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zondag 3 maart 2019
Anarchic update news all over the world - Part 1- 3.03.2019
Today's Topics:
1. Greece, vogliamo tutto: The fascists of the Golden Dawn with
the gun to share pre-election brochures in Petralona [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. anarkismo.net: The Yellow Vests have shattered the old
political categories by Jerome Roos - ROAR (ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Britain, afed: CHASE THE ARMS DEALERS - JOIN US ON MARCH
28TH (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Britain, anarchist communism: New ACG Pamphlets -- The
Italian Factory Councils And The Anarchists, £2.00.
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Pierre Stambul - Macron, I am moved! (fr, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. freedom news: Italian anarchist Federation (FAI-IFA) for the
general women's strike (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Celebrating an anniversary: The 100 years of the anarchist
newspaper A Batalha (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
This morning around 11am the paratroopers of the Golden Dawn attempted to share
pre-election brochures in the Petralona area. Fast-tracked anarchists and anti-fascists in
the region, aware of the presence of the fascists, mobilized to collect the
garbage-leaflets they left in cars and apartment buildings and to expel them from our
neighborhoods. ---- The two comrades who met first with the fascists after the first
verbal recriminations and while they were two opposite six fascists were found to be
targeted by one of the fascists with a gun. The first reaction of the fascists, when they
heard that they were undesirable in our neighborhoods, was to fire a gun, target the two
comrades, and threaten to shoot them. Then the fascists began moving away fast to Piraeus
Street and were probably lost in the area of Gazia. At the same time, people in the
neighborhood began to search for them and collect their pre-election brochures, which they
ate the streets of Petralona and they ended up in the trash where their place is.
Fascists, in addition to fast and lucky ones, in our neighborhoods are unpleasant and we
will do it in every possible way.
Fascists-paratroopers who understand that they are in an anti-fascist area like Petralona
feel unsafe to distribute pre-election brochures without arming. Impression, however, is
caused by their ease of making a weapon and marking the world. And we wonder if someone is
gunning and "pulls" a gun so comfortable IF IT IS NOT BATSOS?
Who is the role of the fascists we know very well: partisan gangs, state reserves and the
most loyal servants of capital. Let us also know that in the neighborhoods of resistance,
self-organization and solidarity, as many as they come, anyone coming with weapons or
knives, with or without clothing, will always run away and be hunted.
Neither in Petralona nor anywhere, the fascists in every neighborhood.
War on fascism and the system that nourishes and nourishes it.
https://vogliamotutto.espivblogs.net/2019/02/27/me-oplo-oi-fasistes-tis-chrysis-aygis-gia-na-moirasoyn-proeklogika-fylladia-sta-petralona/
------------------------------
Message: 2
The French neoliberal order trembles with the revolt of the yellow vests that have broken
the established political conventions. The new panorama presents as many dangers as
opportunities. ---- The current order is the disorder of the future. ---- - Saint-Just
(1767-1794) ---- As I write this (December 11, 2018), a real earthquake is shaking French
politics and society. Four weeks after the most serious social unrest since the Banlieue
riots of 2005, much of the country is still shaken by a wave of popular protests, road
blockades and occupations. Last Saturday, the so-called yellow vests - a movement of angry
and unstructured citizens named after the high-visibility yellow vests that all French
drivers must carry in their cars in case of emergency - challenged an unprecedented
security campaign to return hundreds of thousands of them to the streets of Paris and
other French cities. The protests can only be described as a resounding repudiation of
President Emmanuel Macron, widely despised,
Faced with a change in the tactics of the riot police, which was supported by dozens of
armored vehicles and water cannons, the yellow vests were not able to overwhelm the
security forces as they had during the two previous weekends, when some of the wealthiest
neighborhoods of the capital were shattered in scenes of widespread disorder that had not
been seen in the center of Paris since May 1968. However, not even the mobilization of
89,000 riot police and the arrest of more than 1,700 protesters in The whole country could
prevent the yellow vests from returning down the main avenues that lead to the Champs
Elysees for the "IV act" of their massive rebellion. A spokesman for the police said that,
due to the more dispersed nature of the riots, the general damages caused by the
destruction of goods were much greater and much more generalized than in previous weeks.
Other French cities also witnessed violent clashes, such as Bordeaux, Toulouse, Lyon,
Dijon, Nantes and Marseille.
What began four weeks ago as a national response to a Facebook call widely broadcast by
two furious truckers to block local highways and toll stations on the highways in protest
against a new "green" tax on fuel introduced by the Macron's government has now become a
veritable popular revolt against the banking president and the rich corporate elite to
which he so openly represents. While the movement of yellow vests - if it can be properly
defined as such - is still incipient and contradictory in terms of its social composition
and ideological orientation, there is no doubt that it has opened a great rift in French
politics. The neoliberal center is under siege, and the political establishment does not
seem to know how to respond. "We are in a state of insurrection, "lamented Jeanne
d'Hauteserre, mayor of the 8th district of Paris." I have never seen anything like it. "
Four weeks later, the uprising continues to confuse journalists and experts of the ruling
class." The yellow vests have shattered the old political categories , "said a media
activist named ROAR, on Saturday night, after a long day of riots in the capital. "They
reject all political leaders, all political parties and any form of political mediation.
No one really knows how to deal with or deal with this movement, nor the media, nor the
government, nor anyone else. What we are witnessing is unprecedented in the history of
France . "While the outcome of these dramatic events remains uncertain, it is clear that
France is currently experiencing a rupture of historic proportions, which has taken the
country into unexplored territory. On the left, the emerging scenario presents interesting
opportunities, but also a series of significant political risks: How can radical and
autonomous social forces insert themselves in this unknown and uncertain situation without
losing sight of the dangers that lie ahead?
A FEELING OF CRISIS EACH TIME DEEPER
For now, only one thing is certain: the explosion of popular indignation and the implosion
of the old political categories has left a huge hole at the heart of French politics. The
resulting sensation of crisis and confusion is palpable. For several weeks now, all the
main news channels are constantly broadcasting images of roadblocks and burning
barricades, while the main newspapers have constantly shown the yellow vests in headlines.
During "Act III" of the Saturday 1 December uprising, live television images transmitted
to millions of people from the Alps to the Atlantic showed how the police had effectively
lost control over large parts of the capital.
In the rest of the country, hundreds of roads, roundabouts and toll stations, as well as
several supermarket distribution centers and eleven fuel refineries were blocked by the
protesters in yellow vests, while the port of St Nazaire was also occupied. Fearing a
total loss of control, some government officials have begun to openly demand a state of
emergency and the mobilization of the army to quell the popular revolt, or at least to
help overworked police forces in the capital. The authorities of Reunion Island, a French
dependency in the Indian Ocean with a population of about 865,000 inhabitants,
On Saturday, December 8, the French authorities, willing to regain control of the street,
closed large areas of central Paris, blocked roads, closed subway stations and sent
armored vehicles and water cannons to reinforce the police lines. In the morning, a
disturbing calm descended on the French capital while thousands of shops and restaurants
closed their doors and shop windows in anticipation of the resumption of violence. Early
in the afternoon, it became clear that the government's unprecedented security operation
had not - unsurprisingly - deterred the yellow vests, which once again invaded the streets
surrounding the Champs-Elysees in large numbers,
Given the harsh police repression, which left at least 120 demonstrators in need of
immediate medical assistance, the resumption of fighting was almost inevitable. With a
proper irony, the situation was especially moved around Boulevard Haussmann, named after
the reactionary urban planner of Napoleon III, who designed the iconic broad avenues of
Paris specifically to maintain social order and prevent new popular uprisings after the
revolution of 1848. Police fired rubber bullets, stun grenades and copious amounts of tear
gas to prevent the yellow vests from accessing the Place de l'Etoile, where the Arc de
Triomphe is located, but the repeated attempts to disperse the protesters failed, since
the different groups simply met again in the main avenues. At night, small-scale
skirmishes and isolated incidents of looting continued around the Plaza de la República.
In recent days, the political crisis has been aggravated by what seems to be a true
convergence of social struggles. On December 1, ambulance drivers joined the race,
demonstrating in front of the presidential palace with sirens on. On Monday, December 3,
French students radicalized their struggle by blocking access to more than 200 secondary
schools; On the following Thursday, an estimated 100,000 of them participated in a
national strike against changes in Macron's university admissions procedures and an
increase in administrative fees. The shocking images of several dozen students that the
riot police placed in positions of stress over a long period of time soon became viral and
served to further inflame the tensions and antipolicy feeling among the yellow vests.
Then, last Saturday, thousands of ecologists in a climatic demonstration scheduled in
Paris put on yellow vests in solidarity. Meanwhile, the main unions of French farmers,
truck drivers and public transport workers have announced their intention to go on strike.
The paralysis of the government in the face of these events is further aggravated by the
widespread support that the demonstrators have received from the public. Surveys indicate
that more than two-thirds of respondents approve of yellow vests, which stands in stark
contrast to the miserable 18 percent support for Macron. Curiously, despite the concerted
campaign of disinformation carried out by the government and the establishment's media,
which have constantly sought to open a gap between the "true" yellow vests and an
"extremist fringe" of left and right agitators. , or "hooligans", the protesters
themselves have so far largely refused to be divided in this regard, showing a relatively
high tolerance for the destruction of property and physical clashes with the police, which
gives the most militant elements significant room for maneuver. When several banks were
smashed and several luxury cars burned on Saturday, the crowd could be heard roaring with
approval - and later encouraging the firemen as they put out the flames.
AN INCIPIENT AND CONTRADICTORY MOVEMENT
Given its inherent complexity, until now the international media have largely failed to
make sense of the puzzling phenomenon of the yellow vest, and many of the reports have
become an uncritical regurgitation of the disdainful moralism offered by the French
bourgeoisie . A Guardian columnist even wrote that " they had never seen the kind of
gratuitous destruction that surrounded me in some of the most elegant streets of Paris on
Saturday - a hatred so random and hysterical, directed not only to the riot police but
also to the sanctuaries of the French republic itself, such as the Arc de Triomphe"To a
large extent, the author added that" an extremist wing of yellow vests has been directed
with nihilist hatred against democratic institutions and symbols of success and wealth. "
On Monday, the traitor to the recalcitrant of 68, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, also decided to
intervene, condemning the yellow vests, faithful to the style of a reactionary Bourbon
classic, for its "extreme" and "terrifying" violence, not to mention the notorious
brutality of the French riot police. Some of the most horrible injuries inflicted by the
CRS and the BAC (AntiCriminality Brigades) on Saturday were those of a young Parisian girl
who lost her eyeball after being shot in the head with a rubber bullet, and a man from
Nantes He lost a hand after he accidentally picked up a stun grenade thinking it was a
tear gas bomb. The yellow vests, of course, have not yet deployed armored vehicles, shot
guns or dismembered a policeman. Its "
However, despite all their bourgeois hallucinations, it must be clear that Cohn-Bendit's
mockery of yellow vests is far from being an isolated event; but rather, clearly reflects
the intense contempt with which the French ruling class has historically had the
uneducated jacques bonhommes, the insolent frondeurs, the ill-mannered sans-culottes - in
short, all the uneducated peasants and lúmpenes who in some way they were made with the
presumption of insubordinate the king's divine authority. The widespread use of the term
casseurs is proof of this, as was the statement of Interior Minister Christophe Castaner
last week that "the movement has given birth to a monster".they represent a kind of
Rorschach test for a large part of the bourgeoisie,[forcing them]to express their contempt
for class and violence that they usually only indirectly express . "
The reality is that it is not the movement itself, but the neoliberal restructuring of
French society that has given rise to a monster, the monster of a resurgent nationalist
extreme right. It should not come as a surprise, then, that the phenomenon of the yellow
vest began with the left foot, as a protest against taxes initiated by a number of people
with known anti-immigrant views and previous association with extreme right groups. In the
first weeks of the roadblocks, the media widely reported a series of disturbing incidents
of racist, sexist and homophobic abuse, especially in some of the most peripheral areas of
France. It is also undeniable that several ultranationalist, monarchist elements,
However, despite this problematic start and the continuous reference to symbols of
national unity such as the tricolor and the Marseille, the removal of the yellow vest
quickly overflowed the capacity of the elements of the extreme right or the National
Association of Le Pen to claim movement as one's own As the protests spread like wildfire
and overflowed into a widespread popular uprising against King Macron and his neoliberal
sneaks, hundreds of thousands of self-proclaimed "apolitical" citizens - most of them
demonstrators for the first time without previous experience in street fighting - they
were dragged to roadblocks and mass demonstrations. As a result,
The result is that the yellow vests, although certainly not representative of the entire
French population, can now be safely classified as a mass popular movement. As such, the
social composition and ideological orientation of its participants reflect by definition
part of the diversity that is found within society in general, which is a different way of
saying that the movement contains many of the same contradictions and contradictions. the
same pre-existing political fault lines that cross contemporary France in general. If the
phenomenon of the yellow vest remains confusing and difficult to specify politically,
RISKS AND OPPORTUNITIES
But even if we are not condescending with yellow vests because of the incipient and
contradictory nature of their movement, we can - and certainly must - distrust the dangers
of sharing a broader field of controversy with the extreme right-wing racist, sexist and
homophobic. To some extent, it can be argued that such participation of the extreme right
is inevitable in a highly heterogeneous mass mobilization like the yellow vests. The
challenge for the wider left, then, would not be to denounce such "impurities" from the
comfort of their chairs, but to prevent those elements of the extreme right from
establishing a hegemonic position within the movement. As it does not seem that the
popular indignation that gave rise to the insurrection will soon dissipate,
Fortunately, the left has a lot of "raw material" to work with in this regard. If there is
one thing that unifies the yellow vests, it is their shared hatred of President Macron and
his collective opposition to his virulent policies against the poor. As one protester
explained, " Macron's first step in the job was to cut the wealth tax for mega-rich people
while cutting the housing benefits of poor people."Seen from this perspective, the widely
despised" green "tax on fuel is really just an attempt to compensate for the loss of
income and impose the costs of the climate crisis on the working class, an integral part
of Macron's political role as Robin Hood upside down for the capitalists: rob the poor to
give it to the rich In an excellent work for the Jacobins, Aurélie Dianara clearly
summarizes some of the extreme inequalities that lie at the heart of Macron's neoliberal
project:
Immediately after reaching the presidency, Macron abolished the Tax on the Solidarity
Patrimony (ISF), giving 4,000 million euros to the richest; and it has reinforced the Tax
Credit for Solidarity and Employment (CICE), a program of tax cuts and exemptions that
transfers 41,000 million euros a year to French companies, including multinationals. Soon
after, with the budget bill of 2018, Macron established a single tax that allowed to
reduce taxes on capital, delivering another 10,000 million euros to the richest .... To
make matters worse, the new "tax" carbon "will weigh five times more in the budgets of the
middle classes than in those of the upper classes. However, the Government has not taken
any measures to counteract this evident inequality of treatment,
The challenge for the left in general, then, will be to build on the widespread popular
resentment of Macron's total disdain for the working class while trying to steer popular
anger in a more explicitly antisystemic direction, articulating a clear anti-racist
discourse and pursuing a convergence broader with striking workers, protesting students
and increasingly marginalized neighborhoods. The good news is that the comrades in France
have already made some important advances on several of these fronts, organizing powerful
rallies of anti-capitalist and anti-racist yellow vests from the St. Lazare train station
during Acts III and IV,
Furthermore, in this new emerging phase, radical and autonomous forces will be able to
take advantage of organizational legacies and the accumulated experience of several
important struggles in recent years, including:
* The fight against racist police violence in marginal neighborhoods, which led to a wave
of unrest in 2016 and the subsequent preliminary work of the Truth and Justice Committee
for Adama, a leading action group founded in response to the inexplicable death of Adama
Traoré, 24, in police custody that same year. It was the Committee that requested the
formation of an anti-racist bloc along with the yellow vests during Acts III and IV of the
uprising.
* The mass resistance against the Loi Travail in 2016, which involved several months of
strikes, mass demonstrations, violent confrontations and the temporary occupation of the
Plaza de la República by the Nuit Debout movement, in scenes reminiscent of the outraged
Spaniards, the Greek aganaktismenoi and the international occupation movement. Macron was
one of the most prominent supporters of the widely despised reform of the labor law,
establishing a direct connection between the resistance to the Travail Law and the lifting
of the yellow vest.
* The defense of the ZAD, an autonomous area of the small western commune of
Notre-Dame-des-Landes that has been successfully fighting for years against the
construction of an airport in a nearby nature reserve, and that earlier this year defended
a violent attempt to evict militarized by the French state after several days of battles
against the riot police of Macron. Many Zadistas were present at the march of the yellow
vest of San Lazaro on Saturday.
* The feminist movement #NousToutes, the powerful French equivalent of #MeToo, which has
been organizing actions to protest against violence against women, including national
marches on November 24. In Montpellier, the feminist march was received by the yellow
vests with an honor guard.
The emerging areas of confluence between these ongoing social struggles and the mass
mobilizations of the yellow vests present the possibility that the removal of the yellow
vest, despite having begun as a fiscal revolt with conservative overtones, may
nevertheless go in a more progressive direction. An exciting event in this regard is the
recent call of the yellow vests of Commercy, in the northeast of France, to propose the
construction of " autonomous local committees, direct democracy, a sovereign general
assembly, delegates with a precise mandate, revocable in any moment, rotation of
responsibilities ". On this basis, the local groups would federate "to avoid political
recovery, self-proclaimed leaders or delegates without an imperative mandate from the
grassroots . "As local organizer Pierre Bance says," the time of the communes still
resonates! "
THE MOST BEAUTIFUL OF ALL THE DOUBTS
However, despite these new opportunities and the widespread revolutionary enthusiasm,
several serious challenges remain. When the mass mobilizations begin to gradually fade in
the coming weeks -as will inevitably happen, especially with the arrival of the
festivities-, popular resentment will remain latent throughout the country. While some of
this popular energy will undoubtedly be channeled into new social movements and grassroots
initiatives, the most isolated individual frustrations will find no immediate productive
outlet. In the humiliation, therefore, broader questions will arise about the political
legacy of the yellow vests, and the leaders of the opposition to the left and to the right
will continue to push each other to be recognized as the legitimate "heirs"
In this context, the terrifying scenario of a presidency of Le Pen, reinforced by the
impulse of a mass popular mobilization, is glimpsed on the horizon. The political
consequences of the mass demonstrations in Brazil in 2013 and the Ukrainian revolution of
2014, as well as the protests in Italy in 2013, clearly demonstrate that this risk should
not be underestimated. Moreover, as we have the memory of May '68, we can not exclude the
possibility that, even if the radical and progressive forces win the battle in the
streets, the right win the war at the polls. This danger makes it even more important that
radical social forces,
Despite these considerable dangers, however, it is important not to mix the underlying
causes of a possible presidency of Le Pen with the role of lifting the yellow vest as a
catalyst for the collapse of the neoliberal center. Ultimately, yellow vests are nothing
more than a symptom of the deep crisis of legitimacy that has besieged the political
class; they can act to accelerate their inevitable implosion, but they are hardly
responsible for the current mess. Concerned citizens who now express their fear that the
extreme right will try to take advantage of the protests are not necessarily wrong, but
tend to overlook the fact that Le Pen was on the verge of winning the presidency 18 months
ago, and that he had beaten Macron in the EU parliamentary elections last month, even
before the yellow vests were blocked. In other words, if Le Pen becomes the next president
of France, that is not due to the uprising of the yellow vests, but to the bankruptcy of
the old way of doing politics after four decades of increasing class polarization. . In
the absence of a credible and inspiring left, the crisis of the neoliberal center always
pointed to the right.
At the same time, it is also important to note that the result of the current upheaval is
not written in stone. Although the ongoing revolt could strengthen Le Pen's position in
the upcoming presidential elections, it could also undermine it. After all, the leader of
the far right is currently in an uncomfortable and increasingly unsustainable position. On
the one hand, her carefully crafted image as an anti-establishment forced her to support
the original anti-tax protests when the first roadblocks of yellow vests appeared. On the
other hand, however, as these protests quickly became a mass mobilization much more
antagonistic against economic inequality and the privilege of the bourgeois class, with
widespread destruction of property and violent confrontations with the police, she has
also had to defend her credentials as the preferred candidate of "law and order" of the
traditionalist petty bourgeoisie. The result has been a series of contradictory statements
that denounce some elements of the revolt and embrace others. This ambiguity potentially
opens a door for the left to capitalize on the generalized feeling against establishment
by profiling itself as the only force of authentic opposition. The result has been a
series of contradictory statements that denounce some elements of the revolt and embrace
others. This ambiguity potentially opens a door for the left to capitalize on the
generalized feeling against establishment by profiling itself as the only force of
authentic opposition. The result has been a series of contradictory statements that
denounce some elements of the revolt and embrace others. This ambiguity potentially opens
a door for the left to capitalize on the generalized feeling against establishment by
profiling itself as the only force of authentic opposition.
From this point of view, the most immediate risk for the left seems to reside in the next
state repression of some of the most radical tendencies within the movement. After a
strategic reorientation following the disastrous handling of Acts II and III, the contours
of the government's new approach clearly began to emerge in Macron's televised address to
the nation on Monday night, in which the humiliated president - speaking from a golden
desk in the golden hall of the Elysée Palace - declared his intention to take into account
the grievances of ordinary citizens, while promising "zero tolerance" for violent
troublemakers. These statements are clearly part of a broader attempt to co-opt the
"apolitical masses"
Related Link:
https://roarmag.org/essays/gilets-jaunes-blown-old-political-categories/
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31316
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Message: 3
The DPRTE arms fair pulls together the UK military, weapon manufacturers, and arms dealers
and exporters. Not only does it support our own military industrial complex, but it
involves companies like BAE systems who supply some of the worlds most repressive regimes,
such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey. ---- On March 28th, we'll be joining with a host of other
people, from members of faith groups to trade unionists, to confront those who profit from
death and abuse. If you want to take a stand, scroll down for the practical info, if you'd
like to know more first, read on for our DPRTE FAQ! ---- What is DPRTE? ---- DPRTE,
stands for Defence Procurement, Research, Technology & Exportability. I know, catchy
right? It brings together multinational arms companies, smaller companies involved in
research or production, and organisations that want to buy or help export weapons. It
first took place in 2012, and has happened almost every year since. The organisers often
like to claim ‘it isn't technically an arms fair!' as contracts aren't signed at the event
itself. No one really buys that though, even the police just call it an arms fair!
Every bomb that is dropped, every bullet that is fired, has to be made somewhere. Wherever
that is, it can be resisted.
Why oppose it?
The UK arms trade exists for two reasons. To make a bunch of already rich people richer,
and to allow our government to act tough in front of their international rivals. The cost
of this is immense. Perpetual war, something any rational person would want to avoid, is
quietly pushed for in order to drive up stock prices. The fires of conflict are kept
burning with the supply of British made weapons, regardless of the human cost. Brutal
regimes are kept in power by British missiles and aircraft. Business as usual for the arms
trade can be disrupted, if its profiteers are exposed and it's political supporters
challenged.
What about the economic benefits?
Whenever the UK's role in the international arms trade is brought up, there is talk about
the ‘job creation'. For most of us the human cost of these jobs is simply too high, even
those whose lively hood depend on them have in the past fought against the arming of
authoritarian regimes! Even if you only cared about income, once you factor in tax payer
funded subsidies, the government research handed over, and the free assistance and
promotion given by the civil service we pay more than £18,000 a year for every single one
of those jobs. Any sector would be successful with that backing, and the support could be
given to anything from education to environmental protection.
Protesters surround one entrance at Cardiff DPRTE
A History of Resistance to DPRTE - In Which They Run Away A Lot
In 2013 students at the University of the West of England (UWE) discovered an ‘exhibition'
being hosted on their Frenchay campus was in fact an arms fair. Anarchist Federation
members studying at UWE were amongst those who disrupted the set up, marched through
campus, blockaded the gates, and got inside the event itself. The day was a shambles, with
most of the arms dealers stuck in traffic. At this point DPRTE ran away to Cardiff.
A further four DPRTE events took place at Cardiff's Motorpoint arena. From the start they
encountered resistance, organised by Stop the Cardiff Arms Fair, South Wales Anarchists,
The Anarchist Action Network, Campaign Against the Arms Trade and more! Cardiff's DPRTE
events saw an occupied roof, red paint on their expensive suits, marches, communications
blockades and increasing numbers of protesters surrounding the venue for the entire day.
The police attempted to intimidate and arrest protesters at random, but this just led to
dropped charges, payouts for wrongful arrest, and an even more determined resistance. By
2018 the protest had grown much larger, aided by groups such as the Kurdish Solidarity
Network, and members of AFed from as far away as Cornwall. The arms fair was even being
condemned in the Welsh Assembly. At this point DPRTE ran away to Birmingham.
Putting some distance extra between DPRTE and the committed anti-arms activists of South
Wales and Bristol probably seemed like a good idea to the organisers. However a coalition
of people in Birmingham soon made it clear that there would be just as much trouble for
the event near their city. By the start of 2019 pressure was mounting on the venue and
local government, and packed out meetings representing unions, faith groups, anarchists
and others were putting plans in place for a number of demonstrations. At this point DPRTE
ran away to Farnborough.
Changing venue with little time to spare couldn't have been an easy (or cheap) decision
for the DPRTE organisers. In Farnborough perhaps they think they have made themselves ‘un
protestable', with a secure venue owned by the industry itself, nestled in between an air
field and the premises of arms companies. The creative, resourceful and committed movement
against them begs to differ. Do they have anywhere left to run?
The entrance to the DPRTE event at UWE
What you need to know!
The loose coalition of groups that has formed to confront DPRTE, is planning a static
protest near the entrances of the event. There will be a diverse mix of folks present, and
at these events it is common for small groups to launch their own actions throughout
proceedings. Keep an eye out if you want to support these, or of course plan your own.
The Arms Fair takes places for one day, Thursday the 28th of March. Most of the set up is
completed the night before, so delegates begin to arrive before 9am. This makes early
morning the key time for any protest that wants to make its presence known, and we'll be
kicking things off from 8.30am.
The venue itself - Farnborough International Exhibition & Conference Centre - has multiple
entrances, and prior experience tells us that if there is a protest at one, organisers may
attempt to hide this from attendees by instructing them to enter by a different entrance.
As such the location of the main bulk of the protest may vary, so make sure to check back
here just before the day, or keep in touch with Campaign Against the Arms Trade or
Birmingham Stop the Arms Fair. For now, aim to get to Queens Roundabout, Farnborough GU14 6AZ.
There are groups travelling to Farnborough from Bristol and Birmingham. If you would like
to join them contact Bristol Anarchist Federation or Birmingham Stop the Arms Fair. There
are several train stations near the venue, (Farnborough Main, Farnborough North,
Aldershot) with regular services from London Waterloo, Guilford and Reading. If you are
coming by car, you'll need the A325 which is off the M3 and A31. More travel details can
be found on the venues website, or by studying your online map of choice!
Unfortunately we can't control what the police do. Whilst it is completely legal to take
part in a static protest, the police will possibly see fit to give you trouble anyway.
This is a risk at any and all public protest, and we highly recommend you read up on your
legal rights, make sure you stick with a group of fellow protesters, and keep a look out
for each other.
We'll finish off by letting you know what you should bring. Beyond the basics for any day
outside (an extra layer of clothing, water, snacks), we want to be seen and heard. So
bring placards, banners, megaphones, loud voices, or quiet plans!
When: Thursday 28th March 8.30am onwards
Where: Farnborough International Exhibition & Conference Centre
Venue Info: farnboroughinternational.org/
Keep an eye on: Campaign Against the Arms Trade, Birmingham Stop the Arms Fair, and Stop
the Cardiff Arms Fair / Na i Ffair Arfau Caerdydd
Bristol Anarchist Federation are hosting an anti arms fair discussion and planning session
on Sunday the 3rd of March.
Campaign Against the Arms Trade are hosting two days of workshops building up towards
actions against DPRTE's bigger brother DSEI,. they take place on Saturday and Sunday the
9th and 10th of March in London.
http://afed.org.uk/chase-the-arms-dealers-join-us-on-march-28th/
------------------------------
Message: 4
The history of the Italian factory councils of 1920-1921 deserves to be more widely known
outside academic circles and revolutionary groups. That's why we have brought out this
cheap pamphlet. We believe that the events surrounding the factory councils should be
highlighted for a number of reasons. They point to alternative forms of organisation that
appear at times of revolutionary ferment and Outside of Turin the movement was
predominantly driven by Anarchists and Anarcho-syndicalists- something which our "friends"
the Leninists don't want you to know about. ---- Towards A Fresh Revolution- The Friends
of Durruti £3.00 ---- The May Days in Barcelona 1937 brought the Friends of Durruti group
to the fore as they fought to save the Spanish revolution from the attacks of the
Stalinists and the "anarchist " ministers. This pamphlet includes important texts from the
Friends of Durruti as well as an examination of their ideas and a look at their
membership. "The Friends of Durruti's analyses...link up with what could be described as
the libertarian communist pole in the realisation of a need for a specific revolutionary
organisation, developing a theory and programme. The balance sheet is by and large
positive-the Friends represent an important moment in the construction of libertarian
communism".
Land and Liberty. £1.00
The slogan ‘Land and Liberty' has long been an anarchist slogan. It is not surprising that
land is a key demand. Campaigning on land should be a priority for anarchists and all
those who would like to overthrow the current society.Land issues underlie so many other
issues, the environment, biodiversityfood, leisure and recreation, housing, work and
livelihood, and social and community spaces. This little pamphlet examines the
interconnections between these issues,
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2019/02/24/new-acg-pamphlets/
------------------------------
Message: 5
I'm moved! ---- "Anti-Zionism is one of the modern forms of anti-Semitism." It is luminous
! How did I not understand earlier? Thank you sir Macron, I am moved! ---- I believed, as
all historians say, that there had been in 1948-49 a premeditated ethnic cleansing of
800,000 Palestinians, with many war crimes and crimes against humanity. I thought Israel
had knowingly violated UN Resolution 194 on the return of refugees Palestinians at home
and destroyed hundreds of villages to erase traces of Palestine. ---- Thanks to you, I
know that such thinking is anti-Semitic. First, Palestinians, that does not exist. God
gave this land to the Jewish people who come in at home after 2000 years of exile. This
country was a land without people for a landless people, the Arabs are gone of their own
and IDF is the army the more moral of the world. As for the refugees, wanting their return
would doubt the legitimacy of the Jewish state and is therefore anti-Semitic. I 'm moved!
I naively believed that colonization was illegal, that the presence of violent settlers in
Hebron pouring their garbage into the Palestinian street and raising their children to
stall Palestinian school children under the eye The debonair of the soldiers who protect
them was an infamy. I thought the wall that scarred the West Bank had been condemned by
international justice. I believed that 850,000 Palestinians had been in prison for 50
years, that very young children were languishing there and torture was practiced there.
Thank you, Mr. Macron, for making me understand that such thoughts are Semitic. Israel is
the only democracy in the Middle East. She has the right to defend, since they are
terrorists who surround him and wish that the West Bank is "judenrein". Moreover, as
explained very aptly ---- Mr. Goldnadel, the Jews are at home in Judea and Samaria. It is
in Seine-Saint-Denis that there are settlements.
I'm moved!
I foolishly believed that Gaza was an airtight cage, by land, by sea and by air, where two
million people were withdrawn from the world. I thought that the blockade of Gaza and its
consequences (dramatic lack of water, electricity, medicines, basic necessities) was a
crime. He is seemed like the big waves of massacres against the people of Gaza were
horrors and that the images of soldiers shouting for joy after having mortally wounded
unarmed civilians deserved punishment.
You made me understand that such thoughts are anti-Semitic. Gaza is obviously led by ugly
bearded terrorists who want to throw the Jews to In Gaza, people use children as human
shields. The soldiers are forced to shoot to prevent an invasion and they are just getting
defend. Moreover, France has shown on every occasion its support for Israel. It's the
Israelis the victims and the rockets that leave Gaza are anti-Semites.
Thank you, Mr. Macron, although it is not always easy for you understand.
I 'm moved!
I thought superficially that with the law on "Israel-nation-state of the people
"apartheid" that had existed since 1948 had been legalized. Between the sea and the
Jordan, there are as many Israeli Jews as there are Palestinians. It seemed to me that the
fact that the former have everything (wealth, political and military power, the earth ...)
and that others have been fragmented into different statuses of domination belonged to
apartheid. It seemed to me that apartheid was considered a crime and that against him, the
boycott was advocated.
You helped me understand the anti-Semitic nature of such an assertion. Yes the villages of
the Bedouins of the Negev are destroyed, it is of course to help them to have houses in
hard. Elsewhere. We bring them progress. If the Arab is not official language is so that,
in a Jewish state, the Arabs speak the language of the country is progressive.
How did I not think about it?
Thank you, Mr. Macron, I abjure.
I deeply believed that the racist, fascist and anti-Semitic friendships of Mr. Netanyahu
with the Zionist Christians or with Mr. Orban reflected the true nature of the Israeli
leadership. These dating reminded of old events: Theodor Herzl explaining to leaders
anti-Semites of Europe that he had the same goal as them, to drive the Jews out Europe.
Ben Gurion signing in 1933 with Nazi Germany the agreements of Haavara (transfer of German
Jews to Palestine) or Yitzhak Shamir collaborating during the Second World War by
murdering British soldiers.
You made me understand that such thoughts are anti-Semitic since you yourself have a
friend of a Bétar elder, Mr. Kalifat (President of the CRIF) and that you give "dear Bibi"
to Mr. Netanyahu, even when he just asserted that "Hitler did not want to kill the Jews,
and that's the great mufti of Jerusalem who blew him the idea. " These people are doing
everything to save Zionism, it is anti-Semitic to criticize them.
I 'm moved!
Son of a Resistance Manouchian Group tortured by the French police, I did not understand
what anti-Semitism is. Thanks again sir Macron to have explained it to me. And at the same
time to have made me understand what can not be a gypsy boxer.
I 'm moved!
Pierre Stambul
------------------------------
Message: 6
The Italian Anarchist Federation writes on why it will be mobilising for the global strike
initiative on March 8th, amid an atmosphere of reaction which has been driving repressive
reforms. ---- The Italian Anarchist Federation supports the general feminist strike that
will mark March 8th in many countries of the world. ---- Rather than being any mere ritual
and done out of purely testimonial logic, the strike is a necessary moment of rupture to
reinforce and highlight the struggle against all forms of discrimination, against all
forms of domination that would subject our lives and our bodies. ---- Today more than
ever, reactionary forces are raging against those who claim freedom and self-determination
through initiatives and political measures under the banner of sexism and "defending the
family" - the actions of a patriarchal culture rooted and constantly renewed through its
roots in and benefit to the logics of exploitation.
Wage differences for the same job, unemployment, underemployment, precariousness, cuts in
social spending. The social war strongly attacks women by reducing their economic autonomy
and exalting the role of the family as the best method of survival. A family that rests on
the consolidation of traditional roles, on sexist morality, on hierarchy, on the
subordination of women. A family that, the chronicles and the statistics offer us
merciless testimony, is the first place of violence. This is the traditional family that
is so dear to priests, fascists and all those who want to impose, as well as poverty, even
total control of lives and choices.
The family is the fortress around which these forces continually re-found a hierarchical
and exclusive social and political order. On the left, as on the right, from those who
would like it extended to homosexual couples to those who want it modeled on the "sacred"
family. "An institution that is a guarantee of stability for governments.
Familial sexism is the common denominator of many measures and interventions undertaken by
the Italian government: from the citizenship income welfare scheme, and similar schemes,
which operate on a family basis, to the budget laws applied to rural families; from the
review of maternity leave, to the Pillon Bill to fight divorce; from the disinvestment on
anti-violence centers to the closure of the consultors, to attacks on abortion.
Measures and processes that, in large part, the previous governments have anticipated and
initiated and which now, with the current government, are being expressed in particularly
reactionary and repressive terms. Now more than ever it is necessary to develop a lucid
and attentive debate that tackles the issues of the question and individuals, in addition
to the articulations of oppression and the strategies that make it possible to overcome
them, even the contradictions that patriarchal culture can nurture in the sphere of our
relations.
Today more than ever it is necessary to support the struggles and the self-managed
experiences that want to counteract the sexist policies and affirm the practices of freedom.
For these reasons, as anarchists, we will be present in the streets of the eighth of March.
8th March Working Group of the Italian Anarchist Federation
https://freedomnews.org.uk/italian-anarchists-for-the-general-womens-strike
------------------------------
Message: 7
We share below, in translation, a text that appears on the portuguese website, Portal
Anarquista, marking the one hundredth anniversary of the anarchist newspaper, A Batalha.
We do so for the newspaper's historical significance, as a testimony to a tradition in
anarchism of publishing as an intrinsic part of political struggle. ---- With numerous and
violent interruptions throughout its history, A Batalha is today among the continent's
oldest anarchist newspapers. ---- A Batalha: 100 years of struggle for a world without
exploited and exploiters, without oppressed and oppressors! ---- The 23rd of February
marks the centenary anniversary of the first number of the newspaper A Batalha, "voice of
the organised worker" and from September of 1919, date of the foundation of the CGT, organ
of the anarcho-syndicalist labour union. Alexandre Vieira, tipograhper, was its first
director.
Alexandre Vieira
For 8 years - until the 26th of May of 1927, the date of the last legally published
edition - it will be a daily newspaper, firm in the defense of workers' rights and voice
of the necessity of a social revolution that will establish a society without exploitation
and oppression. It is estimated that its circulation will be in the order of 20-25
thousand copies daily, being the third (sometimes the second) most widely sold newspaper,
after the Século and the Diário de Notícias
During this period, A Batalha saw on many occasions its offices invaded by the police,
editions seized and its journalists arrested, but it will continue to publish until the
27th of May of 1927, when the police invade its head office (on the Calçada do Combro, in
Lisbon), ransack and destroy all the equipment, after which the newspaper is prohibited.
Its last principal editor is Mário Castelhano, who years later, will die in Tarrafal.
Mário Castelhano
MBetween December of 1923 and January of 1927, A Batalha also published a literary and
illustrated supplement where many of the most noteworthy intellectuals, writers and
journalists of the time collaborated (see below).
Though independent of the newspaper, between the 2nd of July of 1925 and the 15th of June
of 1926, the bi-weekly magazine Renovação, sub-titled Revista Quinzenal de Arte,
Literatura, e Actualidades, was also published. It belonged to the workers' newspaper A
Batalha, and was closely tied to the ideals of anarchism, defending the revolutionary
sindicalism advocated by the Confederação Geral do Trabalho (C.G.T.). Many of its
collaborators also collaborated on the Batalha and, among them can be found important 20th
century literary figures of the country, such as Ferreira de Castro, Rocha Martins, Emílio
Costa, Julião Quintinha, Ladislau Batalha, Mário Domingues, Augusto Pinto, Nogueira de
Brito, Jaime Brasil, Bento Faria, David de Carvalho, Eduardo Frias, Cristiano Lima,
including illustrations by Stuart Carvalhaes and Roberto Nobre.
During fascism, A Batalha was published for long periods in the decades of the decades of
the 1930's and 40's, in clandestine printing shops (namely, in a cave in the Lisbon
neighbourhood of Alcântara), calling for the re-organisation of militant revolutionary
syndicalists and anarchists in the struggle against the Salazar regime. In the National
Library, there is a record of the following clandestine editions: nº 1, Apr. 1934- a nº
10, Jul. 1937; nº esp. Dec. 1944; nº 1, Jan. 1946 a nº 21, Dec. 1949.
A Batalha - III Série (clandestina) Abril de 1934 (jornal)
A Batalha - III Série (clandestina) Maio de 1934(jornal)
A Batalha (clandestina) Junho de 1935 (jornal)
A Batalha (clandestina) Junho de 1935 (2 folhas por página)
A Batalha - IV Série (clandestina) Junho de 1937 (jornal)
A Batalha (clandestina) Dezembro de 1944 (jornal)
A Batalha V Série (clandestina) - Nº 2 de Novembro de 1946 (jornal)
A Batalha - V Série (clandestina) nº 19 de Agosto de 1949 (jornal)
A Batalha - V Série (clandestina) ) nº 21 de Dezembro de 1949 (jornal)
A Batalha began to appear legally once again after the 25th of April of 1974, at the
initiative of a group of militant anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists, headed by Emídio
Santana and other old activists of the CGT (some of them had also been responsible for
some of the clandestine editions of the newspaper). The first edition of the new series of
A Batalha came out in September of 1974 as a bi-weekly, with Emídio Santana as its
director, becoming then a monthly, and today it is published every two months, with João
Santiago as director, no longer as an anarcho-syndicalist or revolutionary syndicalist
newspaper, but a newspaper of anarchist expression.
In the period after the 25th of April, A Batalha had its head office, just after the
military coup, on Angelina Vidal Street, in the Graça neighbourhood, moving then to D.
Carlos I Ave., in São Bento, and, later to Álvares Cabral Ave., near the Largo do Rato.
Currently, its office is located in the Olivais neighbourhood of Lisbon.
On this anniversary, it is important to emphasise the necessity of making available the
totality of the A Batalha collection between 1919 and 1927 (already digitalised by the
National Library), along with the clandestine editions, on the internet, to all activists
and researchers. It is a common heritage, fruit of the labour and dynamic of many men and
women, and not something to be restricted to a half-dozen academics.
https://anarchistnews.org/content/celebrating-anniversary-100-years-anarchist-newspaper-batalha
------------------------------
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