, slogans were called such as: "Gendered police violence conceals the" feminism "of 
sovereignty," From Mexico to Turkey women's struggles for freedom "," Freedom is not given 
by law, with races from the bottom won in the streets "," Refugee workers from the land 
who are beaten, the righteous are right "," In Omonia, no robbery, state and bosses were 
murdered ".

The anarchist bloc ended up in Exarchia Square, gathering solidarity with the arrested 
anti-fascist motorists in view of the trial of the torture cops that will be held on 29 
November in Evelpidon.

WOMEN'S WOMEN'S STRUGGLES - SOCIAL REHABILITATION ON THE WHOLE GROUND!

ALL AND ALL IN THE POLICE OF THE POLICE FOR THE TASKS AT THE ANTI-FRAUD MOTORWAY 
SLAUGHTER: Thursday, November 29, Evelpidon Courts,

http://apo.squathost.com

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Message: 7






The WSM took some time out from our future directions discussions session at Cloughjordan 
eco village over the week to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence 
against Women. ---- Belfast also saw a Take Back the Night march and the day was also 
marked by large marches in Europe, especially France, Switzerland, Italy, Spain, Turkey 
and Greece. In France demonstrations took part in about 50 cities, with an estimated 
30,000 in Paris up from 2000 last year and over a thousand in Lyon and Marseille. The 
march in Istanbul was hemmed in by very large cordons of riot police, the regime of 
Erdogan like many of the governments of Eastern Europe being very hostile to feminism. 
Madrid saw a demonstration of tens of thousands in the aftermath of the acquittals in the 
'wolf pack' rape trial earlier this year.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime say an average of 137 women across the world 
are killed by a partner or family member every day with "the home the most likely place 
for a woman to be killed".

More than half of the 87,000 women killed in 2017 were reported as dying at the hands of 
those closest to them, approximately 30,000 of these women were killed by an intimate 
partner and another 20,000 by a relative.

https://wsm.ie/c/international-day-elimination-violence-against-women-ireland

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