Anarchic update news all over the world - 15.02.2019

Today's Topics:

   
1.  anarkismo.net: What is "Primitive Accumulation"? Marx's and
      Kropotkin's Viewpoints - A Background by Wayne Price
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  US, black rose fed - LIBERTARIAN SOCIALISM IN LATIN AMERICA:
      A ROUNDTABLE INTERVIEW, PART III, BRAZIL (ca, pt)
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Britain, anarchist communist group ACG: Free movement of
      solidarity! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Czech, afed: Moscow: Another persecution of anarchists -
      This time, the secret went into tours and arrests of anarchists
      in the capital. [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Poland, WORKERS' INITIATIVE: What's next with the Bunkier
      Sztuki? [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  anarkismo.net: A small tribute to Ern. Malatesta by Dmitri
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  histoires de luttes de femmes: Stories of Women's Wrestling
      - Clara Zetkin (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
8.  Landlord drops Fox & Sons after single picket, whilst our
      campaign escalates to Jade Software in Australia
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





This was prepared as background for an anarchist study group which is reading Silvia 
Federici's Caliban and the Witch; Women, the Body, and Primitive Accumulation. Federici is 
a well-known Marxist-feminist of a libertarian-autonomist Marxist perspective. ---- Karl 
Marx, Capital, Vol. 1 (my emphasis) ---- [Adam Smith and other theorists of bourgeois 
political economy explained "primitive accumulation"-also translated as "primary" or 
"original" accumulation-this way:]In times long gone by there were two sorts of people; 
one the diligent, intelligent, and, above all, frugal, elite; the other, lazy rascals, 
spending their substance, and more, in riotous living...Thus it came to pass that the 
former sort accumulated wealth, and the latter sort had at last nothing to sell except 
their own skins. And from this original sin dates the poverty of the great majority...and 
the wealth of the few....Such insipid childishness is every day preached to 
us....[Instead, Marx refers to the enclosures which drove European peasants off their 
land, colonialism in India and elsewhere, African and Native American slavery, etc.]

In actual history it is notorious that conquest, enslavement, robbery, murder, briefly 
force, play the great part....The so-called primitive accumulation, therefore, is nothing 
else than the historical process of divorcing the producer from the means of production. 
It appears as primitive, because it forms the pre-historic stage of capital....The history 
of this, their expropriation, is written in the annals of mankind in letters of blood and 
fire....

The advance of capitalist production develops a working class....[Today]direct force, 
outside economic conditions, is of course still used, but only exceptionally. In the 
ordinary run of things, the laborer can be left to the "natural laws of production," i.e., 
to his dependence on capital....It is otherwise during the historic genesis of capitalist 
production. The bourgeoisie, at its rise, wants and uses the power of the state to 
"regulate" wages...to keep the laborer himself in the normal degree of dependence. This is 
an essential element of the so-called primitive accumulation....

The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement, and entombment 
in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the 
East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of blackskins, 
signalized the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production. These idyllic proceedings 
are the chief moments of primitive accumulation....They all employ the power of the state, 
the concentrated and organized force of society, to hasten, hothouse fashion, the process 
of transformation of the feudal mode of production into the capitalist mode, and the 
shorten the transition. Force is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one. 
It is itself an economic power....

Peter Kropotkin, The State: Its Historic Role
(Kropotkin's views on the origins of capitalism and the modern state are consistent with 
those of Marx)

The role of the nascent state in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in relation to 
the urban centers was to destroy the independence of the cities; to pillage the rich 
guilds of merchants and artisans; to concentrate in its hands the external commerce of the 
cities and ruin it; to lay hands on the internal administration of the guilds and subject 
internal commerce as well as all manufactures, in every detail to the control of a host of 
officials....Obviously the same tactic was applied to the villages and the peasants. Once 
the state felt strong enough it eagerly set about destroying the village commune, ruining 
the peasants in its clutches and plundering the common funds....

Such was the role of the state in the industrial field. All it was capable of doing was to 
tighten the screw for the worker, depopulate the countryside, spread misery in the towns, 
reduce millions of human beings to a state of starvation and impose industrial serfdom.

Peter Kropotkin, Modern Science and Anarchism
(However, Kropotkin had criticisms of Marx's concept of "primitive accumulation.")

What, then, is the use of talking, with Marx, about the "primitive accumulation" -as if 
this "push" given to capitalists were a thing of the past? In reality, new monopolies have 
been granted every year till now....Everywhere the state has been, and is, the main pillar 
and the creator, direct and indirect, of capitalism and its powers over the masses....The 
state has always interfered in the economic life in favor of the capitalist exploiter. It 
has always granted him protection in robbery, given aid and support for further 
enrichment. And it could not be otherwise. To do so was one of the functions-the chief 
mission-of the state.

Karl Marx, Grundrisse[unpublished notebooks]
(Marx says that in the epoch of capitalist decline, capitalism returns to its earlier, 
non-market, methods, such as monopolization and state action.)

As long as capital is weak, it still itself relies on the crutches of past modes of 
production, or of those which will pass with its rise. As soon as it feels strong, it 
throws away the crutches and moves in accordance with its own laws. As soon as it begins 
to sense itself and become conscious of itself as a barrier to development, it seeks 
refuge in forms which, by restricting free competition, seem to make the rule of capital 
more perfect, but are at the same time the heralds of its dissolution and the the 
dissolution of the mode of production resting on it.

David Harvey, A Companion to Marx's Capital.
(Harvey is a well-known Marxist geographer and theoretician. My emphasis.)

There were important aspects to the dynamic[of primitive accumulation]that Marx ignores. 
For example, the gender dimension is now recognized as being highly significant, since 
primitive accumulation frequently entailed a radical disempowerment of women, their 
reduction to the status of property and chattel and the reenforcement of patriarchal 
social relations....

There is...a real problem with the idea that primitive accumulation occurred once upon a 
time, and that once over, it ceased to be of real significance...Rosa Luxemburg put that 
question firmly on the agenda nearly a century ago....The long history of capitalism 
centers on this dynamic between continuous primitive accumulation on the one hand and the 
dynamics of accumulation through the system of expanded reproduction described in Capital 
on the other...

Since it seems a bit odd to call them primitive or original, I prefer to call these 
processes accumulation by dispossession.

(Harvey cites Luxemburg, but, like Federici, apparently is not aware that Kropotkin had 
made a similar criticism of Marx's "primitive accumulation." However, it could be argued 
that this criticism is unfair to Marx, since he did recognize that "direct force, outside 
economic conditions, is of course still used" and indicated that there would be a return 
to the methods of "so-called primitive accumulation" when capitalism "become conscious of 
itself as a barrier to development"- that is, in its epoch of decay, with the rise of 
modern imperialism, monopoly-finance capitalism, and the anthropocene.)

For further discussion see: From the Great Witch Hunt to the Epoch of Capitalist 
Decay-Review of Silvia Federici Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body, and Primitive 
Accumulation
by Wayne Price

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/14373?search_text=Wayne+P

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31294

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Message: 2





In the United States, growing segments of the population are undergoing a period of 
profound politicization and polarization. Political elites are struggling to maintain 
control as increasing numbers of people seek out alternatives on the left and the right. 
In the wake of the 2016 presidential election, political organizations on the left have 
grown significantly, most notably expressed in the explosive growth of the Democratic 
Socialists of America (DSA). Meanwhile, the Trump administration has joined other 
far-right governments emerging around the globe, emboldening fascist forces in the 
streets. These developments have sparked widespread debate on the nature of socialism and 
its distinct flavors within and outside the US.
Among the various branches within the broad socialist tradition, libertarian socialism is 
possibly the least understood. For many people in the US, libertarian socialism sounds 
like a contradiction in terms. The corrosive influence of the Cold War has distorted our 
understanding of socialism, while the explicit hijacking of the term "libertarian" by 
right-wing forces has stripped it of its roots within the socialist-communist camp. 
Outside the exceptional case of the US, libertarianism is widely understood to be 
synonymous with anarchism or anti-state socialism. In Latin America in particular, 
libertarian socialists have played a critical role in popular struggles across the region, 
from mass student movements to the recent wave of feminist struggles. To expand and enrich 
the current debate on socialism in the US, we spoke with several militants from political 
organizations in the tradition of libertarian socialism in Brazil, Argentina, and Chile, 
exploring the history, theory and practice of libertarian socialism.

Due to the length of responses, we have published this roundtable interview in 
installments (Part 1, Chile: Spanish and English; Part 2, Argentina: Spanish and English). 
For Part 3, we spoke with Fábio from the Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (FARJ) / 
Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil.

We also wanted to thank everyone who contributed to our Building Bridges of International 
Solidarity Fundraiser which made this interview series possible.

-Introduction and interview by Enrique Guerrero-López.

Spanish translation by Ricardo, Portuguese translation by Cí Melo

Enrique Guerrero-López (EGL): Can you introduce yourself, tell us the name of your 
organization, and give a short summary of its origins and your main work?

Fábio: My name is Fábio and I'm a member of the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro 
(FARJ), which is a member of the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB). I'm a professor 
of Mechanical Engineering, and I'm active in the professors' union in my workplace as well 
as in the Campaign for the Freedom of Rafael Braga.

EGL: What are the roots of libertarian socialism in South America?

Fábio: The roots of libertarian socialism in South America are connected to a long 
tradition of struggles and revolts of the Black working class, indigenous people, and 
popular sectors in general against colonial domination. Although libertarian socialism 
(anarchism) is an experience typical of the second half of the 19th century, there is a 
continuity between the popular struggles, the strikes, the insurrections spread over 
Brazilian territory and the moment of consolidation of the first socialist experiences. 
For us, especially here in Brazil, the working class doesn't arise with the arrival of 
white Italian and Portuguese immigrants. It's been in action since the 19th century, with 
struggles of the quilombos, the strikes in the middle of the slave and imperial Brazilian 
structure, and the actions of the poor and Black workers against oppression and 
domination. In continental terms, we can point out as important markers the founding of 
the Federación Regional de la República Oriental del Uruguay (FRROU)[1]in 1875 and of the 
Centro de Propaganda Obrera (CPO) in 1876 in Argentina. The first countries in South 
America to shape and promote anarchism, in chronological order, were Uruguay and 
Argentina. In Brazil, dominant elites spread the myth that anarchism was an "exotic 
flower" and that it was restricted only to the Italian and Portuguese immigrants, when 
actually anarchism was equally rooted in the native working class. During the last years 
of the 19th century, there was a period of insertion and maturing of anarchism in Brazil 
that contributed to the formation of the Confederação Operária Brasileira (COB) in 1908 in 
Rio de Janeiro. It is also important to emphasize different experiences of anarchist 
political organization in the ‘20s and ‘40s. We are the fruit of this historical work 
which connects generations of anarchist militants over decades.

EGL: What differentiates libertarian socialism from other branches of socialism?

Fábio: Libertarian socialism, or anarchism, differentiates itself from other branches of 
socialism by its characterization of the State and by its strategic propositions, which 
aim to overcome the capitalist system. Anarchism is an ideology, a socialist and 
revolutionary doctrine, which is founded on certain principles that can be traced through 
its 150 years of history. Its roots are defined by a critique of domination and a defense 
of self-organization. Regarding domination, anarchism emphasizes a critique of class 
oppression along with other types of oppression- for example, imperialism, gender, and 
race or ethnicity. For anarchists, the State is responsible for domination and 
exploitation together with the capitalist system. The State isn't just a reflection of the 
economic relations. It is a political organism of the ruling class and, because of that, 
it is our job to build another power through the direct action of the masses in urban and 
rural popular movements.

"We argue that popular power has to be built inside popular struggles, organized and led 
by the various sectors of the oppressed classes, around more immediate questions, aiming 
for more profound processes of rupture."
Anarchism also supports self-organization in general and conceives of revolutionary 
subjects as sectors of the oppressed classes, constituted in struggle through actions of 
the dominated classes- peasants, poor people, and workers in general- rather than seeking 
out a revolutionary subject in advance. Throughout history, anarchists have diverged over 
strategy. Our especifista current, part of a long-standing tradition inside anarchism 
which advocates a mass-oriented strategy and the need for political organization, believes 
that it is through class struggle and struggles against all forms of domination that we 
can create a social force capable of building the basis of anti-state and anti-capitalist 
popular power.

EGL: What role does political organization play within social movements and how does that 
fit into your vision of libertarian socialist politics?

Fábio: Especifismo has contributed a lot of energy to this topic, with the Uruguayan 
Anarchist Federation (FAU) being a fundamental reference point. Modestly, we have also 
dedicated ourselves to this issue, together with our sister organizations from the CAB. 
Throughout the history of anarchism, important contributions- mainly from Bakunin, 
Malatesta, the Platform, FAU, and the experiences of anarchist political organizations in 
Brazil from the beginning of the 20th century- have fueled our perspectives.

Summarizing our position, we can say that an especifista organization defends some clear 
points: the political organization as active minority, emphasis on the necessity of 
organizing, theoretical and tactical unity, the production of theory, the importance of 
social work and social insertion, the understanding of anarchism as a tool for the class 
struggle in search of a libertarian socialist project, the differentiation between 
political (anarchist organization) and social (social movements) levels of organization, 
and the defense of a militancy carried out with strategy. Obviously, our organization 
wasn't born working with all these concepts, but we have been improving our work in this 
sense over the years and have made some advancements.

We understand the social and political levels as complementary. We don't intend to 
establish a hierarchical relationship between these levels (as would the typical Leninist 
vanguard) nor let the specific anarchist organization (SAO) simply react to things as they 
happen. However, we understand that the anarchist organization, by means of its active 
minority, must build shoulder-to-shoulder a political and social program that deals with 
the needs of the people. The organization also works with objective criteria for 
integrating militants and gathers anarchists not by an "abstract" or "philosophical" 
identity, but by ideological coherence and agreement with the organization's program, 
principles, and strategies.

We understand that the political organization must influence and be influenced by the 
social movements, but also work within them to promote direct democracy, autonomy, 
combativeness, and self-organization. Inside the political organization, we expect a high 
level of commitment and discipline- a self-discipline that is collectively built, but that 
doesn't provoke harmful practices of only doing what we want or of not carrying out what 
was previously planned by the collective (unfortunately common in libertarian socialist 
groups).

This model of organization argues that the role of the specific anarchist organization is 
to coordinate and converge the forces that have emerged from militant activities, building 
a solid and consistent tool of struggle which aims for a final objective: social 
revolution and libertarian socialism. We believe that struggle without, or with little, 
organization- where people do what they want, poorly articulated or isolated- is 
inefficient. The model of organizing that we support aims to multiply the results and the 
effectiveness of militant forces. We also develop "conjunctural analysis," or an analysis 
of the political, social, and economic conditions of the current moment, to inform our 
strategy. For that to be done with coherence, it is developed strategically inside the 
political organization: this is where we deal with local, national, and international 
contexts, where the movements and popular forces are analyzed: their influences and 
potentialities. Strategy must answer the question, "How do we get from where we are to 
where we want to be?" It's the macro-level analysis- diagnostic and short, medium, and 
long term objectives- that we call strategy. Then, it is detailed in a micro-analysis- the 
tactics- which will determine the actions that will be put into practice by militants, or 
group of militants, in order to reach our goals. The organization also works with a 
federalist perspective and has fully direct democracy, where things are organized from the 
bottom up with sections, fronts, and secretaries, and where the whole organization 
decides, participates, and develops the broader strategic lines.

EGL: In the U.S., there is widespread debate over electoral politics on the left. How do 
libertarian socialists in South America relate to electoral politics?

Fábio: On this topic, it's important to affirm that for us as anarchists, drawing on the 
words of Errico Malatesta, our means must be consistent with our ends.[2]Tactics must 
always be subordinated to strategy. If we have the strategy of building popular power and 
a self-organized society, it is inconceivable to be subordinated to any type of electoral 
politics or to defend voting inside bourgeois democracy. We look at elections as a farce 
built to massacre and to dominate. We vote inside our class entities: inside the unions, 
in student centers, in neighborhood assemblies, where the embryo of popular power is 
practiced day by day. We don't believe in electoral politics, even the ones that claim to 
be socialist. We maintain fraternal relations with other branches of socialism inside 
social struggles, but we disagree with maintaining any type of action inside the bourgeois 
parliament or, worse, to link the popular struggle to the elections. It's important to 
make explicit that recent history shows that every time socialists have attempted to 
revitalize this issue, they ended up embracing the worst of bourgeois politics. In Brazil, 
we have a huge historic example: a political party, the Workers Party, which was born in 
the midst of popular struggle in the ‘70s and early ‘80s with unions, social movements, 
and peasant support. This party decided to take the electoral path, and rapidly, all the 
buildup of more than thirty years of social force in class entities was emptied in the 
name of bourgeois politics. Thirteen years of governance and more than thirty years of 
buildup, and today, we're watching the popular conquests be destroyed one by one.

As pointed out by FAU in a text from the ‘70s, "To talk about elections is to make 
allusion to a part of a power structure which is much wider," and "The rules of the game 
of the bourgeoisie are strong and involved; they sew with steel thread." Elections are 
part of this mechanism, and we, especifista anarchists, reject any type of subordination 
to this mechanism.

However, this doesn't prevent us from analyzing the different scenarios, including the 
electoral, and trying to predict the specificities of our class enemies. The movements, 
strategies, blocks of power, all this must be analyzed with seriousness. People talk a lot 
about how the State is a form of domination- and we agree- but less about how it's 
exercised. The system of domination operates in short and long terms. It is indispensable 
that anarchist political organizations be able to analyze these changes and to predict 
political scenarios so that they can act efficiently.

EGL: In South America, many libertarian socialists have put forward a theory and practice 
of building "popular power." What is popular power and what forms has it taken in practice?

Fábio: The Brazilian Anarchist Coordination has some theoretical materials on this topic. 
Especifismo has been engaging with the concept of popular power for more than a 
half-century. Our concept of popular power constitutes, simultaneously, an objective and a 
strategy, both of which give the basis for a political practice anchored in our historical 
and geographical context in a manner that strengthens our intervention in the set of 
forces in actuation. Hence, it's not merely a theoretical or philosophical discussion that 
aims only to know or to think abstractly about popular power. We conceive of power as an 
established social relation arisen from the confrontation between several social forces, 
when one or more forces impose themselves over the other.

Every society has a dynamic and permanent relation between social forces. Because of that, 
any society has a relation of forces. Individuals, groups, and social classes have the 
capacity for realization, which may or may not become social forces. Therefore, social 
force is constituted when the possibility becomes reality. When we organize, we multiply 
our social force and we always put our hopes in popular movements. We conceive of popular 
power as a generalized model of power- rooted in self-organization and established by 
oppressed classes in relation to the ruling classes- which provides the basis for a new 
society. So popular power aims at the suppression of capitalism, the State, and relations 
of domination in general, substituting for these with a new power structure, established 
through the workplace, through the neighborhood. It can only be consolidated through a 
revolutionary process.

Therefore, we argue that popular power has to be built inside popular struggles, organized 
and led by the various sectors of the oppressed classes, around more immediate questions, 
but also aiming for more profound processes of rupture. Building popular power and 
creating a strong people implies, besides carrying out short-term struggles, advancing for 
medium- and long-term struggles, and, therefore, we have been supporting popular 
organization in a formation of the oppressed classes which can permanently strengthen the 
social force of the dominated classes, putting them in direct opposition to the forces 
mobilized by the ruling classes. This process of popular organizing must be built as "a 
result of a convergence process of different social organizations and different popular 
movements, which are the fruit of class war" (Social Anarchism and Organization, FARJ). 
It's about organizing the oppressed around a common project of social transformation. In 
this sense, the embryo of popular power is being built in combative strikes with direct 
action, in urban occupations, in rural settlements, in student assemblies and occupations, 
and in every experience from the oppressed that can create stable bottom-up organizing and 
challenge the domination of patriarchal-racist-capitalism. Building popular power means to 
build social relations that put the economic, political, judiciary, military, ideological, 
and cultural institutions of the ruling class at risk. It's about daring to beat the 
system of domination and accomplishing, through solidarity in popular struggle, the 
accumulation of social forces necessary to disrupt the social relations imposed by the 
ruling classes and, by means of social conflict, to advance, accumulate, and break up the 
actual systemic structure. Popular power also needs to accumulate and develop militants 
and to create stable structures for popular organization. These structures can only be 
made with the creation and maintenance of popular movements. Popular power is not about a 
big insurrectionist night, even though insurrection is a step toward this kind of power.

Our anarchism, a motor capable of impelling popular struggles at national and continental 
levels, is intimately connected to this project of popular power that we continue to 
support: a strategy and objective that we consider to be consistent with our time and place.

Special thanks to Mackenzie Rae who provided copy editing for this article.

For more on libertarian socialism, we recommend the excellent piece "Socialism Will Be 
Free, Or It Will Not Be At All! - An Introduction to Libertarian Socialism."

Notes
1. The first labor group with the intention of organizing workers nationally and based its 
founding principles on the resolutions of the First International.

2. The reference is to Malatesta's essay "A Little Theory": "The end justifies the means: 
we have spoken much ill of that maxim. In reality, it is the universal guide of conduct. 
One could say better: each end contains its means. It is necessary to seek morality in the 
end; the means is fatally determined."

http://blackrosefed.org/libertarian-socialism-south-america-brazil-p3/

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Message: 3





With all the furore over Brexit, it is becoming increasingly obvious that all politicians 
care about is that we keep consuming-whether it be in or out of the EU. No one seems 
interested in opening up borders to refugees, fighting climate change or ensuring that 
workers all over the world are free from exploitation. What matters is ‘free trade'. This 
is what capitalism is all about- getting us to work, often in horrendous conditions, so 
that products can continue to be produced, shipped around the world, and consumed. And the 
less we look at what goes into these products, the better. As long as we keep working and 
consuming, all will be well- at least for capital! Of course we need to consume to live, 
but what is produced, by whom and how, should be decided by workers and communities.

The London Anarchist Communist Group invites you to participate in a workshop organised by 
the London Mining Network. Take a critical look at where are most cherished products come 
from and consider how we can promote free movement of international solidarity.

Sunday February 17th from 2pm at May Day Rooms, 88 Fleet Street, London

https://www.eventbrite.com/e/free-movement-of-solidarity-blood-on-your-mobile-tickets-55752247473

https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2019/02/11/free-movement-of-solidarity/

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Message: 4





 From 6 am on February 1, the police arrived at the apartments of activists, and seven 
people took off. Tours made dozens of bowlers with weapons in their hands, for example, 
they were carrying sticks or hard drives. Among the activists, they picked up the airsoft 
people again (as in the case of the Penzy Network ) and used a paralyzer. ---- This time, 
the anarchist chicanes are reportedly related according to investigators with a planned 
terrorist attack in the nearby town of Balašich, which they prevented on January 11th. 
---- Among other things, anarchist Azat Miftachov was arrested on the basis of the section 
on "Unauthorized Production of Explosive Devices". At Azata, they had been touring on 
January 18, when they were not at home, and took phones, books, notebooks, and money. The 
others are at liberty, but the Azata left in custody and refused to let the lawyer go. 
Advocates filed a complaint stating that the police are using illegal methods against the 
arrested (when Azata was able to catch sight of it, he had bruises on his face).

The lawyer representing Azata heard a private conversation in the courtroom when the judge 
told the investigator that she had no legal background to impose custody. The investigator 
then the lawyer lied about the day Azat was arrested. Officially, he was arrested on 
February 2 at 7 pm, but information about his arrest was already known on February 1. What 
had happened to him in the meantime she refused to explain.

After the defense counselor could meet Azate, he told her what was going on: during the 
interrogation he was thrown by him and threatened with further violence, took him to the 
hospital in the evening, then brought him back to the police, but left him in the car 
until three o'clock in the morning, then transferred him to another cellar in the cell and 
back in the morning. He waited with handcuffs all day long before making a decision to 
impose custody at seven in the evening.

The other six detained were released, one of them said they tortured him with a paralyzer 
and forced him to testify against Azat.

Sources:
https://avtonom.org/news/v-moskve-proshli-obyski-u-levyh-aktivistov-chto-izvestno
https://avtonom.org/news/zaderzhannyy-aspirant-mgu-azat-miftahov-rasskazal 
-obisobenzyl-i-pyrah-shurupovertom-v

https://www.afed.cz/text/6953/moskva-dalsi-perzekuce-anarchistu

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Message: 5






Protest against the merger of the Bunker of Art and MOCAK (Krakow, 30/01/2018)
On February 6, a spokeswoman for the Minister of Culture and National Heritage gave 
information about the Minister's lack of objection to appointing the director of the 
Contemporary Art Gallery "Bunkier Sztuki" in Krakow without conducting a competition. 
According to previous announcements, the President of the City of Krakow prof. Jacek 
Majchrowski proposes that this position be taken over by Maria Maria Potocka, director of 
the MOCAK Museum of Contemporary Art in Krakow. ---- The OZZ Factory Committee of the 
Workers' Initiative at the Bunkier Sztuki Gallery maintains its objections regarding the 
appointment of a director's office to the head of another Krakow institution. As 
colleagues from KZ in Bunkier write: "Our objections are confirmed by further media 
statements of the candidate, clearly detrimental to the team, which question the 
possibility of effective and effective cooperation, so the team is working hard to secure 
their employment situation with statutory measures."

Minister Glinski's decision and the position of the Works Committee regarding the fate of 
Bunkier were recently widely commented on by regional and nationwide media, including 
Gazeta Wyborcza, Dziennik Polski24, eye.press, TVP Kraków, and fm and Radio Krakow. .

Next week, the representatives of the Works Committee, with the support of the national 
artistic circles, meet with President Jacek Majchrowski in order to present specific 
alternative solutions for the management of the institution.

Together with the councilors of the Stare Miasto district, we are developing a draft 
resolution to set up an advisory and consultative team in order to develop an action plan 
regarding the Bunkier Sztuki Gallery, to be dealt with at the next council session on 
February 12. The Works Committee intends to organize an action supporting the adoption of 
a draft resolution at the seat of the district council during work on the resolution.

February 14 at 17 an open debate will take place at the Bunkier Sztuki, organized by the 
Works Committee, to which we invited representatives of the city authorities, the Gallery 
and art experts. We invite you to join this event.
http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/malopolskie/item/2452-co-dalej-z-bunkrem-sztuki

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Message: 6






We are not more prophets than other people, and if we pretend to offer a formal solution 
to all the problems that will arise in the life of the future society, we should have a 
strange idea to abolish the government. ---- - From the book "On the way to Anarchy", 
"Katsanos" publications ---- Excerpts from the article "On the way to Anarchy" first 
published in "Le Reveil" in 1910 ---- {...} We are not going to get to anarchy today , 
neither tomorrow nor ten centuries * simply, we are going to anarchy, today, tomorrow and 
always. {...} ---- Extracts from Article "Anarchists and Ethics", first published in "Le 
Reveil" in 1904 ---- {...} They are lying, that in order to fight properly ethics, you 
have to contradict, both in theory and in practice, a moral superior. And with the help of 
their temperament and circumstances they end up becoming unethical in all the meaning of 
the word, people without rules of behavior, without a criterion that guides their actions, 
passively oblige the impulse of the moment. Today, they are deprived of bread to help a 
comrade * tomorrow, they will kill a man to go to the shit. {...}

- From the book "Without Power" publications "Free Press" Extracts from the chapter "Anarchy"
{...} We are not more prophets than other people, and if we pretend that we offer a formal 
solution to all the problems that will arise in the life of the future society, we should 
have a strange idea to abolish the government. {...}

- From the book "About Anarchism and Violence", "Eleutherian Culture"
Extracts from Article "Revolutionary Horror", first published in "Pensiero e Volonta", No 
19, October 10, 1924
{...} we would have to set up hangers in the squares, I'd rather lose. {...}
{...} but always remember that we anarchists can not be either avengers or punters. We 
want to be liberators and we must act as such through the teaching and the example. {...} 
{Terror} instead of serving to defend the revolution, defaming it, making it hateful to 
the masses, and, after a period of fierce conflict, necessarily ends with what we would 
call "normalization," that is legalization and vindication of tyranny. {...}
{...} There are those who, for some reason, do not want, or can not become fascists, but 
are willing to do in the name of the "revolution," that the fascists do in the name of the 
"homeland". {...}

Excerpts from the article "Ethics and Violence", first published in the newspaper "Umanita 
Nova" on October 21, 1922
{...} If you raise the sense of justice from the soul of the proletarians and direct it to 
the use without limits and without hesitation of violence, if this is what the bourgeois 
and the governments do, "you can make robbers, but you can not make rebels {...}
{...} If this is the general feeling, if bourgeois and proletarians, if fascists and 
subversives lack equally any ethical measure, I have to hope MTC much for humanity, or 
will probably need to lay any hopes on good gynaikoula, not aware of political and class 
struggle, but suffers and weeps when he sees someone suffer. {...}
{...} But our violence must be the resistance of the people against the beasts, not the 
wild conflict of beasts with beasts. All the necessary violence to win * but nothing more 
or worse. {...}

* Source: http://eleftheriahtipota.blogspot.com/2010/12/blog-post_19.html

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31295

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Message: 7





It is Clara Zetkin, a teacher, journalist and German politician, who is the real 
instigator of the International Women's Day. ---- Director of the famous magazine Die 
Gleichheit (Equality), which she founded in 1890, Clara Zetkin is part of a revolutionary 
perspective. She convened the international conferences of the socialist women of 
Stuttgart (1907) and Copenhagen (1910), where she imposed her point of view and elected 
her secretary, making her newspaper Die Gleichheit their official organ. ---- It was in 
Copenhagen in 1910, at the 2nd International Conference of Socialist Women , that the 
German Clara Zetkin proposed, for the first time, to organize an "International Women's 
Day" to be used for propaganda for women. women's vote. The conference brings together a 
hundred women from 17 countries, and immediately adopts this proposal, inspired by the 
protests of women workers who took place in the United States in 1908 and in 1909. On 
March 8, 1914, women demand the right to vote in Germany . They get it on November 12, 1918.

Clara Zetkin is imprisoned in 1915 because of her pacifist convictions. In 1916, she 
played with Rosa Luxemburg , an essential role in the creation of the German Communist 
Party. In 1920, elected to the Reichstag, Clara Zetkin attends the rise of Nazism in 
Germany, while the arrival of Stalin in power puts it away from the Communist International.

On August 30, 1932, at the age of 75, she was commissioned, as the Reichstag Dean, to 
deliver the inaugural address of the parliament where the black shirts dominate. It 
launches a vibrant call to fight against Nazism . This will be his last public event. In 
exile in Moscow, she died June 20, 1933 in conditions that have never been elucidated.

His convictions have survived him. She defended a conception of the couple in which the 
partners had to be equal in rights. She is in favor of divorce by mutual consent and 
thinks that both boys and girls should be involved in household care. A mother of two 
boys, she lived in a common-law relationship, and has always been a strong supporter of 
women's work, the only way for them to gain autonomy.

To know more:

Biography of Clara Zetkin
and Biography of Clara Zetkin , by Cahiers du Secours Rouge
Here begins the new romance , portrait of Clara Zetkin by Louis Aragon, in 1934
His writings (in English): Writings , on marxists.org
March 8, Clara Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg , by Élaine Audet, March 15, 2010.
Revolutionary Politics and Women , LICR, 2002.
https://paris-luttes.info/al-origine-de-la-journee-9685
https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clara_Zetkin

https://histoiresdeluttesdefemmes.home.blog/

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Message: 8





It's been a good week in our dispute with Fox & Sons. On Wednesday we picketed the 
business of a landlord who rents a property out through Fox & Sons; by Thursday she had 
dropped them as her letting agent. We'd written to this landlord one week previously, 
explaining Fox & Sons' systematic mistreatment of their tenants, and demanded that she 
either drop them as her agency or speak to them and tell them to pay compensation to the 
tenants involved in our ongoing dispute with them. This landlord chose to do neither, so 
we staged a picket outside her business on Wednesday 6th February, informing passers by 
about her association with Fox & Sons. ---- The picket was a lively one, with one passer 
by joining us in solidarity, and the business owner and landlord in question responding by 
calling the police and then behaving aggressively toward the picket when the police didn't 
move it on. Eventually out of options, she closed the shop half an hour early and left. 
The next day, she emailed us to inform us that she had dropped Fox & Sons as her agency. A 
quick call to the agency confirmed that her property was no longer available to let 
through them as the landlord had withdrawn it from the market. Direct action gets results!

In spite of this loss of business, Fox & Sons are still yet to offer the £2280 
compensation we are demanding for the six tenants they made homeless. Because of this, we 
have escalated our campaign to include Jade Software, a company based in Australia that is 
also owned by Skipton, owners of Fox & Sons. The Anarcho-Syndicalist Federation (ASF) - 
the Australian section of the International Workers Association (IWA), the federation that 
SolFed is part of - wrote to Jade Software earlier this week, informing them that they 
would be commencing a public campaign against them in solidarity with our own. This 
campaign began yesterday, Saturday 9th February, with pickets of the Melbourne branches of 
Jade Software. Like ours, the ASF's campaign will be ongoing until these tenants receive 
compensation. Yesterday, we also had pickets of Fox & Sons' associate agencies, as well as 
of branches of Skipton, in Manchester, Liverpool, and Guildford - our solidarity is as 
global as their capital!

Having trouble with Fox & Sons? You can get in touch with us at:

Email: housing@brightonsolfed.org.uk
Text: 07427239960

http://www.brightonsolfed.org.uk/brighton/landlord-drops-fox-sons-after-single-picket-whilst-our-campaign-escalates-to-jade-software

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