Anarchic update news all over the world - 24.12.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #289 - Corruption: France
      insubordinate, politics otherwise ? (fr, it, pt)[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  wsm.ie: Alan MacSimoin remembered by Des Derwin
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  anarkismo.net: For fetishism of non-violence by Anarchist
      Collegiate KAT (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Greece, vogliamo tutto: Update from anti-fascist /
      anti-nationalist assembly on Saturday [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL - After 1 month of
      mobilizations Macron moves back:, Now we must move forward! (fr,
      it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Toulouse - Yellow Vests:
      Is an Anti-Capitalist Turn Possible ? December 20 in Toulouse
      (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






Insubordinate France wants to be a party outside of the politicians who taint other 
political movements. But the latest affairs of this party advocating "   disengagement   " 
show that they are not. Its parliamentarism and its cult of the chief make France 
Insoumise a bourgeois party like the others. ---- What about judicial proceedings against 
members of insubordinate France (FI)  ? If they register, without too much doubt, in a 
political framework, they nonetheless raise some questions about the strategy of this 
movement. ---- A political attack ---- On October 16, 2018 about fifteen searches were 
conducted by the courts on the premises of the IF, the Left Party and the company 
Médiascop, as well as the homes of a dozen executives of the IF including Jean-Luc 
Mélenchon. They concern two investigations: one on supposedly fictitious jobs, ie on the 
fact that people supposedly paid to work for the European parliamentarians of the IF would 
have actually worked for the movement.; and a second on alleged irregularities in the 
accounts of companionship in the 2017 presidential election. The latter survey mainly 
targets the company Médiascope and Sophia Chirikou, who was both the president and the 
main shareholder of the latter, at the same time was director of communication for the 
Mélenchon campaign. However, Médiascope was the main service provider of this campaign in 
terms of communication. Another disturbing fact, Sophia Chirikou received nearly 64,000 
euros in dividends at the end of 2016 as the main shareholder of this company, which could 
correspond to personal enrichment in the context of a conflict of interest. All these 
accusations are however rejected by the concerned ones. and the searches at Mélenchon's 
home and at IF headquarters were the occasion of a lively and above all high-profile 
confrontation with police and justice officials. Without commenting on the substance of 
these investigations, we can nevertheless draw some elements from them.

First of all it is clear that the means implemented are quite novel against an opposition 
party and its leaders. In the same way, there is no reason to defend these processes which 
clearly infringe on civil liberties. It is also evident that there is no illusion to be 
had on an alleged independence of justice.

This is either directly to the orders of the political power, as far as the prosecutors 
are concerned, or to the orders of the capitalist system for the rest. It is therefore not 
forbidden to think that these investigations are intended to destabilize an opposition 
party, especially as justice is much less reactive and virulent with regard to the 
suspicion of illegality stating the financing of the Macron campaign. . Finally, there is 
no point in screaming with the media wolves who are in reality only the parrots of the 
bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, it is permissible to raise some legitimate questions with 
regard to these events.

The defense is eloquent, especially on the strategy of the IF. Mélenchon's anger is 
perfectly understandable, but associated with the little phrases like "   my person is 
sacred   " and "   the republic is me   " is nonetheless revealing of who is built in this 
posture: the image of a leader attacked around which it is imperative to regroup. Because 
this is the "   dégagisme   " with the insubordinate sauce: the replacement of one 
political class by another. And it is not recommended to question the sacredness of the 
leader. He also struggles to get rid of a form of contradiction inherent in his strategy: 
on the one hand a virulent speech against "  the oligarchy and its system   " and on the 
other a sickly respect of the bourgeois institutions, from its police to its army. What is 
problematic in this anger is not so much this one as what it demonstrates in its form. Bad 
faith is one of the central components of any political authoritarianism. And Mélenchon is 
a specialist. As when, in October, he declared quietly, in defense of the Pavé Piedé 
nickel, that there was no record at Force ouvrière  ! The strategy of "   you are with us 
or against us   " does not bother with the truth and Mélenchon is a specialist.

More problematic is the blindness that results from this sacrality of the leader. Because 
regardless of the judicial outcome of these investigations, they show in fact some 
problematic issues. Like, for example, the importance of a personality like Sophia 
Chirikou in the IF campaign. The latter, from the Socialist Party before joining the 
pro-Sarkozyist modern Left in 2007, was expelled from the Media, a television organ close 
to the IF, for brutal management. His political career associated with his role through 
his society Mediascope breathes the model-type of the politician opportunism. Something 
very classic but that can only challenge in a formation advocating "   dégagisme   ". 
Although it is not so surprising for a party whose parliamentarism is the main strategy.

The problem of parliamentarism
Question of dissertation: is it possible to make politics "   differently   " while being 
part of the institutional mold of traditional politics  ? Answer: it seems no. Many 
activists of the IF are sincere people who aspire to a radical political and social change 
but the structural evolution of this party shows a logic of progressive 
professionalization on a traditional model. The hegemonic will, especially vis-à-vis the 
trade union movement, the strategy of inter-party negotiation based on a distribution of 
places to new friends on the lists in elections or the public lockdown of internal 
debates, especially on the issue of migrant workers and migrants, do not breathe much 
otherwise   . It also forgets that the "   business   " that regularly agitates the 
political staff is not the result of a few bad apples. These "   affairs   " are, in 
reality, only the daily ransom of a politician system based on patronage, the small 
affinities necessary for re-election and political professionalisation.

Because the challenge is not to "   take the institutions   ". Defending this perspective 
is based on the idea that these institutions would be empty shells that would be filled 
with blue, pink or green depending on the elections. But these shape individuals and 
destinies, they impose their frames of action and thought, and are never su

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Corruption-France-insoumise-la-politique-autrement

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Message: 2





In recent years I saw less of Alan than in previous years. Yet I regularly bumped into him 
and it was always an enthusiastic and humourous short reunion. That's because like many 
here Alan was involved in every campaign of the day But Alan seemed to be involved in all 
the minor as well as the major campaigns. And going right back, and without a gap or a 
letup over five decades. And he remembered it all. And in detail! ---- [This is the speech 
Des Derwin delivered at Alan MacSimoin's wake] ---- The quantum and variety of his 
activism came not just from the unrelenting succession of his involvement and the changing 
focus of the hour, workplace to union to campaign to community, but from his breadth of 
interests and his enjoyment of various ways of reaching out to people where they were at.

So he was a school student militant, an organiser of the unemployed, a staunch trade 
unionist, a shop steward, a rank and file democrat, a socialist, an anarchist, a campaign 
and community activist, a writer, a historian, a left media editor and innovator. Some of 
the initiatives and groupings Alan was prominent in you may not even have heard of at this 
remove. Such as the Peoples March for Decent Jobs, the Dublin Umemployed Action Group, the 
Anarchist Workers Alliance, SIPTU Fightback.

I will dwell on only those in which I worked closely with Alan. These were in the trade 
union movement and the ITGWU and SIPTU in particular. Alan was involved in almost all the 
long series of campaigns against each centralised wage deal. My closest collaboration with 
him was probably on SIPTU Fightback, a regular oppositional newsletter produced in eleven 
editions around the last three years of the last century. Three of us - and only three - 
published SIPTU Fightback, and the third was Mary Muldowney. Three friends met regularly, 
mostly in the Batchelor Inn, to commisssion and edit a publication that represented some - 
however pathetically infinitesimal - serious and concrete alternative in the largest trade 
union. Its demise was unfortunate and premature, but through it, and their common union 
work in Trinity I think, one of the biggest surprises of my life occurred. My two friends 
so unexpectedly but so sucessfully became united.

I want to refer to one aspect, or two related aspects, of Alan MacSimion because it may 
not get the proper emphasis in the coming sad yet celebratory days: Alan was a 
revolutionary and an anarchist. In both cases he gives the lie to any mainstream media 
misuse of those terms. Alan, like the times he has lived in, was far from armed 
insurrection. He was far from republican armed struggle too, though you will find 
anti-repression campaigns among the myriad he was active in. He advocated and worked for, 
and from the point-of-view of, a revolution in the social order, an upending of capitalism 
and the ruling class, of exploitation, oppression and inequality, and their replacement by 
the rule of working people.

In his day, our day, that meant small political organisiations and publications and 
not-so-small contributions to historical movements. It meant support for and encouragement 
of every struggle from below and unbending insistence on grassroots and rank-and-file 
organisation, control and freedom-to-act and act militantly. He never wavered from that, 
right until the end. He did in his time what revolutionary could do, mostly routine, 
unsung, small scale work. He did it with extraordinary relentlessness, constancy and 
consistency. The bigger picture was painted too, in the intellectual contribution of the 
organisaton he helped to establish, the Workers Solidarity Movement, and in his own 
writings largely. practical and for the specific occasion, which will hopefully be a 
lasting testimony and education.

Anarchism is a serious and respectable body of politics. Democratic in its action and 
aims. And none more serious than Alan's Platformist anarchism with its orientation to the 
organised working class. It was always my conviction, shared by no one else as far as I 
remember, when in the Socialist Workers Movement in the 1970s, that Alan's Anarchist 
Workers Association, and not any of the other Trotskyist groups, was the closest 
politically to us.?

I want to end with two highlights of Alan in my memory, one big event and one passing 
quip. Not many people know this, but when the X case burst onto Dublin City centre in 1992 
in a spontaeneous wave of anger the hastily organised rally at the GPO was chaired from 
the top of a van by Alan MacSimoin. I remember, for some reason, the impatient reaction of 
the crowd when Alan - doing his revolutionary socialist duty - introduced first of all a 
speaker from the current wornen's strike in the city.

And finally my funny story from so many about and from Alan, mostly a lot funnier mind 
you. During some anniversary of 1916 a few people were talking about related things and 
the new histories and personal accounts of the Rising. Alan said, "As I was going into the 
GPO on Easter Monday to buy a stamp!

Be proud, Mary, and Alan's family and friends. Rest in power, Alan. We lose your 
democracy, your realism, your human touch to politics, your great knowledge, your wit and 
humour. Yet even for materialists you live on, in, and in what you have given to, the 
movement.

Des Derwin.

See also the WSM piece https://www.wsm.ie/c/alan-macsimoin-rest-in-power

https://wsm.ie/c/alan-macsimoin-remembered-by-des-derwin

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Message: 3





The world we live in does not improve. It is destroyed. It is not enough, of course, for 
the destruction of the State and the Capital, as the few struggles to secure the few that 
are left to us are not enough. What really can be the trigger for a better world is the 
aggregation of our struggle on the basis of the precepts of social revolution and social 
liberation. It is the vision for a new society of freedom, equality and solidarity that 
will be built upon the debris of Capitalism and the State. ---- "We condemn violence from 
wherever it comes from", "the 300 provocateurs who have tarnished the peaceful 
demonstration", "the hoods paralyzing the center of Athens". The above is a small sample 
of phrases from the arsenal of sovereignty that are reproduced by newspapers, canals, 
parties, judges, reputable citizens, "personalities of letters and arts", all the rally 
that has been trying to manipulate our thoughts and actions for years. But we will never 
hear a reference to the primary violence of oppression and exploitation, the violence of 
the State and the bosses. The violence that only they are entitled to exercise in the name 
of order, security, orderly functioning of the market, consensus and national unity. The 
monopoly of this violence must not be denied.

Both in this conjuncture and over time, the role of the State is no more than to impose 
and reproduce bourgeois ideals and capitalist social relations, to maintain the class 
division of society and to mediate in every function of social life. This primary and 
structural violence exerted by the State and Capital on the oppressed and exploited part 
of society is not limited to physical violence and is present in every sphere of social life.

We are talking about the violence of ownership of the means of production, which 
guarantees the prosperity of the few and the exploitation of all others, the violence of 
wage slavery, the murders of workers in modern cathedrals (accidents by bosses baptize the 
bosses), the intensified, black and uninsured labor, unemployment and permanent insecurity 
about whether we will have to eat tomorrow.

We are talking about the violence of competition among people, which capitalism puts forth 
as the only means of progress and prosperity of mankind (and cares to educate us properly 
from an early age). For the treaty of the "war of all against all", imposed by the 
antisocial and mischievous nature of capitalism, and which, in times of economic 
deprivation, sharpened into social cannibalism.

We are talking about the violence of lack of care, the exclusion of people who are in 
direct need of medical observation and lead to poverty and marginalization. For the 
humiliation of IKA's queues or the payment even for a visit. For the violence of uninsured 
labor that intensifies the terror of wage slavery, as the employee even fears that he or 
his family is sick.

We are talking about the violence of plunder and the destruction of nature on the altar of 
growth and the maximization of the profit of the bosses. For life in an environment that 
is becoming more and more sterile, drooping, unsustainable.

We talk about violence from an early age we receive in schools and colleges, with the 
growing competition, the depreciation of the multifaceted knowledge, ongoing assessment 
and stress that it entails, forced compliance with rules and standards of conduct, the 
punishment and stigmatization of deviations, forced acceptance of the power of teachers 
and teachers.

We talk about violence forced / coercive military conscription, pension with the 
ethnikopatriotika ideals of intolerance culture of repression and subjugation to seniors, 
preparation for submission to bosses, participation in an institution that can be used for 
physical suppressing the "internal enemy".

We are talking about the economic, physical and physical violence exerted by Capital in 
the societies of the countries of the so-called "third (and second) world", by condemning 
them by imposing junts, leading them to hunger and poverty. Violence that continues to be 
exerted on the impoverished refugees and immigrants who are persecuted from their 
countries are struggling to survive. If they escape from the mines, the shielded borders, 
their miserable modes of transport, will face economic deprivation and exploitation, 
marginalization, continuous chase, beatings, torture and displacement by police and 
fascist forces of all kinds .

We are talking about the violence of the repression of cinematic actions and processes, 
both on the road and through legal persecution, imprisonment or murder of social 
militants. For the violence of invasion and evacuation of social and political (occupied 
or not) spaces.

This is the violence that is present in every aspect of human life, the one that wants to 
convince us that it is "normal", self-evident, an inevitable condition. An everyday 
situation in which anyone who wants to react is marginalized, targeted, isolated, 
persecuted, imprisoned

Intensity of state violence in times of crisis

Perhaps at other times, those of development and the "good" welfare state, there was the 
illusion of submissive power under the pressure of "popular dissatisfaction," which was 
partly maintained by the attitude of the rulers, but also by fragmented victories of 
social struggles. In the current deep-seated capitalist crisis, however, larger and larger 
sections of society sink into poverty and poverty, and any social benefits that have been 
conquered have so far been nullified. The State and Capitalism are being restructured, 
choosing forms of government that tend towards totalitarianism and launching an all-out 
attack on the overwhelming majority of society. Following the entry into the Memorandum in 
2009, a period begins in which the political system becomes obsolete, breaches of social 
consensus are breached, and responses to the attack of the sovereign are growing. Violence 
on the sovereignty side is staggering and clearly shows its antisocial face.

Legislation resolves the bosses' hands for layoffs, wage cuts, unpaid overtime and "black" 
work. Unemployed, uninsured and low-paid pensioners, since they can not participate in the 
production and consumption process, are condemned to complete misery without access to 
health services without being able to guarantee the elemental survival. It seems that a 
section of society is considered by the Capital to be useless, as a "surplus population" 
that will be driven either by immigration or by destruction.

The social anger and resistances that are being developed are treated violently in order 
to terrorize and subdue those who decide to react to the impoverishment of their lives. 
Even classic struggles, such as strikes, are phased out in order to protect the Capital. 
Virtually every mobilization is suppressed. The army and the police are shielded, prepared 
to face a possible generalized rebellion.

At the same time, they try to turn the wrath of the oppressed within our class and not 
against our dynasties, the state and the bosses. Classroom and security forces constantly 
invent and target new "internal enemies" to neutralize resistances, punish combatants, 
exemplify those who may want to fight. Social cannibalism and fascism are being promoted 
by parties and the media as a counterweight to the effort to create a resistance movement 
to state and capitalist barbarism

Even under these circumstances, large sections of society continue to react within the 
context of the collapsed - first by the bourgeoisie itself - of civic legitimacy, to 
endure stoically the repression when they decide to go down the road.

The antiquity of the oppressed

For the first time in decades, thousands of people whose lives are being hit by the crisis 
go down the streets massively, sometimes spasmodically and sometimes more persistently, 
creating the expectation that collective resistance may be the answer to the imposed 
barbarism. This is how some of the biggest strikes and protests take place since the era 
of the post-conflict. Immediately the state party mechanisms and their coffers rush to 
advocate for the democratic right of protest, but always within the framework of civic 
legitimacy. Anti-piracy is a threat to the regime.

But it is not always the propaganda of our oppressors. More and more often, sections of 
society understand the impasse of the 'within the civil lawfulness' of protest. Their 
anger overcomes fear and reacts violently. Others instinctively and others more 
consciously choose the conflict with suppressive forces as a means of self-defense and 
attack. When the constant peaceful protests in the Constitution in June 2011 did not say 
to be weakened, they were dealt with by the State with brutal violence and tons of 
chemicals. Thousands of "peaceful" protesters against the dilemma of being beaten and 
arrested by the hordes of the cops or retaining their dignity have collectively and 
violently chosen to defend themselves. Antibia was the answer of a large proportion of the 
oppressed and on February 12, 2012, the day of the second memorandum,

In such events created solidarity links between struggling and becomes stronger and 
palpable conviction that collective, unmediated races can win and not a quaint relic of 
the past. It is not only those who are directly confronted with the forces of repression, 
but also the multitude of people who morally and physically support the conflict. This is 
a first step in overcoming the fear and awareness of our real enemies. The road is another 
field in which consciousness is born.

We can not forget that during the insurrectionary events we encounter phenomena of 
antisocial violence, such wanton destruction of shops and misguided attacks by small 
minorities (even if the rulers through the media are trying to convince the public that 
this is all the demonstrators). When the rage overflows, all the manifestations of the 
existing society, even antisocial and reactionary, will be imprinted on the road. And if 
the State tries to attribute liability for such phenomena to competitors, it is patently 
clear that this is the same that has bred such behaviors, promoting and imposing 
individualism and alienated social relations.

The devotees of non-violence

The violence of the state and capital is daily present for most of society. For anyone who 
does not suffer state violence directly, adopting non-violent tactics is just a "moral" 
choice. An option that perpetuates the violence of the bosses over the oppressed. The 
sovereigns, the privileged ones, have never resigned peacefully from their privileges, nor 
will they do it. This very reality is that they seem to forget and ignore not only 
systemic voices, with a clearly hostile role towards any kinesthetic development, but also 
political areas alleged to be radical or revolutionary. All those who speak of "peaceful 
revolutions", "democratic uprisings", "revolts that do not break even glass" reproduce the 
bourgeois and liberal ideology of "condemning violence from wherever it comes from", the 
adoption of which is a prerequisite for participation in the parliamentary game. In 
essence, they do the dirty work of bourgeois power, preserving the monopoly of the 
violence of the State against the oppressed and exploited parts of society

Condemnation of violence "wherever it comes from" means equating the victim's violence 
with that of the victim. Those who condemn it also advise those who suffer daily the 
exploitation and oppression of the state and the bosses not to respond by adopting 
conflicting practices. Do not respond violently because this will cause state repression. 
That is, they accuse the contestants of provoking the violence of the state, justifying 
the second and depreciating the former.

In addition, the adoption of regular non-violent resistance appeals to those who want to 
"fight" the warmth of their couch and change the world by voting every four years, 
entrusting "change" to the hands of experts. This attitude raises their anger into 
procedural, mediated and totally controllable procedures.

Speaking of non-violence, within capitalism, it abstains from the existence of 
primary-structural state violence, aims to morally suppress and disarm any violent 
response of the oppressed. It therefore aims at perpetuating the capitalist exploitation 
system, in maintaining our slavery.

The "violence of the limbs"

They are trying to put the violence of the oppressed in the same sack as they react in any 
way they see fit and the organized and state-guided violence of the Golden Dawn raids. 
Violence against the oppressed (immigrants, anarchists, left, homosexuals, disabled) and 
not against our oppressors. This confusion is deliberately cultivated in order to morally 
strip the violence of the oppressed and to present it as "violence of striking groups", 
putting the state in the prominent position of the referee and validating its role as a 
mediator and a watchdog of order and security. Those who consider ASE violence to be 
counter-systematized have nothing but to look at the recent history of Nazism in Germany 
and the impact it eventually had on the world.

Violence from our point of view

For our part, we are not going to criticize the ways of responding to the oppressed, and 
we believe that their release is the work of their own. But we have to give our own 
perspective on the struggle for social liberation.

The fundamental value of the anarchist view is the consistency of means and purposes. For 
us, the use of violence as a means is acceptable only when it does not conflict with our 
value framework, which is also the basis of the society we want to create. A society in 
which the violence of enforcement and exploitation has no place. The deprivation of 
violence and its uncritical adoption can only compete in the face of the vision of 
creating such a society.

For us, it is clear that a system that imposes the violence of the bourgeoisie against all 
the exploited and reproduced by violence, only with the conscious, collective, organized, 
social and kinematic liberating anti-birthing from the bottom can be dealt with 
overturned. It is precisely this essence of the class struggle itself that the ruling 
class and the State are trying to conceal, by reducing every aspect of it only on an 
institutional level, seeking to unleash the accumulated social anger and channel it into 
systemic management solutions. In cases where it manifests itself with clear class and 
conflict characteristics, sovereignty tries to strip it of its political content, its 
social characteristics and suppress it.

Our self-protection on the road requires the use of both defense and attack instruments. 
The space and time of the conflict, however, is not confined to direct confrontation with 
suppressive forces and attacks on capitalist targets during a strike or demonstration. The 
general strikes, demonstrations, clashes with riot police and neo-Nazi state reserves and 
solidarity with imprisoned fighters as the refusal to pay the cephalic duties with the 
threat of further impoverishment of our lives (current and recently the water), 
occupations of public and government buildings, factories, sabotage, expropriation and 
socialization of goods, the goal is common: the intensity and broadening of uncompromising 
struggle against Capitalism and t state,

This conflict, in its manifold expressions, stems from the content of mass mobilizations; 
* it is not self-sufficient, cut off from it. Its direction, when targeted and 
communicable, promotes this content through dynamic processes. Contacting a large portion 
of the world with the street, the conflict, the repression, creates a collective 
experience, opposed to the virtual reality of the media. Inspirational consensus breaks 
through participation, the role of repression forces is understood by larger social 
fragments, solidarity relations are created to put down mounds in repression and to imply 
resistance with the language of the oppressed.

An insurrectional situation is an outbreak of social anger and can contribute to the 
creation of consciousness and the development of collectivization and solidarity, but we 
can not ignore its limits. The more the conflict manages to extend to our everyday life, 
within the workplace, the neighborhood, in every social relationship, the more threatening 
it is for the State and the Capital. Against all logic of governance and governmentism, 
the response to power and anti-socialism can not be but the collective and the development 
of solidarity and resistance in every workplace, in every neighborhood, where oppression 
and exploitation occur. We want to create and strengthen the structures that are aimed at 
the collective resistance of our class towards the generalized attack of State, Capital 
and all their "long hands". Structures and contradictions with clear social and class 
characteristics, such as foundation societies and neighborhood assemblies, which re-invade 
the conflict with power, adopting radical projects. The dialectics that these structures 
develop with antibiotics is the one that upgrades the conflict quantitatively and 
qualitatively, which gives it the social attributes that are attributable to it. which 
rekindles the conflict with power, adopting radical projects. The dialectics that these 
structures develop with antibiotics is the one that upgrades the conflict quantitatively 
and qualitatively, which gives it the social attributes that are attributable to it. which 
rekindles the conflict with power, adopting radical projects. The dialectics that these 
structures develop with antibiotics is the one that upgrades the conflict quantitatively 
and qualitatively, which gives it the social attributes that are attributable to it.

Summarizing.

Against the overall assault of the bosses and the state, oppressed and exploited, we 
should collectively seek our own weapons, ways and places of connection, communication and 
resistance. It is necessary today for the collective, social-class self-defense and 
counter-attack, which will be based on the principle of overcoming discrimination, based 
on race, ethnicity, gender, age and which will take the place of total rupture with the 
state and capitalism .

The world we live in does not improve. It is destroyed. It is not enough, of course, for 
the destruction of the State and the Capital, as the few struggles to secure the few that 
are left to us are not enough. What really can be the trigger for a better world is the 
aggregation of our struggle on the basis of the precepts of social revolution and social 
liberation. It is the vision for a new society of freedom, equality and solidarity that 
will be built upon the debris of Capitalism and the State.

ANARCHICAL COLLECTION EVERYTHING
Related Link: https://kathodon.espivblogs.net/

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31236

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Message: 4






On Saturday 15/12 in Syntagma Square an anti-fascist / anti-nationalist gathering took 
place by anarchist collectives, comrades and comrades. This gathering was organized just 
after ten days ago and there were online calls from fascist groups for making "student 
mobilization" for Macedonia. From the very first moment, a process is formed that consists 
of anarchist collectives, self-managed hangouts, occupations and individualities, in order 
not to leave Syntagma Square in the hands of neo-Nazis and at the same time to be a place 
of concentration and propagation from the world of struggle. This is how we decide to be 
present two and a half hours before the fascist call, in order to secure the square and, 
of course, to deal adequately with any presence, either at that time or 
later,https://athens.indymedia.org/event/77729/

At 9:45 on Saturday morning, 80 comrades and comrades organized and guarded, we found 
ourselves in Syntagma Square despite the strong police presence and closure of Metro 
Station. Immediate posting to indymedia for the occupation of the square and calling for 
framing the concentration[https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1594106/]. Banners were hung, 
security lodges were set up, they began to share texts while our cops banned access to the 
top of the square to prevent any involvement with the fascists. As the time passed, the 
gathering was flanked by comrades and comrades, as well as by the Students' Meeting of the 
Anarchist / Anti-Ecumenical Area, which he had also called in the Constitution. Shortly 
before the twelve, some scattered fascists appeared at the upper entrance of the Syntagma 
Metro on the side of the House under the protection of the MAT, while their sad presence 
lasted less than an hour and accrued the number of twenty. Shortly after 13:00 they broke 
up and our gathering continued as decided at 14:00.

Then we left alongside the students' meeting, moving to Stadiou and Patission and ending 
in Exarchia. We believe that in our presence we prevented the announced concentration of 
fascists in Syntagma and their course in the center of Athens, limiting a handful of 
fascists (the 20 organizers) to a corner behind the MAT. In any attempt of their public 
presence, with any pretense, they will find us facing them.

DO NOT LEAVE IMPOSSIBLE LAND IN THE BASIC CONFORMITY

FASHION IS CLOSED IN THE ROAD

Anarchist collectives, comrades and comrades

https://vogliamotutto.espivblogs.net/2018/12/20/antifa-syntagma-15-12-2019/

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Message: 5






"Jupiter backs off, " so he's not invincible ! The mobilization of yellow vests shows that 
it is possible to win. But be careful: defiscalisation and lower social security 
contributions are not real victories ... All together for the strike, blocking, sabotage! 
---- Macron moves back ---- Where days of strikes were not enough to win, occupations, 
blockages, filtering and street fighting in Paris and many cities have forced the 
government to back down. It remains to debate between trade unionists the method that 
wins: undeniably the determination of the protesters in front of the police was decisive. 
Not only was it indecent to condemn her, but it would be stupid to ignore her. In the 
absence of massive mobilization in the companies, the radicality in the street has just 
demonstrated a real efficiency. It's up to us to know how to combine it with the ability 
of employees to go on strike

Macron persists
On the CSG for pensions of less than 2,000 euros, it is undeniably a victory. But for the 
most part Macron makes up its concessions by crude devices: the increase of smicard.es 
will be paid by the tax of all and not by the bosses ! It persists in destroying the 
solidarity of the social benefits by weakening the contributions and the tax: these false 
solutions which in the short term can seduce (hours supp) continue in fact to destroy the 
public services which will no longer be financed.

Macron and the bosses
The capitalists supported Macron for the last elections. And Macron returned them well 
with the CICE (40 billion in 2019), the abolition of the ISF, the flat-tax, the exit-tax 
...). Neither right nor left that he said to respond to popular anger against the repeated 
betrayals of the " Left ". But the capitalists could very quickly return to the classical 
right or the PS to perpetuate their system and their benefits if Macron turns out to be 
definitely grilled. But if the resignation of Macron or the dissolution of the National 
Assembly is indicative of a major political crisis, this crisis would not be solved by a 
change of political staff and the reinstatement of our old professional politicans or the 
RN from Le Pen.

What is needed today is to build a broad social movement able to challenge and challenge 
power, both around yellow vests representative of their blockages and red vests 
representative of the blockage of their companies. Besides, our vests are yellow and red !

Revolution or tinkering ?
In capitalist globalization, there is no halfway possible. We continue as now or we change 
everything. Either we persist in relocating and transporting productions all over the 
planet at the least social cost or we bring the productions closer to consumption and we 
break social and ecological dumping. Libertarian communism offers a political alternative 
to reconcile the struggle for the end of the month and against the end of the world !

The leaflet in pdf

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Maintenant-nous-devons-avancer

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Message: 6





Public meeting-debate at 18:30 at Farfadets, Faubourg Bonnefoy in Toulouse (metro A, 
Marengo-SNCF, or L9 stop Arago). ---- The movement of yellow vests is a popular revolt 
whose political coloration depends on local situations. The worst is next to the best, 
which is not surprising given the current political context. ---- It seems important to us 
that the extreme right should not be able to recover a popular struggle of this magnitude. 
Many more numerically, the union, associative and political forces should be able to 
propose a political clarification of this revolt, even to give keys to ensure its 
effectiveness. ---- Above all, the claims, which are very varied, suggest an immense 
sluggishness of political politics. It's time to imagine together other ways to make a 
company ! ---- What to say, what to do, what to propose ?

The Toulouse group of Alternative Libertaire invites you to a public re-debate around the 
issue.

Thursday, December 20th at 18:30
at the Farfadets, Faubourg Bonnefoy
in Toulouse
(metro A, Marengo-SNCF, or L9 stop Arago).
Come on time, so that we can respect the time constraints of the place that hosts a concert.

toulouse@alternativelibertaire.org
www.alternativelibertairetoulouse.wordpress.com

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Gilets-jaunes-un-tournant-anticapitaliste-est-il-possible-le-20-decembre-a

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