Today's Topics:
1. Poland, WORKERS' INITIATIVE: Bydgoszcz: employees of
Municipal Water and Sewage Systems demand changes in the
Collective Labor Agreement [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Britain, notts blackarrow: Happy 10th birthday to The
Sparrows' Nest anarchist archive and library (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Book Review, Rebel Worker Vo1.36 No.3 (223) Dec. 2018 - Jan.
2019 Paper of the Anarcho-Syndicalist
Network www.rebelworker.org
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Britain, anarchist communist group ACG: What is Populism?
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. fda-ifa: Germany, Tech-Coops/IT-Kollektiv Assembly at 35c3
von IT-Kollektiv (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. embat: Declaration of support for the French People.By
equipembat | Announcements and texts , International (ca, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
OZZ IP picket in MWiK (Bydgoszcz, 16/10/2018) ---- Initiative Pracownicza together with
other trade unions brought to the management of Miejskie Wodociagi i Kanalizacja w
Bydgoszczy Sp. z o. o. an application for commencement of negotiations regarding changes
to the collective labor agreement (CLA). In the absence of a response from the employer, a
protest was held on October 16 at the company's headquarters. Over one hundred employees
took part in it. There were also delegations from the association from Poznan and Warsaw.
The protest supported the company's Solidarity. ---- Why MWiK employees want changes in
the Collective Bargaining Agreement? ---- To understand the intentions of the Workers'
Initiative and the MWiK staff, first of all, all the transformations of the company's work
system that have taken place over the last 15+ years have to be noted. To this end, we
must go back to 2002, when trade unions signed the Collective Labor Agreement with the
company's management. In the then accepted shape, a satisfying crew, it was in force only
until 2008. At that time, under the pressure of information about the next stock market
crashes and the expected collapse or economic slowdown, trade union representatives were
convinced (the Employee Initiative did not work at MWiK then) to renegotiate the system. .
The conversations took place in the atmosphere of the expected crisis. The government
(PO-PSL coalition) has adopted the so-called anti-crisis package. The ZUZP has been
radically changed to the disadvantage of employees.
Shortly afterwards, however, it turned out that Poland is a "Green Island" and no economic
shock threatens us. Positive economic results for the years 2007-2009 were also received
by MWiK. It clearly showed that the company was not worse, and reports of the global
crisis were used to carry out social cuts. In total, for three years (2007-2009), PLN 11.5
million of net profit was generated. In 2008 (when the new Collective Bargaining Agreement
was in force from mid-year), the company obtained PLN 5.9 million net profit!
Unfortunately, at least in part, reaching into the pocket of crew members.
Among the many disadvantageous amendments from the point of view of the interests of the
crew, in 2008, inter alia, the following changes:
* change in overtime rules. The 2002 Collective Agreement provided that the first two
overtime hours are entitled to an additional 50%, but for each additional overtime in the
amount of 100%. After the changes from 2008, the rates were in force as in the Labor Code,
so only 50% extra was paid for each extra overtime.
* according to the Collective Labor Agreement of 2002, the retirement and pension bonuses
after 15 years of work amounted to 150% and gradually increased in proportion to the
working time in MWiK, up to 600% after 40 years of work. In this case, in 2008, also
provisions similar to those in the Labor Code were introduced, ie the severance pay was
only one month's remuneration.
* according to the collective labor agreement from 2002, employees had "the right to an
annual bonus" adequate to the results obtained by the company. After the change in 2008,
the Management Board of the Company decides (in consultation with trade unions) about the
payment of the prize and its amount.
There were many more disadvantageous changes for the crew members.
What do the crew demand today?
After ten years, it turned out that the Company significantly increased its profits, which
now counts in tens of millions of zlotys annually (PLN 19 million in 2016 and PLN 23.2
million in 2017). This result is much better, even if inflation is taken into account. Of
course, profits were disproportionately faster than the wages of MWiK employees. Under
these circumstances, it seems that the company should "allow the profits" also the crew.
Therefore, the Workers' Initiative made a proposal to amend a number of provisions of the
Collective Bargaining Agreement and to overturn the situation in part in 2002. The demands
are really modest:
* Employee Initiative wants to introduce supplements and benefits that have been
liquidated previously (brigade supplement, driver's allowance, home ambulance, etc.), as
well as the right to an annual bonus (5% of MWiK's profit) and jubilee bonuses;
* wants higher severance payments than anticipated by the Labor Code in connection with
retirement or invalidity;
* and wants the extra allowance (over the one in force in the Labor Code) to be opened for
overtime work on Sundays and holidays in the amount of 20% of the hourly rate.
At present, when a lot of space is devoted to Poland in the problem of too low wages, also
in the sphere of budgetary establishments (local government and state), the demands seem
to be the most appropriate to the economic situation.
The Management Board of MWiK after many weeks of delaying the meeting with representatives
of trade unions finally decided on them. It took place on November 22. In the opinion of
the management board, a good financial situation is not a basis for changes in the
Collective Bargaining Agreement, and the absence of a collective dispute excludes any
negotiation talks or negotiations. Soon, the Employee Initiative will decide what to do next.
http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/kujawsko-pomorskie/item/2436-bydgoszcz-pracownicy-mwik-zadaja-zmian-w-zuzp
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Message: 2
A decade of creating order, whilst sowing the seeds of dissent, in Nottingham since 2008!
---- The Sparrows' Nest anarchist library and archive was launched in Nottingham in
December 2008. Ten years later, we look after tens of thousands of documents focussing on
the history of anarchist groups and individuals in the UK and beyond as well as the
history of other social movements in Nottingham and the wider area. Our work aims to
preserve such records and to make them available to interested audiences, furthering an
understanding of past struggles and aiding struggles fought today. ---- The above article
continues on the Sparrows' Nest web site with links to recent and older interviews and
photos including those from the launch event on 7th December 2008:
http://thesparrowsnest.org.uk/index.php/14-news-and-events/172-10th-anniversary-of-the-sparrows-nest
https://nottsblackarrow.wordpress.com/2018/12/28/more-talks-on-anarchism-in-nottingham-january-and-february-2019/
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Message: 3
The Far Left in Australia Since 1945 Edited by Jon Piccini, Evan Smith and Matthew Worley,
Published by Routledge. ---- The Far Left Caught in the Spider's Web of Corporate
Unions/ALP Corruption & Rorts ---- The bankruptcy of the Greens and most Far Left groups
from the Trotskyist/Marxist Leninist Lineage in the fight against the Neo-Liberal
offensive in Australia was graphically highlighted recently in Sydney with regard to their
role in the conspiracy to privatise Region 6 of State Transit. The bogus "Save Our Buses
campaign" (a template for another bogus anti-privatisation campaign focusing on hospitals)
and associated petition promoted by Unions NSW, with the support of the rest of the union
bureaucracy and most Leftist groups. It was engineered to divert community attention and
energy away from the type of community protests such as mass pickets and blockades at bus
depots which would have some real impact in raising bus workers morale to take direct
action on the job to fight privatisation. The petition was completely ineffectual and led
nowhere with the Transport Minister walking out of the parliamentary debate. Another key
dimension of the manoeuvre was its role in assisting the ALP campaign in the upcoming NSW
elections in March 2019.
Important aspects of the conspiracy were top secret weekly meetings between the RTBU NSW
hierarchy and NSW Transport Ministers. It's likely months or even years before the
privatisation announcement by NSW Transport Minister Constance of Region 6 privatisation,
the dirty deal had already been okayed at one of these meetings. There was also a cleverly
orchestrated campaign to prevent any organised industrial resistance by workers involving
a fake "lightning strike" restricted to the four Region 6 bus depots, with the connivance
of the union bosses of the RTBU and TWU, State Transit, the NSW Govt. and various private
bus companies.(1) Whilst the Greens and most Leftist groups failed to publicise STOP
(Sydney Transport-users Opposing Privatisation) efforts to hold mass community pickets and
blockades at all STA bus depots in Sydney.
This cover-up follows a similar pattern in regard to various enterprise agreement sell
outs. It entails the critical role of the "corporate media" and leftist activoids in the
union officials "smoke and mirrors" performances associated with winning "fake victories"
for the workers and so called unions, but achieving real cutbacks to workers' jobs and
conditions for the bosses. A recent and most notorious example of this technique was the
Hutchison Ports lockout of 2015. Where most of the Trot press covered up the fake picket
lines orchestrated by the union bosses with the assistance of gullible leftist activoids
and union officials. It provided a tableau for media stunts and photo shots for the union
bosses and ALP politicians for the upcoming Federal Elections. Whilst a climate of
intimidation involving old style Stalinist thuggery was promoted, which particularly
featured the intimidation and thuggish targeting of one Leftist group. (2) A likely
explanation of this collaboration of leftist groups with the corrupt union hierarchy and
the ALP machine and its allies in their assistance to employers with their attacks on
workers jobs and conditions is the subsiding of these leftist group papers and micro
bureaucracies. Either directly by the union hierarchy or via such ALP/union hierarchy
fronts as "GET UP!" Whilst behind the scenes deals exist between the Greens and the ALP.
Highlighted in 2002 when Lee Rhiannon Greens MP refused to raise in the NSW Parliament the
issue of the "Transmission of Business" clause in the State Transit/RTBU EBA following
being jumped upon by the Carr ALP Govt Transport Minister according to hear say evidence.
She had previously made a statement exposing the privatisation ramifications of this
clause which was distributed at STA bus depots throughout Sydney. At this time all NSW
public sector EBA's had this clause "slipped in". Whilst Greens MP Jamie Parker campaigns
against corruption in the NSW Govt. he is strangely reticent in regard to exposing the
notoriously corrupt Rightwing ALP aligned union bureaucracy and its suspect relations with
the AEC (Australian Electoral Commission) and rorts involving the bosses. As exposed in
the Liberals Royal Commission into Trade Union Governance and Corruption, which
spotlighted many unions being on the bosses' pay roll via fake training and other funds
and in parts of the media.(3)
The book under review examines a period prior and subsequently to the emergence of today's
"corporate unionism" associated with the ALP/ACTU(Australian Labor Party/Australian
Council of Trade Unions) Wages and Incomes Accord leading to a major rightward shift in
the "Far Left". In the Pre-Accord years there will still some grass roots participation in
unions via regular mass meetings and not so much ballot rigging. In that era there did
exist an alternative media of sorts. In particular such publications as the National
Times, Nation Review, and networks of workplace papers associated with the CPA (Communist
Party of Australia) and various leftist groups newspapers. Whilst most
Trot/Marxist-Leninist groups were not cravenly covering up for the ALP Rightwing aligned
corrupt union bosses and featuring in their "smoke and mirrors" performances. One example
was the newspaper of the "Communist League." This group had members in the NSW
BLF(Builders Labourers Federation) and provided useful in depth work place reportage. This
reportage filled in the gap left by the cessation of the "Hoist", the journal of the BLF
rank and tile movement which the CPA heavily assisted. (4) Some of the more interesting
essays in the volume are discussed below.
In the essay, "Australian Communism in Crisis - 1956" by Phillip Deery, the author
examines the ramifications of the 1956 major events such as the Khruschev revelations
regarding Stalin at the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party and the subsequent
Soviet invasion of Hungary in that year. The author shows these events seriously damaged
the legitimacy of Communist Parties internationally particularly in Australia and led to a
mass exodus of members. Preceded by hundreds of party members being engaged in heated
discussions about Stalinism and the publication of 20th Congress Report on Stalin. The
author shows the party became a much less influential force. Whilst after the 1968 Soviet
Invasion of Czechoslovakia the CPA severed ties with the Soviet Union and affirmed
principle of "Independence". Events of 1991 destroyed it.
In the essay "The Current of Maoism in the Australian Far Left" by Drew Cottle and Angela
Keys, the authors argue that this current was a manifestation of revolutionary
romanticism. Australian Maoist groups were ideologically linked to the Cultural Revolution
in China and disillusionment of CPA members with the Soviet Union. Disillusioned CPA
members played a key role in the formation of the Communist Party(Marxist Leninist) most
notably Ted Hill. He was the public face and major theoretician until his death in 1988.
Other key figures were Clarrie O'Shea Sec. Tramway Union, Ted Bull Sec. WWF (Waterside
Workers Federation) and Norm Gallagher Sec. BLF. Allied with the current was the Worker
Student Alliance (WSA). At its peak in the late 1960's, the WSA had 500 members in
Melbourne. The first Community Radio Station 3CR in Melbourne (in its early days 3CR did
have some focus on grass roots workers struggles but in the late 80's, it dropped an
important program in which anarcho-syndicalists participated focusing on interviews with
the grass roots at picket lines, due to pressure from the union bosses which controlled
the station) and the revival of Folk Music was associated with the Maoist milieu. The
authors show that rivalries between the Maoist and Trotskyist Groups led to occasional
outbreaks of violence instigated by the Maoists. In regard to an explanation of the
decline of Maoism in Australia the authors particularly note the revival of capitalism in
China and the redirection of Chinese foreign policy toward integration with international
capitalism and imperialism.
An important aspect that the author's don't discuss is the likely role of ASIO in the
emergence of the current. Given its high level of infiltration of the CPA, particularly at
the highest levels. In the USA latest research based on newly released FBI files shows the
key role of the FBI in creating the Maoist current to disrupt and destabilise the USA CP
via a COINTELPRO style operation. This "current" later on took on a life on its own and
mushroomed into numerous Maoist formations.(5)
In the essay, "How Far Left? Negotiating radicalism in Australian Anti-Nuclear Politics in
the 1960's" by Kyle Harvey, the author shows that the Anti-Nuclear movement which emerged
in the 1960's was mainly an initiative of middle class activists influenced by the British
CND (Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament). The Australian variant formed in March 1962. It
was associated with a small nonaligned New Left, which emerged with the 1956 exodus of CPA
members over the Soviet invasion of Hungary and the Khrushev revelations. Some key figures
were Brian Maltby CND cofounder, Bob Gould Trotskyist and Helen Palmer editor of New Left
Outlook magazine sympathetic to Trotskyism. The author goes on to show that following the
Menzies Govt. imposing of Conscription in 1964, many activists were drawn away from the
CND to the anti-Vietnam War Movement, contributing to a major decline of the movement.
In "1968" in Australia: The student movement and the New Left by Russell Marks, the author
sees the radical student movement as representative of a new middle class modernising
capitalism. He raises the interesting point that an important part of the movement
"Student Action" was an ALP Right faction initiative for electoral purposes. However, the
proliferation in Australia of chapters of SDS (Students for a Democratic Society) was
inspired by the American Network. Chapters formed in Melbourne, Sydney, Hobart and
Brisbane. Whilst the Draft Resistance Movement formed. In Jan 1969 SDS joined with other
pacifist groups to launch "Don't Register" campaign. The Anti-Vietnam War Moratorium
movement continued till 1975. The author shows that the radical student movement developed
a "Participatory Democracy" orientation emphasising people having a say in the decisions
which affect them. It also played an important role in reviving Marxist analysis and
various identity politics movements which blossomed in "the long 60's". The author argues
that no Govt. since Whitlam has been able to ignore the demands of these movements
"Halcyon Days? The Amalgamated Metal Workers' Union and the Accord" by Elizabeth Humphrys.
This essay is probably the most interesting in the volume. The author sees the AMWU's
support for the Accord particularly stemming from the failure of its "hot shop" strategy
of 1970's, 1980's associated with wages and conditions won in these shops flowing on
throughout the industry and via the industrial relations racket of those days flow-ons
into other industries awards. The author sees an important factor in the defeat of this
strategy being the recession of 1982-83 and subsequent recessions. Particularly the 1991
recession made further wages growth impossible and the centralising tendency of the Accord
had weakened workplace union organisation and caused declining union membership density in
workplaces. With the advent of enterprise bargaining under the Keating ALP Govt.
conditions won in Enterprise Agreements could not be fed back into awards.
The essay has major deficiencies. It fails to discuss some important hidden agendas and
shady aspects of the Accord and the role of the "Corporate" and even fringe leftist media
in facilitating the whole rotten scam. Particularly the introduction of compulsory
superannuation under the Keating ALP Govt. in 1992 and the extremely likely rigging of
union elections by the AEC in regard to important positions to maintain ALP machine and
allied groupings control of the unions. (6) Ironically the AEC had been established by the
Hawke ALP Govt. in 1984 to supposedly prevent ballot rigging in union and other elections.
Compulsory Superannuation and the industry Superannuation funds on which the union
officials hold positions, have played an important role in bribing the union bosses via
paying fat fees for them attending a few board meetings per year and drawing them into the
management of Australian capitalism and its Neo-Liberal agenda. Whilst subsidizing the
union apparatus which would otherwise be hard hit by huge job and membership losses and
the decline in union dues. Associated with the closing down of innumerable factories and
"restructuring" of various industries as part of the Accord to supposedly keep Australian
capitalism "internationally competitive". Most significantly being the manufacturing
industry which has had tens of thousands of job losses overseen by the AMWU officials.
The author sees the ACTU's ‘Australia Reconstructed' cooked up by Laurie Carmichael head
of the AMWU, architect of the Accord and key figure in the CPA as a further example of
unions enwrapped in the priorities of the Neo-Liberal state.
In conclusion, the volume does shed significant and some valuable light on aspects of the
Far Left in Australia in the post WWII era. However, the contributors discussion of its
rightward shift associated with the "Accord" and the impact of agencies of international
capitalist "deep state" upon its facets is inadequate.
M.
Notes
1. See, Rebel Worker Vol.35 No.3 (230) Dec.-Jan. 2018 "New Insights on the Bus
Privatisation Conspiracy & How to Defeat It" page 6, archive web site www.rebelworker.org
2. See, Rebel worker Vol.34 No.3 (224)Nov.-Dec.2015 "Hutchison Ports Dispute" page 2
archive section www.rebelworker.org
3. "Spotlight on Rorts in the Union Office," in RW Vol.36 No.2(231)Aug. Sept.2018.
4.Discussion with Michael Matteson Anarchist BLF militant of the 1970's and see "Rolling
the Right" by Paul True.
5. See, "A Threat of the First Magnitude: FBI Counterintelligence & Infiltration, From the
Communist Party to the Revolutionary Union 1962-1974" By Aaron J. Leonard & Conor A.
Gallagher Published by Repeater Books
6. See, Article page 4 in this edition of RW about likely rigging of 2018 RTBU Elections
and RW Vol.34 No.1(222) Mar.-April 2015 page 3 "NSW Railway News" about hear say evidence
of rigging of the RTBU 2014 elections.
------------------------------
Message: 4
All governments are a tool that the wealthy uses to further their own objectives. This
ruling class is quite happy to throw aside any government if it stops being useful. The
wealthy need a government to maintain their privilege and power whilst also ensuring that
the general public does not start to organise and fight back. ---- At the same time we
have the press playing a huge role in shaping our culture, political views and attitudes.
Media companies, are businesses with interests that align largely with other business
owners and the wealthy elite. As such, as they pump out "news" stories, adverts, podcasts,
and even drama, they are trying to make sure that the working class remains divided and
allow themselves to be exploited in the interests of the rich and powerful.
On top of the influence of the media, the vast majority of the working class are paid poor
wages, with little economic security and effectively zero political influence. This
constant state of insecurity can create the perfect environment for toxic ideas about
ethnic minorities, women, or other "identities" that are seen as "different," to take root.
What we now call populism is when the wealthy jettison the traditional ruling class and
replace them with a government that is better able to play on people's economic fears and
insecurities and blame whatever the "different" group are for their problems. This
normally becomes necessary after a period of economic crisis where working people have
been exploited particularly badly.
This is why Trump is a populist. He has been whipping up fears of migrant criminals
flooding over the border and implementing policies that have seen at least two children
die of preventable deaths in custody after they had been locked up in cages that have been
nick named "Ice" cages. Trump doesn't care about these children and the point of his
government isn't to kill them. The mission of his government was to pass the massive tax
cuts earlier in the year that saw rich companies and individuals pay massively less tax.
The only way that Americans could be persuaded to vote for this agenda was to play on
popular fears of foreigners.
There are countless other examples as well as Trump, including a coup in Brazil that has
seen one leader arrested and replaced by Jair Bolsonaro a man who stated he would rather
his son die than be gay and that some of the black people in Brazil are so lazy they do
not even procreate anymore. This man's rise to power was facilitated after a large amount
of oil was found in Brazilian waters. The wealth from this oil will not end up in the
hands of the workers of that country.
Its obviously vitally important that workers organise to resist these governments that
play on popular fears to maintain their positions of power over the economy. We not only
need to do this to stop the intimidate evils of populism, but we also need to end the
fundamental economic exploitation that lays at the heart of all economic and political
activity, namely capitalism. We also have to acknowledge that these populist governments
have genuine popular support and it is the role of all pro-revolutionaries to undermine
this support and explain that it's you're boss who is the real enemy.
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2018/12/28/what-is-populism
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Message: 5
At the 35C3 we (IT-Kollektiv and friends) will again organize a tech-coops assembly inside
the Komona cluster. We have our own dome with enough space for hacking and socializing,
just come around. ---- Where to find us: Hall 2, Level 0, Komona, to the right of the
Komona Workshop 4 area (c3nav) ---- How to contact us: The best way to contact us (besides
just coming to our assembly) is via Twitter ---- Events ---- 27th, 20h: Tech-Coops Meetup
@IT-Kollektiv/tech-coops assembly. A space for tech-coops and people that are interested
in tech-coops to get to know each other and socialize. Last years meetup was a big success
and we hope you can make it. ---- 29th, 17h: Talk: "Tech-Coops: No masters, no slaves" @
Komona Zelt #workshops #handson. We talk about the how and why of worker owned tech co-ops
and how IT-Kollektiv connects various collectives to create a more resilient and more
resourceful network. After the talk there'll be QA and an open discussion.
https://fda-ifa.org/tech-coops-it-kollektiv-assembly-at-35c3/
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Message: 6
France lives very important fighting hours. The French people have risen, like so many
other times in recent times, to put an end to the neoliberal advancement. On this
occasion, an unpublished movement such as the "yellow vest," arisen as a result of rising
fuel prices and their impact on rural and peripheral areas of cities, mobilized hundreds
of thousands of people a month ago, blocking routes and developing actions throughout the
country. Calls were growing and the most visible mobilizations were given in Paris, on
Saturdays, affecting the tourist circuits and registering a great deal of clashes with the
police. ---- Before that, the repression was Macron's only response. Voted by a lot of
citizenship as a "minor evil" in the face of the advance of the National Front of Marine
Le Pen, is the direct representative of the great financial capital; Moreover, Macron
himself directly belongs to this field. And once it has joined the government, it has
launched a new wave of neo-liberal advancement with privatizations, rebates of rights and
tax increases for the bass but with an exponential increase in the profits of the rich.
This movement is the expression of the discontent and discomfort that the population feels
about such measures, in the face of the de-structuring of health and education systems,
social and municipal services, factory closures, unemployment and the crisis, while the
Transnational capital devastates with all its voracity and wants to take control of
everything that is of use and social benefit.
Initially, the main French trade union center -CGT- and the "France's unsubmised" party of
Mélenchon looked with some suspicion of the movement, while the extreme right led by Le
Pen tried to capitalize on it. With the active participation of the SUD unions and various
combat sections of CGT and other trade union centers, and along with the emergence of the
student struggle, the movement gained a clear popular and critical dimension of the
government and crucial aspects of the system The calls in the demonstrations and the
fighting platform were extended to include a sharp increase in wealth tax, industrial
promotion policies and generation of wealth employment and distribution.
This changed the attitude of the CGT, which along with the remaining union leaders called
for a general stop on December 14. For his part, Mélenchon is worried to capture votes of
these mobilizations towards his party in the next elections and his proposal is to lower
the decibels to the fight and channel it through institutional channels. But this does not
seem easy, because the movement has multiple spokesmen and various nuances that enrich it,
and that is precisely what is verified in the various pickets and demonstrations.
This nationwide movement that has massified and sustained an important level of
mobilization, infecting other regions of Europe such as Belgium, has the potential to
extend this rebellion to other parts of the continent and perhaps beyond. It is striking
for its extension throughout the entire French territory, in the ring road and the
crossroads of routes, where the people really occupy the public space and take control of
the circulation. In this union of a new movement with the union movement, student and
popular in general, there is a solid foundation for the construction of a popular
alternative, articulating various social actors from below. As we say, the construction of
a Front of Oppressed Classes advancing in the construction and development of Popular Power.
Repression has killed a death in Marseille, thousands are detained, injured and have
suffered the consequences of repression. We demand the end of the repressive policy and
the freedom for all the companions and the detained colleagues and that they are taken
care of the popular demands.
It should be clarified that repressive policy occurs throughout Europe; adjustment,
austerity and repression is the triad that the governments of the European Union apply to
their peoples. We saw the case of Greece. It is in sight of the politics of migration with
a strong racist character. Just in Greece, on December 18, he was detained for 17 months,
although without a prison, his colleague, Lola Gutiérrez, to help an 18-year-old Kurdish
man meet with his family, joining Europe. This is the "Strength Europe", Europe that
punishes solidarity.
The French people are giving an exemplary lesson. Our colleagues and companions of
Alternative Libertaire and CGA (Coordination of Anarchist Groups), who are traveling
through a process of union of the two organizations, are embedded in all popular
mobilizations and organizations, with a good level of participation And organizational
impact, practicing a methodology of direct action, forging the role of the people and
promoting self-management. Organized anarchism has much to say and contribute in a
situation like France.
From now on all our support to our brothers and sisters from both organizations and the
French people, which again gives the peoples of the world a fighting experience, which is
already the heritage of the history of the down.
V ISCA THE FIGHT OF THE FRENCH VILLAGE!!!!
P THE CONSTRUCTION OF POPULAR POWER!!!!!
To assemble struggling!!!
Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU)
Embat - Libertarian Organization of Catalonia
Federación Anarquista de Rosario (FAR)
Coordinación Anarquista Brasileira (CAB)
Alternativa Libertaria / FdCA
http://embat.info/declaracio-de-suport-al-poble-frances/
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