Anarchic update news all over the world - 16.04.2019

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Britain, Class War INVADE SONNING (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #293 - Antipatriarcat,
      Bordeaux: A feminist tag ? Three cops on the back ! (fr, it,
      pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  US, black rose fed - VOCES LIBERTARIAS: THE ECONOMIC,
      POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DISCOURSE OF PUERTO 
      RICAN ANARCHISM, 1900 -
      1917 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Britain, AFED: A new look for Organise! magazine - issue 91
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  [Portugal] The Second Anarchist Bookfare in Porto is coming
      By ANA (pt) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  Brazil, luta fob [FOB-DF]: Local committees of the SIGA
      carry out actions in neighborhoods in the National Days Against
      the Reform of the Social Security (pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  London Anarchist Communists [ACG]: 17 Robinson Road demo --
      Members of London ACG will be supporting this tomorrow
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





WHILE THE REST OF US SUFFER FROM CUTS, AUSTERITY, UNIVERSAL CREDIT.......MAY LIVES A 
DREAMY LIFE IN POSH SONNING UNTOUCHED BY ANY HARDSHIP
NO LONGER - CLASS WAR WILL INVADE SONNING WEEKEND OF THE HENLEY REGATTA- JUST DOWN THE 
ROAD - BRING THE CLASS WAR HOME
JULY 6th-7th

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3692795/Move-Chipping-Norton-Wall-wall-celebrities-English-Stilton-cheese-new-PM-lives-village-exclusive-makes-Dave-s-Oxfordshire-enclave-look-common.html

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Message: 2






On March 8th in Bordeaux, an unmixed march was held at the invitation of the March 8th 
Gironde Collective. This peaceful demonstration for Women's Rights Day was repressed by 
multiple police arrests and violence. ---- They were a little more than 800 demonstrators 
from the rendezvous given on the Place de la Victoire. That's a little more than 600 
people more than in previous events. This festive event denounced sexual and sexual 
violence while moving towards the Saint-Michel district, the Victor-Hugo course through 
Grosse-Cloche, Camille-Jullian etc. Already men were coming to explain to women what was " 
  true feminism "Or insulted them because for them, this March 8, it was difficult to move 
in the streets because of the presence of the procession. Yet it is the reality of what 
women live every day, forced to make detours, to push themselves. One of them explains to 
us that before the police violence began, it was the first time in two years that she felt 
safe on the streets of a city at night.

At first, the weak police presence was quickly contrasted by the presence of dogs which 
according to some demonstrators were intended to intimidate them. The demonstration was 
peaceful and joyful when around 21:45, at the tail of the procession, a protester who was 
about to tag was violently extracted by three police officers who strangled her and 
dragged several meters. Without warning or reason, a police officer threw a de-encircling 
grenade that injured two protesters, one of whom had to be taken to the hospital while 
others lost hearing for several hours. The police kicked the woman into the police truck 
with kicks while others used tear gas or held the protesters with their LBDs.

After the march resumed its festive journey, the protesters went to ask for the release of 
the detainee who was released. The police followed the procession preventing its planned 
dispersal on the "  Parvis des droits des femmes  " which was blocked by a wall of 
helmeted police, equipped with shields and dogs. This forced the demonstrators to disperse 
further.

The police then followed at least one small group of women returning home. For this group 
were mobilized four cars and eight policemen in plain clothes, armed with LBD and 
accompanied by malinois. Without any reason three people were violently arrested 
arbitrarily at midnight in front of the Musée d'Aquitaine. One of them was apprehended by 
two policemen and a dog and another slapped. The few people who also left the 
demonstration and tried to support the detainees were insulted and abused especially when 
the dogs excited by the police were sent to contact them. The three women arrested were 
taken to the police station from where they left the next day at 19h.

On 8 March in Bordeaux, women demonstrated for the right to move freely in the streets, 
day and night, against harassment, sexist and sexual aggression. The rule of law police, 
so dear to this government, have, as usual, responded by force. The repression of the 
March 8 non-mixed march shows that police violence is now systemic.

The symbol is strong, women were beaten, humiliated, arrested by men in the service of the 
state because they tried to reclaim the public space. In the face of these intimidation 
attempts, the demonstrators continued the night march, while remaining in solidarity with 
the police.

This non-mixed march on International Women's Rights Day reminds us that we can not let 
this government and its puppets exploit women's struggles. Just as we must fight against 
their instrumentalization of LGBTQI + and anti-racist struggles. Make no mistake, the 
violence of Macronian capitalism is at the height of that of its forces of order. This 
capitalism which precarious women especially remains fixed in its patriarchal reflexes. It 
is for these reasons that the reappropriation of the street must be done by women for 
women. We support the complaint filed by the victim of this police violence with the help 
of CLAP33, Family Planning 33 and Collective March 8 Gironde. We condemn this patriarchal 
violence and demand the abandonment of all prosecutions.

AL Gironde

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Bordeaux-Un-tag-feministe-Trois-flics-sur-le-dos

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Message: 3






Cover image from "Voces libertarias: Los orígenes del anarquismo en Puerto Rico."
Puerto Rico continues to remain a colonial territory of the United States since it's 
military invasion and occupation in 1898 but the rich history of working class and left 
movements on the island are often little known within the US left. We are excited to 
publish this essay, which appears courtesy of Theory In Action journal, on Puerto Rican 
anarchism in conjunction with an interview with Jorell on From Below Podcast episode 
"Anarchism and Socialism in Puerto Rico." ---- By Jorell Meléndez-Badillo ---- This essay 
intends to shed some light on the discourses elaborated by the anarchists in Puerto Rico 
at the turn of the twentieth century. The period was characterized by an accelerated 
change in the means of production, caused by the US invasion and that set forth a complex 
situation for the ascendant working class. It is in this context that local anarchists 
developed native ideological postures from outside official intellectual circles. We will 
analyze their intellectual production in order to determine how these individuals tried to 
shape their own identity while creating transnational bonds with anarchists from the 
Caribbean, America, and Europe.

Over the past several years a debate has erupted inside international libertarian 
intellectual circles concerning the origins of anarchism. Many recent thinkers, such as 
George Woodcock and Peter Marshall, would agree with their predecessor Max Nettlau that 
the "history of the anarchist idea is inseparable from progressive developments and the 
aspiration towards liberty" (Nettlau 1977: 13). This view traces Anarchism's origin to 
thinkers such as Lao-Tse[607 b.c.], Zenón[342- 270 b.c.]and Carpócrates[II century], 
(Marshall 2008: 53; Cuevas Noa 2003: 43). On the other hand we find the position of 
Michael Schmidt and Lucien van der Walt, whose book Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class 
Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism proposes Anarchism's origins in the context of the 
modern working class and the radical socialist movement of the First International in the 
1860s (Schmidt & van der Walt 2009: 34).

Anarchism was not immutable. It expanded throughout the globe in a cosmopolitan manner, 
while maintaining a core ideological framework. It is through this migratory process that 
anarchism will contain particularities according to the geographical space in which it 
develops. If we accept the thesis of the unequal development of nations, we must then 
affirm that anarchism cannot be analyzed as a mere concrete material product that travels 
from one place to the other but as an ideology subordinated to the space in which it is 
created.

The situation of the Puerto Rican working class throughout the first two decades of the 
twentieth century could be considered one of vast complexity. Even though there was a 
display of class-consciousness, materialized through various organizations based on 
solidarity and mutual aid during the last three decades of the nineteenth century, it was 
not until 1899 that the first labor syndicate was organized in Puerto Rico. The material 
conditions were changing rapidly with the proletarization of the majority of the Puerto 
Rican workers because of a change in the modes of production, caused by the entrance of 
U.S. capitalism in the local economy since 1898. It is because of this situation that the 
most progressive sectors inside the working class elaborated discourses based on their 
analysis of various foreign ideologies. They wanted to comprehend their historical reality 
and guide it through responses or alternatives to the official discourse of the State and 
the organizations that were supposed to look out for their interests. It is in this 
context that anarchist ideas start to propagate throughout the island.

Since we cannot talk about labor organizations managed by individuals adhering to the 
anarchist ideology, as in the cases, for example, of Spain's C.N.T. or Argentina's 
F.O.R.A, we argue that anarchism was not a homogeneous ideal inside the Puerto Rican 
working class as would be the cases in different historical contexts-not only in the 
places mentioned, but on a global level. On the other hand, the leadership of the Free 
Workers' Federation (F.L.T. for its acronym in Spanish), which was the only syndicate 
during the period studied, gravitated towards the reformist ideas of trade unionism put 
forward by the American Federation of Labor. Nevertheless, we need to point out the fact 
that there were workers inside the ranks of the F.L.T., who could be considered part of 
the second sphere of the organization, who sympathized with libertarian ideas, such as 
José Ferrer y Ferrer, Luisa Capetillo, and Ramón Romero Rosa. We also need to mention the 
individuals of the base of the organization, who belonged to a great variety of 
occupations such as shoemakers, typographers, and cigar makers. The latter is where 
anarchism penetrated deeply as rank-and-file workers put anarchist ideas into practice in 
factories and other workplaces.

Puerto Rican anarchists relied on a vast quantity of literary propaganda. Several of the 
foreign books were sold at the local union buildings, in meetings, and through mail. This 
literature was spread through at least two distributing houses such as Germinal and La 
Reforma Social which provided service for the whole island. The circulation of these books 
and pamphlets presupposes a transnational contact with anarchists from different parts of 
the Caribbean, Latin America, and Europe and lets us appreciate the materialization of the 
internationalist idea advocated by anarchism. Not only did they send books but they also 
shared writings, letters, and ideas. In one occasion, the periodical Voz Humana was 
suffering from economic hardships caused by striking tobacco workers in Caguas. In 
response, international publications such as ¡Tierra! in Cuba provided Voz Humana with 
economic aid. This action not only demonstrates solidarity between anarchists on an 
international level but it demonstrates the great esteem and respect the foreign 
anarchists felt towards their Puerto Rican comrades.

Nonetheless, it would be an error to affirm that anarchism was a product imported from 
abroad as if it was mere physical merchandise. Instead, we could argue that the 
individuals adhering to anarchism in Puerto Rico elaborated a native discourse. Even 
though it is true that their ideas were developed through the lecture and analysis of 
foreign anarchist intellectuals-most of them Europeans translated to Spanish through 
Spain, which were then exported to the Caribbean-their immediate historical conditions 
forced them to transform these ideas according to their daily practices. This led them to 
elaborate their own narratives on contemporary topics such as marriage, war, exploitation, 
and free love, from an anarchist perspective.

Puerto Rican anarchists were hopeful about the future and believed in the anarchist ideal 
as a mechanism to change it in their favor. In relation to this Juan José López called on 
the exploited to "go on and tell our brothers to hold on tight to the redemptory lines of 
Anarchy, which brings us a clear path, new days, more space, more light, more teachings, 
more realities, more hope, with a life of love and harmony, a life of lullabies and 
melodies, life of collective sciences, without the monopolies of instructive schools, with 
free rational and humane learning, without mystical ideas, without vane ideas..." (López 
1910: 10). And even though they demonstrated hope in the process they maintained the idea 
that it shouldn't be considered utopian because, as Luisa Capetillo argued, "everything 
that is assured for the future, no matter its nature, is utopian" (Capetillo 1992: 73).

Nonetheless, they recognized, as established by Venancio Cruz, that the actual situation 
was created by "the fatal bourgeois philosophy that was conceived in unbalanced minds" and 
instituted "politics as a vengeful and severe tribunal, trading the most sacred liberties 
and oppressing the people under its fierce iron hand" (Cruz 1904: 10-11). This led them to 
consider, as expressed by Fra Filipo in the newspaper Voz Humana, "no, it's not in the 
heart of the political parties where we should look for our regeneration, emancipation, 
and development in all orders of life. We need to go to the heart of the workers' 
organizations." (Filipo 1906: 3). This is of crucial importance when we consider the fact 
that the F.L.T. organized a political party in 1900 in order to take their battle into the 
political spectrum. The radical workers had a double discourse in relation to this 
argument. Some advocated non-cooperation while others argued they needed a variety of 
tactics, including a workers' party. The anarchists also thought "the proletarian is 
actually in the condition to fight for his liberty, if he makes the most of the 
opportunity in...class struggle...By giving up the slave-like conditions it is his duty to 
fight relentlessly, opposing the actual institutions with heroic resistance through his 
SYNDICALIST and REVOLUTIONARY unions. (Dieppa 1915: 11-12).

Despite their strong rhetoric, they weren't able to elaborate a coherent discourse around 
how to create that process in Puerto Rico. We should point out that Ángel María Dieppa's 
words cited above were published in 1915, the year in which the Partido Socialista (P.S.) 
was established. The P.S., unlike its predecessor-the 1900s Partido Obrero Socialista- 
tried to hegemonize socialist thought not only inside the syndicate but also across the 
political spectrum. This was a huge blow for the anarchists because they did not enjoy the 
sympathy of the leaders of F.L.T. nor of the Socialist Party. In fact they were constantly 
under physical and verbal attack from both the State and the reformists inside the labor 
movement.

We also need to point out that, in contrast to what has been presented in the official 
Puerto Rican historiography, the anarchists at the turn of the century were conscious of 
their immediate historical reality; launched harsh criticisms against the democracy that 
was promoted by the politicians, the bourgeoisie, and the State; and distrusted the 
changes imposed by the new metropolis that was established after the North American 
invasion of Puerto Rico in 1898. With regard to republics, they argued that "it doesn't 
matter all the effort they put into trying to appear democratic and liberal...it is the 
same as the monarchy and the empire, it is authority, goddamn authority which in some 
places is called republic, in others empire and in others monarchy. It is a crime in 
disguise" (López 191[?]: 19). And it is through examples of the repressive mechanism used 
against the workers and anarchists of the United States that Juan José López elaborated 
his criticism. He mentions cases such as the Chicago Martyrs, the killing of women in 
Colorado, the assassination of tobacco workers in Tampa, and the unceasing harassment of 
the Industrial Workers of the World and the Magón brothers (López, 191[?], 22). They also 
criticized local workers who adopted a false discourse of liberty under the flag of the 
United States, which lets us appreciate their consciousness in relation to the colonial 
status of the island. Along the same lines, while in March 1916 various anarchists such as 
Jean Grave, Carlos Malato, Elisée Reclus and Piotr Kropotkin signed a manifesto backing 
the allies during the First World War, in Puerto Rico Juan José López in Puerto Rico 
attacked this posture severely through his writings (López, 191[?]).

Puerto Rican anarchists saw religion as one of the worst evils tormenting the workers and 
as the root of social discord. This is of the utmost importance when we consider the fact 
that Puerto Rico had a deeply Catholic government that was established by the Spanish 
monarchy in 1508 and lasted up until the invasion of the United States (which did not 
abolish it but instead opened up the island as fresh new ground for other Protestant 
religions). These conditions made a huge impact on how the average Puerto Rican 
constructed his social imaginary and interpreted his immediate reality. Even though the 
radicals elaborated a very forceful anticlerical discourse, it was not shared by all of 
the local anarchists. For example, in 1901, José Ferrer y Ferrer, under the pseudonym of 
Rabachol, wrote an article in the newspaper La Miseria which exalted the figure of Satan 
who "enjoyed a free and emancipated life" when he rebelled against God (an echo of 
Bakuninist rhetoric). Luisa Capetillo, in contrast, created a discourse that defended 
Spiritualism, while Juan José López, writing from a materialist perspective, lashed out 
against any type of idea coming from a spiritual standpoint.

The anarchists also formulated critical positions in relation to prostitution, arguing 
that this practice, according to Braulio López, "is not an instinct nor an inheritance. It 
is produced by the force of circumstances: it is the daughter of social conditions" 
(Braulio López 1901: 1). This led them to see prostitutes, not as women filled with lust, 
but as exploited workers whose conditions compelled them to sell their bodies, making them 
comrades in the struggle. Marriage, on the other hand, constituted legalized prostitution. 
Venancio Cruz expressed himself on the topic by arguing: "it was historical justice, in 
order to set his predominance and to exercise more influence in the popular masses that 
led man to invent marriage" which "condemned two beings to a living lock-up, wanting to 
reduce their lives to a simple room, taking them away from the current of solidarity, 
blinding their eyes to reason so they could not enjoy themselves in the greatness of life, 
subjugating them like two slaves so they cannot rebel..." (Cruz 1904: 48).

As we have seen, Puerto Rican anarchists created various discourses in order to comprehend 
their immediate reality. Even though much of these ideas responded to mere interpretations 
of international currents and debates, others, as mentioned above, were native discourses 
dictated by their historical conditions. We need to remember that even though the working 
class was going through a complicated process of proletarization which altered their 
relations towards the modes of production, they also were trying to understand the changes 
in their social relations caused by the invasion of the United States, massive migrations 
outside of the island, natural catastrophes, and other complexities of the life in early 
twentieth-century Puerto Rico. It is for this reason that we affirm, without hesitation, 
that we cannot talk about a common homogeneous anarchist ideal even in a limited 
geographical context such as the Caribbean.

Jorell Meléndez-Badillo is a historian and assistant professor at Dartmouth College 
focusing on the global circulation of radical ideas from the standpoint of working-class 
intellectual communities in the Caribbean and Latin America.

This article was first published in Theory in Action, Vol 5, No 4, October 2012, a journal 
of the Transformative Studies Institute. Reprinted by permission.

References
Periodicals:

Filipo, Fra. "Nuestro deber", Voz Humana, September 30, 1906.
López, Braulio. "La prostitución", La Miseria, March 20, 1901.
Books:

Cruz, Venancio. Hacia el porvenir. San Juan, Puerto Rico: Tipografía La República 
Española, 1904.
Cuevas Noa, Jose, Francisco José. Anarquismo y educación: La propuesta sociopolítica de la 
pedagogía libertaria. Madrid, Spain: Fundación de Estudios Libertarios Anselmo Lorenzo, 2003.
Dieppa, Ángel María. El porvenir de la sociedad humana. Puerta de Tierra, Puerto Rico: 
Tipografía El Eco, 1915.
López, Juan José. Voces libertarias. San Juan, Puerto Rico: Tipografía La Bomba.
Marshall, Peter. Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. Oakland: PM Press, 2008.
Nettlau, Max. La anarquía a través de los tiempos. Barcelona, Spain: Ediciones Jucar,
Ramos, Julio. Amor y anarquía: Los escritos de Luisa Capetillo. Río Piedras, Puerto Rico: 
Ediciones Huracán, 1992.
Schmidt, Michael and Lucien Van der Walt. Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of 
Anarchism and Syndicalism. Oakland, AK Press, 2009.

http://blackrosefed.org/voces-libertarias-puerto-rican-anarchism/

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Message: 4





Organise! magazine is out for Ides of March 2019 with some 90 pages and for the first time 
it's colour throughout, with a lovely spine. Organise! 91 is free to download[PDF size 
90MB]but please consider supporting us by buying a print issue or donating via Patreon. 
---- NEW: Support Organise! http://patreon.com/Organise ---- Buy print copies from Freedom 
Press: https://freedompress.org.uk/product/organise-magazine-91/ ---- More AF press in 
print: https://dogsection.bigcartel.com/category/anarchist-federation ---- Contents: ---- 
Theory and Analysis ---- Who's Arming Turkey? ---- Brexit and Workers - What's the score? 
---- The Scare Cycle - Moral panics and national elections ---- How Does It Hurt? - 
Re-imagining violence outside of capitalism ---- How To Hack Into Bus Stop Advertising 
Spaces ---- International ---- The Yellow Vests: Statement by Fédération Anarchiste
An interview with the Bangladesh Anarcho-Syndicalist Federation
Statement From Brazilian Women Against Fascism UK
The Anti-Worker' Party Rage In Brazil: Progressive or Reactionary?

Knowledge Exchange
Getting A Crew Together
Secure Your Comms
Getting Social
The Principles Of Anarchism - Lucy Parsons

Culture
Chav Solidarity (plus Review)
Social Depravity - Ritchie Smith
An Interview with The Decolonial Atlas

Review Section
Burn After Reading
Red And Black Gamers

Comics
Super Happy Anarcho Fun Pages
Assigned Male
Sidewalk Bubblegum

Announcements
North Earth Anarchist Group
Anarchist Party
Feed The Population
Stop The Arms Fair
Green Anti-Capitalist Front - A Letter To XR

Spring 2019 issue of the venerable Anarchist Federation magazine. With the headline title 
"Unity is Strength" and a smooth-looking redesign, Afed has clearly put resources into 
making a high-quality production at half the price of comparable paid-fors.
http://organisemagazine.org.uk

https://nottsblackarrow.wordpress.com/2019/04/12/a-new-look-for-organise-magazine-issue-91/

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Message: 5





The II Anarchist Bookfare will take place between April 25 and 28, 2019, at CSA Gralha, in 
Oporto. ---- In a context marked by the growing capitalization of the city, the 
maintenance of economic, intellectual and artistic oligarchies, structural inequalities 
and institutionalization of social struggles, EAL 2019 will be a space for critical 
thinking and (self) reflection, anti-authoritarian ideas and practices, self-managed 
exchange of know-how and knowledge, the visualization of collaborative and autonomous 
projects that refuse to be part of the capitalist circuit of book and book production, as 
well as for the preservation of historical memory and reinforcement of affinity networks.
In this second edition, we will address the different modalities of the imprisonment 
structures of the state and capital that continue to appropriate, exclude and kill 
(symbolically and / or materially) certain bodies: women imprisoned by the prison 
industrial complex, trapped at the gates of Europe Fortaleza, those of the nonhuman 
animals exploited in the agro-animal industries. We will try to know better the movement 
of the Yellow Vests, which emerged at the end of 2018, through the lenses of the 
companions of the Francophone Anarchist Federation. We will also talk about the weaknesses 
of "democratic sovereignties" and the imperialist / neo-extractive voracity of the 
so-called economic powers in the global South, focusing specifically on the impact of fake 
news on deepening the crisis in Venezuela. We will have a moment of meeting and active 
listening on health care for companions in anti-authoritarian struggles, in order to 
stimulate self-knowledge, autonomy of bodies, respect and solidarity. Our proposals for 
EAL 2019 also include the presentation of books that bring us back to historical memory, a 
DYI / FTM binding workshop and concerts. It will be attended by over twenty bookstore, 
publisher and distributor banks.

Once again, we hope to bring together, share and foster processes of social, communal, 
political and economic resistance and combativeness. Neoliberal capitalism continues to 
undermine the possibilities for self-determination, the extension of neocolonial projects, 
the unchallenged whiteness that manifests itself in different forms of oppression (racism, 
islamophobia, gypsyphobia and xenophobia), and the renewal of fascism and the extension of 
the extreme right, the maintenance of cisheteropatrial structures, police repression, the 
suppression / precarization / mercantilization of human and animal life, among others.

We do not lack for reasons, nor our need and will to resist are exhausted. We continue to 
resist here and sympathize with urban movements against gentrification and the right to 
housing and the city; the fight against gas exploitation, fracking and pollution of the 
Tagus River; the anti-consumption and food sovereignty projects; repopulation of rural 
areas; the creation of eco-villages and the popular struggles against eucalyptus; the 
production of alternative media; the multiplication of Zones A Defender (ZAD) and 
autonomous and self-managed spaces. We also do not forget the indigenous movements; the 
experience of Rojava; the Palestinian resistance against the Israeli occupation; the 
struggles against Bolsonaro; anti-racist struggles; peasant resistance against 
agribusiness; the anti-fascist movement; queer and transfeminist resistances; the growing 
anti-specter movement; the fight against the primacy of technology and the idea of 
progress, among many others.

There is no social transformation without self-management, mutual support, autonomy and 
radicalism. Let us dare to reflect, let us dare to fight!

>> Complete program here:

https://encontroanarquistadolivro.noblogs.org/post/2019/03/25/223/

anarchist-ana news agency

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Message: 6





Classical Media Network - Federal District (RMC / FOB) ---- Panfletagem in Ceilândia. ---- 
On 05 and 06 April, the Federation of Brazilian Revolutionary Trade Union Organizations 
(FOB) convened around the country actions of agitation, propaganda, debates and 
mobilizations against the Social Security Reform Bolsonaro (PSL) and in defense of a major 
strike general, combative and by the base. ---- The Autonomous General Union (SIGA-DF), 
newly founded in the federal capital , mobilized its bases organized in the Local 
Committees to join the national day of struggle. Actions were carried out in the Gama, 
Planaltina, Ceilândia and Pilot Plan, where affiliated comrades and supporters joined 
forces to glue posters on the Range and Panflet at the Ceilândia Fair, Road of the Pilot 
Plan, Road of the Surroundings and Planaltina Road. The actions had a great reception of 
the workers who stopped to talk and express their indignation against the pension reform, 
the government and the rich, as well as to better understand the proposal of the 
revolutionary syndicalism.

Panfletagem in Planaltina.

The National Days of Struggle were also a counterpoint to the paralysis and cowardice of 
the social-democratic and conservative trade union centrals (CUT, CTB, FS, NCST, etc.) 
false "workers' representatives." For the union bureaucracy the general strike can only be 
done by decree, defining a day from inside the cabinets, from top to bottom. Within this 
conception the unions, associations and grassroots social movements must be "waiting for a 
miracle", passive, waiting for the moment to obey orders. This is how the DF bureaucrats 
act and profess, accumulating a shameful list of defeats, incompetence and union 
authoritarianism. For revolutionary syndicalism it is quite the opposite: the general 
strike must be built by the bases, in each neighborhood and place of work, converging the 
strikes and private struggles and not denying them, expressing the consciousness, the 
revolt and the combativeness of the working class to face and defeat the enemies of the 
people. SIGA-DF and FOB do not want an "improved pension reform", they do not want 
promises for the next elections, they want the complete defeat of the Pension Reform and 
all attacks on the working and exploited people.

The national days of struggle in the Federal District were another important moment in the 
organization and struggle developed by the companions and companions of SIGA and FOB. The 
local committees of revolutionary syndicalism go step by step to life, joining the forces 
of the neighborhoods, the various branches of labor and the segregated peripheries of the 
federal capital, building with their feet on the ground the territories in resistance.

BUILD THE GENERAL STRIKE AGAINST POVERTY REFORM!

REBUILDING THE REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM IN EACH NEIGHBORHOOD, PLACE OF WORK AND STUDY!

Read the  SIGA Manifesto
Know the  SIGA Statute
Contact us:  fob-df@protonmail.com
Visit our page on facebook:  FOB-DF
Visit our section on the FOB  website: SIGA website

https://lutafob.wordpress.com/2019/04/11/fob-df-comites-locais-do-siga-realizam-agitacao-e-propaganda-em-bairros-nos-dias-nacionais-contra-a-reforma-da-previdencia/

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Message: 7





Dear all,  a couple of months ago, we held protests outside 17 Robinson Road, Bethnal 
Green, a family home intended for social rent that Peabody Housing Association was 
planning to sell-off.  Under pressure, they withdrew the sale, but they're trying again, 
at an on-line auction on 16th April. We have re-launched the campaign to stop this 
scandal. Please see leaflet attached, which is gaining a lot of interest from local 
people, particularly those in housing need. ---- ANOTHER PROTEST HAS BEEN ARRANGED OUTSIDE 
17 ROBINSON ROAD THIS FRIDAY ---- MORNING, FROM 8AM.  Please try to get there if you can 
and share this with your network. ---- We are also, once again, encouraging people to 
express their anger directly to Peabody by emailing Bob Kerslake (chair of Peabody) - 
kerslakeb@parliament.uk and also Brendan Sarsfield (boss of Peabody) -
brendan.sarsfield@peabody.org.uk, with a copy to the Mayor of Tower
Hamlets - Mayor@towerhamlets.gov.uk

https://londonacg.blogspot.com/2019/04/17-robinson-road-demo.html

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