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dinsdag 8 januari 2019

Anarchic update news all over the world - 8.01.2019

Today's Topics:

   

1.  Britain, Class War: BREXIT CHAOS WILL GIVE ANARCHY ITS
      BIGGEST CHANCE TO WORK (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

2.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #290 - Point of view, The
      RIC, seen by a Swiss libertarian communist (fr, it, pt)[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  

 3.  wsm.ie: Was winning the Repeal referendum inevitable? by
      Andrew N Flood (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

4.  awsm.nz: Forecast For 2019 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

5.  Czech, afed.cz: Premature Outbreak No. 11 -- Review of hc /
      punk zinc (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

6.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #290 - Neither god nor
      schoolmaster: The end of an adventure, seeds sown for the future
      (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






Remember the scenes of chaos after the Grenfell Tower when local mutual aid came to the 
rescue after the state at local and national level failed completely to provide basic 
services.
The same can happen on a much bigger scale as Brexit chaos takes hold. At local level 
people should start their own emergency voluntary plans and start getting people together 
now. to plan for local services. CALL YOURSEVES a local name ..Doncaster community Defence 
or whatever......
THIS IS ANARCHY'S BIG CHANCE. GET READY.
WE ARE NOT IN THE LEAST AFRAID OF RUINS FOR WE CARRY A NEW WORLD IN OUR HEARTS

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Message: 2





Since some of the yellow vests are passionate about the citizens' initiative referendum 
(RIC), there has been a lot of reference to the Swiss example. Some precisions and 
reflections. ---- Because the RIC is the workhorse of Étienne Chouard, a notorious 
confusionist, many revolutionaries tend to see this slogan as a "  Trojan horse  " of the 
extreme right. And take Switzerland as an example, where the nationalist right has for 
twenty years seized the referendum tool to be at the center of public debate. ---- That 
inspires me two reactions. First: be careful not to give the impression that the 
libertarians demonize the referendum, it would be incomprehensible to the general public. 
Then: the RIC as proposed by many yellow vests is much more democratic than the Swiss 
mechanisms. It would allow 500 000 petitioners (1  % of the electorate, against 1.5 to 2 % 
in Switzerland) to launch a referendum to: 1. dismiss elected persons ; 2. propose a law ; 
3. repeal a law ; 4. amend the Constitution. Only possibilities 1 and 2 exist in 
Switzerland at the national level. The 3 and 4 exist only in some cantons, a level where 
the democratic mechanisms are older and more extensive than at the national level.

In theory, the RIC would be a power granted to citizens. In reality, the Swiss example 
shows that at the national level it is above all a power given to associations, unions and 
political parties that have the means to use the referendum tool. What must be kept in 
mind is that Switzerland is marked by the absence of national unions and the almost 
non-existence of the radical left.

The situation would be very different in France. For example, with the surface they have, 
unions like the CGT, Solidaires, FO, etc. could alone call a referendum against any law 
passed in the National Assembly, on the rise of the Smic or the reduction of working time.

Extension of popular rights
Admittedly, in a referendum, even people not concerned by the question can vote, which 
distorts the result. But the wage is numerically so massive that it rather benefits the 
trade union movement. It has an adherent base that would allow it to easily collect 
signatures, very expensive process without it. In Switzerland, for example, the collection 
of 100,000 signatures is usually entrusted to specialized companies at a cost of nearly 
400,000 euros. The National Rally, Upright France or the various identity groups would 
hardly be able.

I say all this to bring things back to their proper proportions. For, for the rest, any 
sensible anticapitalist knows that there is a radical incompatibility between capitalism 
and direct democracy, since by definition this system places an essential aspect of social 
life - the economy - out of democracy, in the name of the law of the market and private 
property.

However, being revolutionaries fighting for the abolition of wage labor does not prevent 
defending the rise of the Smic. Likewise, that fighting for a truly democratic society, 
free from capitalism, should not prevent us from claiming an extension of popular rights, 
even within the framework of bourgeois democracy. Economic demands are not to be opposed 
to democratic demands, we can bring both at the same time.

Guillaume (North-East Paris)

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Le-RIC-vu-par-un-communiste-libertaire-suisse

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Message: 3






The vote to remove the ban on abortion from the Irish constitution in May 2018 was 
overwhelmingly carried, with almost 2 out of every 3 voters voting Yes remove the ban. The 
margin of victory was such that some post-referendum polemics made the mistake of arguing 
that victory was always inevitable, that the campaign didn't matter. Such arguments tended 
to be made by opinion writers who never liked the Repeal campaign and in some cases 
published pieces during the campaign arguing that unless whatever aspect they disliked was 
dropped the referendum would be lost. Opinion that the referendum would always be won has 
the danger of solidifying into uncontested fact, and that would seriously undermine future 
understandings of how a similar referendum might be won.

In this piece Andrew Flood who tracked and reported on polls throughout the referendum 
campaign presents a different opinion, one based not on certain victory but on polls 
consistently showing that while the Yes campaign could be sure of a vote in the region of 
40% anything above this would have to be won or at least retained. And in the context of 
the failure of previous referendum campaigns to do just that the scale of the 66.4% yes 
victory in May is something that can surely be learned from.

In summary I'm going to show here that while opinion polling had been indicating for some 
years that a referendum could be won this was no guarantee of victory, especially when you 
take into account the previous anti-oppression referendums that removed the ban on divorce 
and allowed marriage equality. Both these saw a major drop in support for change in the 
closing 10 days of those campaigns, almost leading to defeat in the 1995 divorce 
referendum And as the graph that takes this drops into account suggests a similar drop in 
May could even have seen Repeal lost. Opinion polls suggest we could be certain of a Yes 
vote around 40%, anything much above that would have to be won/retained by a campaign that 
was more successful than the 1995 Divorce and 2016 Marriage Equality ones.

How the Repeal polls looked when you applied the adjustment for the reduction in the Yes 
vote in Marriage Equality polls

Certainly those central to the Yes campaign were very aware of this and in many cases not 
confident of victory until the very last couple of days of the campaign. A some not really 
confident until the publication of both exit polls shortly after the polling booths 
closed. There fear was that if the No campaign could create enough Fear, Uncertainty ands 
Doubt they would repeat the last minute success of the No to Marriage Equality campaign 
and succeed in pushing most of the Don't Know vote in the opinion polls into a No vote on 
polling day. That was very much the strategy of the No campaigns and why in the final 10 
day period they shifted much of their messaging from an absolutest anti-choice No to the 
suggestions that the specific proposals were too extreme and people should vote No so that 
the government would be forced to produce better proposals.

No campaigners online were looking for and then talking up any apparent reduction in the 
Yes vote as the start of the collapse seen in the other two referenda. There was even a 
very grim moment when it looked like they had succeeded. In the first week of May the 
Sunday Independent incorrectly presented a comparison between an opinion poll asking 
people how they would vote with their February poll asking if there should be a 
referendum. This was presented as a large drop, 18%, in the Yes vote and came at the point 
where those of us aware of the previous Divorce and Marriage Equality drops were worried 
we'd see the start of just such a decline. A drop of sufficient size in fact to make 
defeat likely, and certain if it represented a trend that would continue. There were a 
glum few days until the Independent printed a completely inadequate correction buried 
inside the paper in print far smaller than the original graphic.

The correction that appeared in the Sunday Independent

At the start of the campaign in March I wrote a long piece that sought to use the opinion 
polls to draw some tactical conclusions around likely voting patterns in the referendum. 
Overall this holds up well but for this piece I want to focus in on one particular area, 
how large was the definite Yes vote at that point in time.

The Sunday Times / Behaviour & Attitudes March poll (p13 to p17) directly asked those 
polled on their attitudes on two abortion access related questions that the referendum 
centred around. This gives us an idea of how certain people were in there voting 
intentions that was not reliant on self-reporting after the fact. One question was whether 
abortion should be available for any and all reasons up to 12 weeks. The other whether it 
should be available for the ‘hard cases' of threats to health and Fatal Foetal Abnormality 
where the baby would either be stillborn or die soon after birth.

More people were willing to support this second case than were also willing to support the 
first case but the promised legislation would deliver abortion access for both cases. So 
we could say that the Hard Yes voters were those who answered Yes to abortion access in 
both cases while the Hard No voters were those who answered No in both cases. Both these 
groups were unlikely to be swayed in the campaign. On the other hand there were people who 
wanted abortion access in one case but not the other, these soft Yes/No voters and the 
Don't Know voters were the people whose mind could very well change over the course of the 
campaign.

Using the March 2018 B&A poll to illustrate the hard and soft votes on the 12 weeks and 
health questions

That March poll showed these broke down as below;
40% hard yes (‘its a women decision')
8% soft yes (‘for health threats & FFA only')
20% Don't know
4% Not voting
14% soft no (‘but should be available for health & FFA')
14% hard no ( ‘not even for health & FFA' ).

That 40% hard yes was consistent with opinion polls over recent years that showed a steady 
rise in the number saying that abortion would be the women choice, in 2013 this had risen 
to 37%, it was only half that in 1997. 
https://www.irishtimes.com/news/big-rise-in-support-for-legislation-on-a...

For both sides the aim of the campaign was to mobilise there own hard voters to go out and 
vote (and perhaps canvass). But more importantly to make sure as many of their soft voters 
did actually vote, win over the Don't Know and either win over the other sides soft voters 
or at least discourage them from voting, In particular since the protests following the 
death of Savita the issue itself had been widely and consistently discussed meaning those 
for or against abortion access in both of the cases above were unlikely to be swayed by 
arguments they heard during the campaign.

So the three key groups to whether the referendum would pass and by how much were;
1. The ‘soft Yes' voters who were voting yes but unsure about aspects of a women right to 
choose. Typically this 8% of voters only wanted women to be able to access abortions for 
some reasons and not other..
2. The Don't Knows that had not yet decided how to vote but who did intend to vote. 
Although you might expect a lot of this group of 20% are the people who won't actually 
vote previous referendum data indicated they were only slightly less likely to vote then 
those who knew how they were voting early on.
3. The ‘soft No' 14% who were against a women's right to choose to 12 weeks but thought 
there are some circumstances eg Fatal Foetal Abnormality (FFA) where access to abortion 
should be granted.

The above figures suggest that 44% of the electorate were the main targets of the campaign 
messaging from both sides. Yes started off stronger and only needed to convince 1/4 of 
that 44% to get 50%+1. But the historical pattern from Divorce and Marriage Equality was 
for No to take all or almost all of these groups - an outcome that would have led to the 
defeat of the referendum or at best the narrowest of victories. A narrow victory might 
have been almost as bad as a defeat, the legislation introduced on the basis of a 2:1 win 
is far from perfect and contains medically meaningless concessions to anti-choice TD's 
including the 4 day waiting period between the first visit to the doctor and the return 
four days later. We can only imagine the concessions that would have been given in the 
event of a narrow 51% victory, there is a high chance the resultant legislation would have 
been close to worthless, containing so many tests and barriers that women able to travel 
would continue to do so.

Two previous examples
The 1995 Divorce referendum looked to be safely in the bag from advance polls with a 2:1 
lead but on the day was only narrowly carried 50.3% Yes to 49.7% No. A result so close 
that its said the difference was only one vote per polling box in the country. In fact 
with Don't Knows excluded the opinion polls ahead of the Divorce referendum were giving 
Yes & No votes of similar percentages (around 68%) as the polls ahead of the Repeal the 
8th referendum.

The 1995 Divorce polls showing the collapse of the Yes vote. Note that the Irish Times 
poll 6 days out and the exit poll are highly accurate suggesting the earlier polls 
probably also were and the collapse in Yes was real.

In the closing two weeks of the Divorce referendum it appears that almost all the Don't 
Know's and soft Yes voters opted to either vote No or stay at home. If the same happened 
with Repeal we'd have lost or have had the narrowest of victories.

Marriage equality
The 2016 Marriage Equality referendum saw a very similar pattern, indeed an even more 
worrying one as between the polls published the weekend before the vote and the vote 
itself for all four polling companies the vast majority of Don't Know's switched to No 
voters and in two polling companies cases so did some of the Yes voters. Marriage Equality 
was polling way above Repeal so that the large drop in Yes voters still saw it pass by a 
decent margin (62%). When we calculated what a similar drop for each polling company would 
look for Repeal rather than the polls then predicting a solid victory some predicted a 
narrow defeat and some a narrow victory. In the lead up to the Repeal campaign Marriage 
Equality was presented as the gold standard in how to win a referendum so this fear of a 
similar switch from Don't Know to No was a very responsible assumption to work off.
*****************************************
Table shows the results of each companies polling on Repeal when adjusted by how far they 
were out from the result for Marriage Equality

The polling companies also expected this with to happen and some tried to build in 
mechanism to predict it by asking for instance how people thought the vote would go as 
well as how they intended to vote.

The Behaviour & Attitudes polls when you excluded Don't Knows were consistently close to 
the result. They can also be read, as above, as showing the swing from Don't Know to Yes 
in the last days of the campaign

Other worries
As if the comparison with the last week drop in the Yes vote in Divorce and Marriage 
Equality wasn't bad enough there were two other important elements that suggested the 
actual Yes vote on the day could be lower than what was seen in the polls.

The first of these was the enormous differential in voting intentions between age groups. 
That March B&A poll had only 18% of those in the 18-34 age group voting No but 37% (a 
narrow majority, Yes was 36%) of those in the over 55 age group. Historically a much 
higher percentage of older people actually vote than younger people which in the 
referendum would have boosted the No vote significantly. The poll asked about intention to 
vote and indeed while 60% of 18-34's felt they would definitely vote 80% of the over 55s - 
the one bloc likely to vote No - felt they would definitely vote. Incidentally the 
differential turn out by age group probably got both Trump & Brexit the votes needed to 
win, something we were quite aware of at the time.

The second was interpreting the very much higher Don't Know that was seen in that B&A poll 
in rural areas as against the cities and Dublin in particular. The Don't Knows were 
highest in the regions where the Yes campaign might be weakest, in March they were only 
11% in Dublin but 30% in Connacht/Ulster. While we hoped this might indicate that the ‘shy 
vote' presenting as Don't Know would shift more heavily to Yes than No because of the long 
term reliance of anti-choice movements on public shaming tactics this also meant that a 
very large proportions of the Don't Knows were located in areas that in March lacked a Yes 
campaign and which at that stage looked difficult to canvass and convince.

Also worth mentioning is that the campaign was won despite the non-involvement for most of 
it of the government that actually called the referendum. It's forgotten now because Leo 
stepped into the spotlight when then result came in at Dublin castle but until the last 
couple of days Fine Gael was almost entirely absent from active campaigning with the 
exception of Health minister Simon Harris, Kate O'Connell and a few more junior figures in 
the party. As last as May 22nd, even in Dublin, local Fine Gael organisations were only 
making contact with the local T4Y groups to offer to help with canvassing.

The graphic accompanying one of our last poll reports, in fact the final Yes vote of 66.4% 
was higher then most polls indicated

n the end the result at 66.4% was almost exactly what the polls had predicted throughout 
the campaign. There was no last minute collapse of the Yes vote, in fact it rose. When you 
compare the results with the polls Don't know's were twice as likely -more in some polls - 
to decide to vote Yes than No. The historic pattern was broken by the Repeal campaign, but 
why?

Why
The purpose of this piece is not to work out why the Repeal referendum campaign 
successfully avoided the Yes vote collapse that characterised the Marriage Equality and 
Divorce referendums, more to point out such an investigation might be very useful for the 
future. We are slowly working on a detailed collective history of the campaign that will 
also touch on some of the more negative aspects. But here are some speculative pointers to 
why the victory was so unexpectedly large.

Silent yes
To take the why literally we can say that there was a large silent Yes, unwilling to 
disclose to pollsters & canvassers what their true voting intention were. This tended to 
be largest wherever the No campaign was the best organised and most vitriolic. They 
thought they had bullied people into silence, and to an extent they had. But when they 
were in the ballot box those people struck back. The campaigns during the referendum 
ensured this vote was not eroded and to an extent while this was obviously the achievement 
of the Repeal campaign the nastiness of the No campaign probably also contributed to 
getting Yes votes out and suppressing the soft No vote.

Mass involvement in Yes campaign
Probably most important in winning over the Don't Knows, holding the soft Yes vote and 
perhaps helping to ensure a lot of soft No's stayed home was the mass nature of the Yes 
campaign. But that nature needs to be understand in terms of not only what was required to 
win the referendum but to force the Fine Gael government to call it in the first place. 
There was a continuous process of grassroots organisation and movement building led by the 
Abortion Rights Campaign from the time of the death of Savita in 2012. This meant even 
before the referendum had been called tens of thousands had marched demanding it and a 
network of groups and individuals existed across large swathes of the country who had 
already been working together. It also meant there was an existing structure of Facebook 
page and Twitter accounts that many people who might be willing to donate and campaign 
were already part of which made them easy to reach as the campaign launched.

In conjunction with this the referendum itself saw a semi spontaneous upsurge of people 
getting involved in campaigning. Many of these were not new to struggle but had previous 
organising experience in all the big struggles over the last decades. I saw friends step 
up who'd mobilised to try to stop the refuelling of US war planes at Shannon in 2003 and 
those that had travelled to Rossport along with those currently involved in the militant 
end of the housing struggles. In the early days of the campaign some of the key organisers 
for Together for Yes groups around the country were people I knew from these struggles and 
they brought their skills and networks with them. A sense of the energy and organisation 
that won the campaign can be got from An Ode to ARC.

Disastrous No
The No campaigns despite or perhaps because of the huge backing in US dollars and their 
importation of US experts could hardly have done worse. John McGurk in particular was the 
gift that kept on giving to building a Yes campaign from his clownish attempt to spread a 
crude fascist smear in the opening days of the campaign to his fake nurse and the constant 
and increasingly desperate search for a magic gotcha moment. You can get a measure of the 
role he played in mobilising Yes activists by looking at the comments left as people 
donated for posters in the Together for Yes online fundraiser. Each small donation, and 
there were over 10,000 of them, could include a comment and a remarkably high proportion 
of them mentioned John by name. But he was only the worst of a bad bunch, all of their 
spokespeople came across as disingenuous creeps seeking to reimpose the sort of judgmental 
clerical rule we are only in the process of escaping, Ronan Mullen also deserves special 
mention in that respect.

To an extent the early start of the No campaign, which launched a good month ahead of the 
Yes one, and the visibly huge amount of cash they had to spend on billboard ads backfired 
on them. In effect it gave the people who would become the Yes activists a whole month of 
seeing the sort of financial power they had and the scale of the challenge in defeating 
that. The effect of that is seen with the enormous rapid response to the Together for Yes 
online funding campaign to pay for Yes posters. The initial 50,000 euro target was 
exceeded in just two hours and 12 hours later 250,000 had already been raised. Far from 
then facing the problem of finding people willing to put posters up the Yes campaign they 
had the ongoing problem of finding ways to get enough posters to people all over the 
country often angrly wanting to know why they had not arrived yesterday. In rural Ireland 
in particular vast numbers of these posters were torn down by organised anti-choice gangs 
shortly after they were put up but arguably even this backfired as a very visible 
illustration of the bullying, anti-democratic nature of the No campaigns.

Repeal was probably winnable from 1992 on but winnable at any point up to and including 
May 2018 wouldn't have meant automatically won in a referendum campaign. A 66.4% yes was a 
very clear win, but the bigger achievement was probably forcing Fine Gael to call a 
referendum in the first place. Once called it was essential it was won, almost a decade 
passed between the first unsuccessful attempt to overturn the Divorce ban and the second 
successful one. It''s likely defeat would have seen us facing a decade long struggle for 
another referendum and without the success of the Yes campaign in convincing those Don't 
Know's to vote yes that might otherwise be where we are today.

Andrew Flood (follow Andrew on Twitter)

The photos from Dublin castle the next day would see scenes of joy as the result become 
official but the overwhelming initial reaction at Together for Yes HQ when the exit poll 
was announced was relief.  Right to the last minute few were sure of victory.

Author: Andrew N Flood

https://wsm.ie/c/winning-repeal-referendum-inevitable

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Message: 4






Well, there has not been a year starting like this for a long time. The US government is 
in disarray. The President of the Unites States starts the second half of his four-year 
term having lost his majority in the lower house of Congress to the Democrats in a heavy 
polling defeat last November. He starts with an acting chief of staff, an acting secretary 
of defense, an acting attorney general, an acting EPA administrator, no interior secretary 
and no ambassador to the UN. His former campaign manager, deputy campaign manager, 
national security adviser and personal lawyer have all pleaded guilty to criminal 
offences. And the investigation by special prosecutor Mueller on the connections between 
the Trump presidential campaign and Russian intelligence will be stepped up. Meanwhile, 
one-quarter of government departments are closed because of Trump's budget fight with 
Congress.

Also the geopolitical environment has turned toxic. The Trump administration has picked a 
fight with China over trade and technical know-how that threatens to intensify when the 
current ‘pause' on the tit-for-tat trade tariffs ends in March.

This time last year, Trump was boasting that the US economy was booming, with record highs 
for the US stock market. Back then, I said that "What seems to have happened is that there 
has been a short-term cyclical recovery from mid-2016, after a near global recession from 
the end of 2014-mid 2016. If the trough of this Kitchin cycle was in mid-2016, the peak 
should be in 2018, with a swing down again after that."

And in April 2018, I posted that I thought the short boom in 2017 from the mini-recession 
of 2015-6 was over and that world growth had peaked. And so it has proved. 2018 has ended 
with real GDP growth starting to slow nearly everywhere.

And at the end of 2018, stock markets suffered the deepest fall since the global financial 
crash in 2008. Current US treasury secretary Mnuchin panicked and called a meeting of the 
top six US banks on Xmas eve to check that they were confident of standing firm, only 
making things worse.

As I have argued before, Marx said that what drives stock market prices is the difference 
between interest rates and the overall rate of profit. What has kept stock market prices 
rising since 2009 has been the very low level of long-term interest rates, deliberately 
engendered by central banks like the Federal Reserve around the world, with zero 
short-term rates and quantitative easing (buying financial assets with credit injections). 
The gap between returns on investing in the stock market and the cost of borrowing to do 
so has been high.

But in 2018 investors in fictitious capital (stocks and bonds) perceived that this 
situation was changing. Interest rates are on the rise (driven by the US Fed) and there 
are signs that the recovery in the rate of return on capital in the major economies has 
peaked and is reversing. US growth peaked in Q2 at a 4% annual rate and Q4 growth is 
expected to be closer to 2.5%. The very latest indicator of US growth, the Richmond 
business activity indicator, suggests a sharp drop in growth in early 2019 - perhaps even 
to stagnation.

In Europe, hopes of a synchronised expansion matching that of the US have been dashed, as 
the leading European economies, France and Germany, have slowed, while the weaker ones 
like Italy have slipped back into recession. UK real GDP growth is also dropping fast as 
companies apply an investment strike due to uncertainty over Brexit. The Eurozone economy 
is now growing at only 1.6% compared to nearly double that rate this time last year.

And it is not just in the major advanced capitalist economies that the forecast end to the 
Long Depression since 2008 has been confounded. In Asia too, there has been a slowdown in 
the second half of 2018. Japan's real GDP was static in Q3 2018.

The world's largest manufacturing economy, China, has also slowed.

Korea too is slowing.

All the official growth forecasts (from the IMF, the OECD, World Bank etc) for are for a 
lower rate in 2019 compared to 2018.

Now a recession in mainstream economics is technically defined as two consecutive 
quarterly contractions in real GDP growth. The consensus does not expect that in 2019. But 
are the mainstream experts wrong; will the major economies drop into a slump this coming year?

Many argue that forecasts, let alone economic forecasts, are not worth the paper they are 
typed on. I'm not sure that I agree. I would make a distinction between prediction in 
scientific analysis and forecasts. But I won't deal with that issue now. Instead I'll 
plough into my forecast for 2019.

So what now for 2019? Well, what did I say were the key factors for 2018? I said that 
"there are two things that put a question mark on the delivery of faster growth for most 
capitalist economies in 2018 and raise the possibility of the opposite. The first is 
profitability and profits" and the second "is debt...global debt, particularly private 
sector (corporate and household) debt has continued to rise to new records."

This is still true for 2019. Global debt rose through 2018 and, most important, the cost 
of servicing that debt also began to rise as the US Federal Reserve continued with hiking 
its policy rate - with the last rise made just before the end of the year.

The Fed rate sets the floor for interest rates in the US and also the benchmark for 
international rates, given the dominant role of the dollar in international reserves and 
capital flows. And other central banks have ended their cheap money injections - 
quantitative easing - which has now turned into quantitative tightening.

Thus "financial conditions" (the cost of debt, the state of stock markets and the value of 
the dollar against other currencies) have been tightening.

Just after Janet Yellen ended her term as Federal Reserve chair (her term was not renewed 
by Trump because he said she was "too short"), she declared that "there would be no more 
financial crises in our lifetime", because of the new measures applied to ensure the banks 
won't crash again. But last month, she revised that view. Apparently, there are "gigantic 
holes in the financial system" that she presided over and she now worries that "there 
could be another financial crisis" after all. This is because financial regulation is 
‘unfinished" and she is not sure that the Fed and government are doing anything about that 
"in the way we should".

In a recent paper, Carmen Reinhart, a mainstream expert on the history of financial 
crises, drew attention to the sharp rise in unbacked corporate debt, called leveraged 
loans, with issuance hitting record highs in 2018. Reinhart concluded that "the networks 
for financial contagion, should things turn ugly, are already in place."

So the scene is set for a new credit crunch in 2019 if profits stop growing and the cost 
of servicing the accumulated corporate debt goes on rising. If the Fed continues with its 
policy hikes, just as in 1937 during the Great Depression of the 1930s, it threatens to 
provoke a sharp downturn, not just in the price of fictitious capital but also in the 
so-called ‘real' economy. This fear provoked Trump to consider sacking Fed Chair Jay 
Powell in the New Year.

The Bank for International Settlements (BIS), the international research agency for 
central banks, warned that what it calls the ‘financial cycle' implies that a new credit 
crunch is coming. "Financial cycle booms can end in crises and, even if they do not, they 
tend to weaken growth. Once financial cycles peak, the real economy typically suffers. 
This is most evident around financial crises, which tend to follow exuberant credit and 
asset price growth, ie financial cycle booms. Crises in turn tend to usher in deep 
recessions, as falling asset prices, high debt burdens and balance sheet repair drag down 
growth." And most important "the debt service ratio is particularly effective in this aspect".

All the credit indicators for a recession are now flashing amber, if not red. The most 
popular is the so-called inverted yield curve, namely when the interest rate on a 
long-term government bond falls below the Federal Reserve's policy rate. Whenever that 
happens, it nearly always indicates a recession within a year. Why? Because what the 
inverted curve tells us is that investors think that a slump is coming so they are buying 
‘safe assets' like government bonds, while the Fed thinks the economy is fine and is 
hiking rates - but the market will decide.

As one analyst put it: "Think of an inverted yield curve as a fever. When your body gets a 
fever, the fever is not the cause of the sickness. It just says something's wrong with 
your body. You have the flu, appendicitis, or some other ailment. The fever indicates you 
are sick but not necessarily what the sickness is. And typically, the higher the fever, 
the more serious the condition. It is the same with the yield curve. The more inverted the 
yield curve is and the longer it stays that way, the more confident we are that something 
is economically wrong that may show up as a recession sometime in the future." The US 
yield curve has flattened but has not yet inverted. So this reliable indicator has still 
not turned red yet.

Another important indicator for a coming recession can be found, not in the credit 
markets, but in the global economy. It's the price of copper and other industrial metals. 
Metals are central inputs in industrial production around the world and so if their prices 
fall, this suggests that companies are reducing investment in production and so using less 
metal components.

In 2018, the copper price fell back from a peak of 320 to 270 after July. But since then 
it has steadied and remains well above 200 then it fell to in the mini-recession of early 
2016. So this suggests that while the world economy peaked back last summer, a recession 
is not yet with us.

Another indicator that the world economy is slowing down from its mini-boom in 2017 is the 
sharp fall in oil prices. The price has plunged from $75/b in October to $45/b now. That 
will hit the profits of the energy companies and the trade balances of the oil producers.

The most important factor for analysing the health of the capitalist economy remains the 
profitability of the capitalist sector and the movement in profits globally. That decides 
whether investment and production will continue. This blog has presented overwhelming 
evidence that profits and investment are highly correlated and in that order - see our 
latest book, World in Crisis.

The US corporate sector ended 2018 with record levels of profits/earnings, rising some 
20%, the highest rate since 2010, when the US economy rebounded from the Great Recession. 
But this profit jump was a one-off. It's been driven by huge corporate tax cuts and 
exemptions from tax in repatriating cash reserves from abroad that the major US companies 
held. And US corporate revenues have been boosted by a very sharp fall in input costs, 
namely the fall in the oil price during 2018.

Globally, profits were still growing in the middle of 2018. But profits growth has slowed 
in Germany, China and Japan. Only the US has experienced any acceleration. And if the US 
profits growth is a one-off, as argued above, global profits growth is likely to fall away 
sharply in 2019.

Slowing profits growth and a rising cost of (corporate) debt, alongside all the 
politico-economic factors of an international trade war between China and the US, suggest 
that in 2019 the likelihood of a global slump has never been higher since the end of the 
Great Recession in 2009.

Forecast for 2019

http://awsm.nz/2019/01/03/forecast-for-2019/

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Message: 5






Immediately at the beginning of the Vzbury summer , the blessings of Zine Festivals are 
taking place. They are able to kick the publisher and zine publisher to a final finish so 
that they can present themselves with such a new number on such events. Similarly, it was 
eleven Vzbury , which was heading directly to the first Trnava Zine Fest held last July. 
---- But now to content. The opening word on the situation in Slovakia corresponds to the 
unflattering collage on the cover page. Then there are longer, but very readable texts. 
The first is a tour of the Medication Time, Mental Tension and Fyasco bands, after which 
you'll be able to spin your head out of liters of drunk alcohol and smoked joints. 
Nevertheless, you can register a few interesting observations from the places visited, 
such as the strange idea of Slavic reciprocity, which is often found among the members of 
the Croatian scene. Thinking about how to book a concert in one of the Milan clubs that 
checks the bands' texts for what they want to play in, and though he is likely to agree on 
most opinions, he's more likely to discourage his approach. He will also be interested in 
an extensive report from the Copenhagen K-town fest, but perhaps even more of a report 
from a work placement in Russian Voldogonia. How strange it is here to teach private 
linguists? What laptops will you see when buying a SIM card, using a flat device, 
traveling by bus or taxi and other activities? You will also go to Georgia and Abkhazia. 
And some observations? "The rules are set in Russia to know what and how much they can 
break. (...) The environment is very dynamic, and in the event of ambiguity there is a 
universal answer to everything - it's just Russia. "" The iron curtain did not disappear 
altogether; is currently acting as a dividing line between the EU and the "Russian world" 
(...), they do not pass any relevant information - either in either direction. "" The main 
points of criticism are: the general poverty of the population, despite the immense wealth 
of the country; state management by a group of oligarchs; the constant revival of the 
Soviet Union's corpses; militarism and emphasis on the military; not least corruption at 
all levels and the conflict in Ukraine. "" The worst experience? Relationships at the 
workplace. "" Best experience? The whole stay in Russia was a fantastic experience. But 
three months were enough. "

After talking about Massola's touring bands and Seven Minutes of Fear over South Korea and 
Japan, you move to the other side of the globe, straight to Afrika, to get to know the 
local Christian butcher Joseph Kony, who stood in the lead of God's army of resistance, a 
prophet, and has credited more than 100,000 deaths to his account in the name of God's 
death, and kidnapping at least 60,000 children.

Who likes polls can read three answers to why metal is not as well introduced to DIY, and 
eleven as to whether "our scene" has a problem with alcohol. Some respond to the fact that 
this is a problem for individuals, not scenes, but if it is one of the most striking 
phenomena in a given scene, then there is probably a problem as a whole. As Datra says: 
"For many people alcohol is the main thing they do in their free time. But such a style 
can not be built and presented as an alternative because it simply does not work with 
eternally beaten people. Another problem is that for many, this irrigation is an 
alternative, which is ridiculous and irrelevant. "

Whoever waited for a musical review at the end, as usual with similar zines, will be 
surprised. He finds books, books, and books. First of all, there are several Broken Books. 
Above all about Palestine, the publisher of the zine is rightly surprised: "... it is 
totally absurd that the nation that has suffered the pogroms culminating in the Holocaust 
during the Second World War is capable of committing the same, perhaps more sophisticated 
violence to millions of people today ..." to realize that violence is not committed by any 
nation, but by the power machinery that shields the nation. Above the book, A. Vltchek 
speaks to me as he writes: "I have criticized Andre for his one-sided view, the sharp 
criticism of the crimes of the West, but on the other hand, the weakening, if not worse, 
crimes of the Eastern Bloc.The less you know, the better it is about Russia after the 
collapse of the USSR. A total of 26 reviews - let yourself be inspired when choosing your 
reader.

Early Rise No. 11. 44 pages A4. Price 1.50 €. To get rid of punkgen[a]gmail.com.

https://www.afed.cz/text/6926/predcasna-vzbura-c-11

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Message: 6





The Prevost orphanage Cempuis continuing its educational mission consistent with 
libertarian principles that Robin puts into practice for the first time in an institution 
under the Ministry of Education of the III e Republic. That, until 1894, when he was 
suspended from his position as administrator and educational manager of Cempuis. For what 
reasons ? ---- Co-education makes waves ! ---- And not only co-education: it is an 
establishment without a god, which follows the new laws promulgated in 1880 removing the 
obligation to treat duties towards God, and Cempuis goes with Paul Robin assume its 
secular dimension and send back the parish priest of the orphanage until then on mission 
in the establishment. It is that Paul Robin is fiercely atheist, and this despite (or 
probably because of) a family environment of origin strongly marked by the Catholic 
religion with a canon uncle. In the mid-1890s, he became a member of the French Federation 
of Free Thought. But what concentrates hostilities against Robin and his innovative 
experience, it is obviously the gender mix at the orphanage, the co-education as it is 
then called.

In the early 1890s, propaganda by the fact is in full swing in Europe and France. As early 
as 1881, political assassinations targeted European crowned heads, and in 1892 Ravachol's 
bombs made Paris tremble. But as early as 1893, it was Auguste Vaillant who attacked the 
National Assembly and gave rise to a first law aimed at punishing indirect provocation to 
violent action. However, it is with the assassination of the President of the Republic 
Sadi Carnot in June 1894 that the most repressive law, and aimed specifically at the 
anarchists, is voted. All anarchist propaganda is thus prohibited and Paul Robin's 
libertarian principles will suffer directly from this difficult context that gives wings 
to conservatives and reactionaries of all kinds who see the opportunity to attack anything 
that calls into question the established order. .

In this way, the Catholic circles are agitated with a spirit of revenge against the 
pedagogue of the integral education and it is the good tone press of the time, with in 
figure of prow La Libre Parole, which orchestrates a campaign of press against the " 
pornographer  " Robin. It will only take a few weeks of these attacks for the prefect of 
the Seine to order the revocation of Paul Robin and the end of the most innovative 
educational experience of the time. Proof is made, if need be, that libertarian education 
can not develop in the shadow of a state that always obeys the orders of the conservative 
bourgeoisie, and that this education of liberty can only be done far away. churches and 
the state that serves interests contrary to those of popular emancipation.

This is for Cempuis and Paul Robin, the conclusion of fourteen years of experiments that 
will leave many observers inspired by Sébastien Faure to Francisco Ferrer, the Spanish 
pedagogue who served as the red wire at the beginning of this column. It ends here, it 
gives way to a theme that should challenge us and mobilize us all in our daily struggles 
because its urgency is felt every day more pregnant: anti-fascism.

Good luck to you and see you soon in the struggles !

Accattone

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Ni-dieu-ni-maitre-d-ecole-La-fin-d-une-aventure-des-graines-semees-pour-l

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