Anarchic update news all over the world - 6.04.2019

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Poland, Workers Initiative: Strikes and union activities are
      not criminal crimes! Freedom for Aldo Milani [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Britain, Red and Black Leeds: "Give Me My Job Back, Say
      Sorry, and Don't Do It Again" - Interview With A Worker Sacked
      For Being Trans (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 3.  US, black rose fed: A FEMINIST MOVEMENT TO END CAPITALISM,
      PART II: BETWEEN THE FEMINIST WAVE AND THE GREEN SEA
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Czech, Afed: The network tour started [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 5.  Czech, Afed: Mexican party -- Report from a subsistence
      party on the topic of the Zapatist uprising [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  Anarkismo.net: colombia, In Solidarity with the Palestinian
      People -- Week against Israeli Apartheid (April 2-5) by ViaLibre
      (ca) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





In defense of Aldo Milani - national coordinator of the SI Cobas relationship in Italy, 
who will soon be threatened by a 2-year sentence and 4-month prison sentence. In defense 
of other trade unionists threatened by repression. ---- Aldo Milani was unjustly accused 
of "blackmail" in the form of organizing a series of strikes together with slaughterhouse 
employees in the province of Modena. The lawsuit had its finale at the end of March, the 
sentence is to be taken in the coming days. Similar reprisals for employee activities have 
been met by other trade unionists and activists who are today struggling with court trials 
or penalties for participating in strikes. ---- The logistics sector in Italy - one of the 
key areas of the economy in Poland and in the world - has been a place of almost daily 
strikes and labor unrest for about 10 years. In recent years, this movement has spread 
from logistics to other industries such as agribusiness, trade, ceramics and metallurgy.

In the previous century, the majority of workers' movements fought for more favorable 
rights and contracts. Today, concerns are aroused by the order based on the systematic 
violation of national collective agreements and the most basic safeguards regarding wages, 
health and safety and working hours. This labor movement restored rights and dignity to 
thousands of workers (mostly immigrants) previously silenced, reduced to half-enslaved: 
poorly paid, blackmailed, forced to work under inhumane conditions. The movement brought 
to light a densely woven network of lawlessness, tax fraud and mafia infiltration. 
However, the police and public prosecutor's offices have so far often captured workers' 
strikes and anxieties in terms of "violating public order." Employee rights in many 
logistics supply chains have therefore been recovered only by forms of struggle considered 
illegal, for example, plant and street gate locks and wild strikes. These gains translated 
into hundreds of criminal cases against the movement. In addition, recently approved by 
Prime Minister Salvini, the Decree on Security imposes fines of up to 12 years for the 
"crime of blocking the road" and immediate deportation of workers - immigrants who took 
part in such blockades.

A criminal trial against the national Si-Cobas coordinator Aldo Milaniemu indicates that 
furious repression of the workers' movement in logistics is part of a wider campaign of 
repression against trade union rights, social movements and resistance of the scientific 
community to the current situation in the country. Originally, Aldo was arrested and kept 
in custody for three days in the last stage of trade union negotiations on charges of 
"extorting money" to the detriment of a meat processing company managed by a family 
constantly facing allegations of corruption. His process revealed close links between 
private business and state authorities. The innocence of the trade unionist was so evident 
that the prosecutor himself recently softened the accusation that Aldo was to demand money 
not for himself, but for dismissed workers. He demanded a penalty of 2 years and 4 months 
in prison. However, the allegations made in this way pass the definition of extortion. 
Aldo tried to prevent the dismissal of 55 employees and ensure that they will be properly 
paid together with the payment of taxes and contributions. These are demands typical of 
any serious trade unionist. The prosecutor's office is trying to criminalize the common 
labor dispute and creates a dangerous precedent. If every economic demand in favor of an 
employee can be considered as "extortion", it undermines the very foundations of trade 
union activity. The prosecutor's office is trying to criminalize the common labor dispute 
and creates a dangerous precedent. If every economic demand in favor of an employee can be 
considered as "extortion", it undermines the very foundations of trade union activity. The 
prosecutor's office is trying to criminalize the common labor dispute and creates a 
dangerous precedent. If every economic demand in favor of an employee can be considered as 
"extortion", it undermines the very foundations of trade union activity.

Therefore, we appeal to all forces that support our movement to demand that Aldo Milani be 
cleared of charges. We urge you to sign the letter of support for Aldo - English version 
here: 
https://www.change.org/p/tribunale-di-modena-in-defense-of-the-si-cobas-coordinator-aldo-milani- 
and-of-trade-union-freedom-in-italy .

We also call for support in the campaign against the criminalization of street blocks as a 
form of social and union protests and against the use of police forces in labor disputes 
outside the gates of the workplace.

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/ogolnopolskie/item/2466-strajki-i-dzialalnosc-zwiazkowa-to-nie-zbrodnie-kryminalne-wolnosc-dla-aldo-milaniego

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Message: 2


A few years ago a trans IWW member was fired for using the toilet at work, but after the 
company was picketed by the union, they got their job back. On trans day of visibilty RABL 
distributed a leaflet making reference to the case and were kindly sent an interview that 
was done with the worker during the campaign, before they got their job back, but was 
never published. We're reproducing it here to illustrate the impact of transphobia on 
workers and the importance of sticking up for each other: ---- Can you explain what 
happened while you were working in[the company]? ---- I started using the women's toilets 
in late December, having worked for[an agency]in[a company's]office since June 2014. I've 
been going through gender transition for about 5 years, in stages of trying something new 
and moving on when I feel comfortable with it, and I had stopped feeling comfortable using 
the men's toilets a long time ago. A couple of weeks after I started using the women's, my 
boss told me someone had made a complaint about me, and asked me a few very personal 
questions about my gender identity and presentation, and I felt that wasn't any more 
appropriate from my boss than from a stranger in the pub (one reason I stopped being 
comfortable in men's toilets in the first place). At the third meeting a week later, I 
showed him documents confirming my rights as a trans person and[the company's]guidelines 
for accommodating trans people, but after leaving work that evening, I got a call from the 
agency telling me not to come back the next day. I was really upset by that and since I 
need to pay the bills, I had to get the Union involved.

How has it impacted you?

I found the meetings with my boss really invasive and demeaning. I wrote a diary entry the 
day after the first meeting because gender anxiety had been playing on me ever since: 
"...do I make people feel uncomfortable for deeper reasons than being the "wrong" gender 
in the "wrong" bog? If it's just prejudices about my body and gender identity, that can be 
dismissed as ignorance, but I can't help the concern that people feel intimidated by my 
presence." That's a pretty awful feeling, and I generally try to be considerate of others' 
feelings, but I still need to go to the toilet!

On an economic level, it's a shock going from even a low-paid job to having no wages at 
all and I've had to sign on while I find another job and fight to get what I deserve from 
my last one. I've been on the dole before and it's a really difficult, precarious situation.

Tell me a little about the campaign with IWW?

The campaign's demands are quite simple: Give me my job back, say sorry and don't do it 
again. We're putting pressure on[the agency]to admit their mistake and reinstate me, and 
on[the company]to pressure[the agency]into following[the company's]inclusivity guidelines.

The IWW is a union for all workers, and unlike mainstream trade unions, it works on an 
equal and voluntary basis, so all the members support each other in struggles, sharing 
skills and training in workplace rights and organising together. The IWW doesn't have 
bureaucratic communication channels - when a member needs solidarity, it's up to the 
branch and the Union as a whole to support them in whatever way they need, whether it's a 
representative or a fast response to a major issue. That's why we were able to mobilise so 
quickly to act on the grievance - a member can call a meeting, outline a strategy, get 
input from other members and help with anything they need. Between us we have the skills 
not just to picket an office, but mount a publicity campaign and engage with the paperwork 
processes all at once. Nobody can do that on their own.

We've had a surprising amount of support from outside the IWW too, with LGBT and feminist 
groups supporting the pickets, and some wonderful people on the inside telling people 
about what went on and drumming up support. I'm told the general opinion is heavily in my 
favour, and I'm really grateful to the people sticking up for me.

Does it make you concerned for other people in the transgender community?

Yes, I know that this is an issue that affects a lot of people on a daily basis, including 
a few of my friends. What I've been through in the past few weeks might just be down to a 
silly misunderstanding, but it's a reflection of a really cruel facet of society which 
forces people into arbitrary boxes, and punishes those who don't fit. I'm in a really 
lucky position to have the Union and a lot of good people on my side. Often this sort of 
discrimination is accepted as part of day-to-day life for trans people, as if the fact 
that it happens a lot means it's ok. It isn't, it's painful and destructive. That's why I 
think our third demand, an explicit change in policy to one which is trans-inclusive, is 
the most important. I don't want anyone to have to go through what I have in the last few 
weeks.

What do you think[the company]needs to do next?

[The company]tell me they're "looking forward to having conversations" with myself and[the 
agency], and[the company]can put a lot of pressure on them to conform to their inclusivity 
standards.[The company's]policy on trans workers is actually quite positive, but in this 
case somebody screwed up and it cost me my job.

Have you found new employment since?

It's only been a week since I was sacked, so I haven't had much time to look for a job, 
but I am looking, and a bit of time off will give me a chance to work on building up my 
art and craft projects, which I find far more enjoyable than office work. That said, I 
worked with some lovely people at[the company]and I'd be happy to work there again. I'm 
sure our actions have greased some corporate gears there and I'm confident we'll get a 
good result, for me, for the IWW and for understanding of trans people's needs.

The following video was made after the campaign had been won 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OXLYUG9H5c4

https://wearetherabl.wordpress.com/2019/04/03/give-me-my-job-back-say-sorry-and-dont-do-it-again-interview-with-a-worker-sacked-for-being-trans/

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Message: 3






Black Rose/Rosa Negra is a proud feminist organization. We take our political inspiration 
from the historical struggles of working class women, including those who carried out 
their work in the name of other movements or ideologies. While we value the feminisms that 
can be found in our own neighborhoods and workplaces, we also seek to learn all lessons 
possible from the parts of the world where feminism is ascendant. Our international 
partnerships have resulted in a strong Latin American perspective in our writing and 
ideological perspectives - something we find appropriate for an organization based in the 
Americas. ----  We are excited to present the second in a two part series by Bree Busk 
looking at anti-capitalist feminism in South America with a wealth of concepts and 
analysis that we can draw from in the U.S. See Part I for a glossary of terms used.

By Bree Busk

The student feminist wave of 2018 struck so suddenly and spread so quickly that its impact 
resonated far beyond Chile's national borders. Like the student movement that rocked the 
country 7 years earlier, feminism forced its way into the public consciousness, changing 
the course of the country's many social movements as well as government policy. This was 
accomplished through a series of groundbreaking events instigated by university and high 
school students as well as some of the largest feminist mobilizations ever to take place 
in Chile.

The first article in this series described how the current Chilean feminist movement held 
the potential to revitalize the country's diverse social struggles through transversal, 
multisectoral politics. This strategy was exemplified by the Coordinadora 8 de Marzo 
(C8M), the feminist coalition which advanced under the slogan, "Against the 
Precaritization of Life!" in answer to the suffering generated by the neoliberal project 
in Chile and the pervasive threat of patriarchal violence.

C8M emerged from a movement rife with ideological conflict and harried by external 
threats. After coordinating a massive mobilization on International Working Women's Day 
2018, they might have easily disbanded or collapsed under the pressure of internal 
divisions like the Coordinadora NiUnaMenos before them. However, they were thrust into the 
driver's seat of the movement when outrage peaked in the universities, eventually sparking 
feminist activity throughout the country. This rapid succession of events came to be 
called the Mayo Feminista (Feminist May) and marked C8M's rise to prominence as the most 
representative body of the expanding movement.

As 2018 wore on, the wave of university occupations began to wane. However, the movement 
would soon be jolted back to life by the contagious energy of Argentina's feminists who 
were making historic progress in their struggle for abortion rights. By July, Chilean 
feminists had donned their own green bandanas in imitation of their compañeras across the 
border. Consequently, Chile's growing fascist movement launched its first counterattack. 
Meanwhile, the shifting political landscape compelled both grassroots and government 
forces to adapt to the new reality opened up by the student feminist wave.

Mayo Feminista
The feminist wave was carried forward by a surge of collective frustration with university 
leadership regarding the handling of sexual harassment complaints. While some student 
bodies had successfully pressured their universities into implementing protocols to 
resolve cases of abuse, the slow pace of bureaucracy and lack of will on the part of the 
administrations often led to disappointing results. Other schools had no protocols 
whatsoever and feminists had to start from zero. Wherever the student movement had a 
foothold, this catalyzing issue was woven into the fabric of more established demands, 
such as the need for a non-sexist education (a disruptive demand raised in 2011 during the 
previous era of student mobilizations), institutional acceptance of queer and transgender 
students, and an educational experience free of sexual harassment and discrimination. 
Student feminists drew strength and direction from these common demands, but also 
organized at the level of their departments or institutions to define their own political 
priorities and determine appropriate tactics.

In Chile, high schools and universities have been self-organized for decades, tracing back 
to the period before the dictatorship. Students are often knowledgeable about their 
institution's unique heritage and take pride in passing political traditions on to the 
next generation. When necessary, they draw on their popular memory of struggle, using 
strikes, school occupations, and popular assemblies to exercise their power. The movement 
has evolved over time, eventually incorporating a series of feminist demands. However, the 
eruption of feminist strikes in 2018 demonstrated that change was not happening fast enough.

Students of the Universidad de Chile Law School demand the firing of Carlos Carmona, a
professor accused of sexual harassment. Credit: La Tercera
The first feminist occupation or toma took place in April 2018 at the Universidad Austral, 
located in the south of Chile. It was carried out in reaction to the mishandling of a 
disciplinary case against a professor accused of sexual harassment. It was almost 
immediately followed by a second, more prominent toma at the law school of the Universidad 
de Chile (UCh). UCh, centrally located in Santiago, is one of the most prestigious 
universities in the country and is known as a hotbed of leftist political activity. A 
specifically feminist takeover was completely unprecedented; however, the student body was 
used to leaping into action and the feminist occupiers promptly transformed their school 
into an informal headquarters for the growing movement. In a matter of weeks, over a dozen 
university departments were occupied or otherwise paralyzed by strikes.

School occupations are more than just a symbol of defiance or an act of civil 
disobedience. The interruption of "business as usual" serves as a check on institutional 
power and can force university administrations to find faster or more satisfying answers 
to student concerns. Furthermore, the occupied spaces become centers of self-managed 
educational, cultural, and political development. Students host and attend a wide variety 
of workshops and may even request specific trainings or political presentations from 
outside groups. Run by popular assemblies, tomas give students the opportunity to form 
their own opinions and participate in direct democracy. In intense periods of struggle 
such as 2006 and 2011, school occupations were so common that they became a cultural 
touchstone for a whole generation. This has led some Chileans to develop a jaded 
perspective, viewing student resistance as little more than an excuse to get out of class. 
However, the feminist strike gave new dimension to these traditional tactics.

On May 11th, the public was shocked when a group of 127 female students from the Law 
School of Pontificia Universidad Católica (PUC) delivered a public letter condemning the 
sexist environment they had been forced to endure, including a list of misogynistic 
comments heard in classrooms. The shock, however, came not from the content of this 
letter, but from its place of origin: PUC is a conservative, religious institution far 
more likely to be associated with gremialismo (a far-right ideology championed by 
Pinochet-advisor Jaime Guzmán) than feminism. Even at the height of student resistance in 
2011, PUC only experienced a single toma. Of note, this occupation was motivated by the 
demand to dismantle the Chilean Constitution of which Guzmán was the primary architect. It 
was carried out at PUC's East Campus, the location of Guzmán's assassination in 1991 at 
the hands of the Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez.

La Casa Central of Universidad Catolica under feminist occupation. Credit: La Tercera
Everything changed on May 25th, when a group of feminist students occupied La Casa 
Central, the main building of the downtown campus. This historic event was marked with 
controversy, as the occupiers clashed with other students whose positions ranged from 
liberal feminist politics to outright fascism. These ideological conflicts largely played 
out in the media, but on the first night of the toma, students reported a brief 
confrontation between the occupiers and gremialistas. Both the unexpected nature of the 
feminist takeover at PUC and the subsequent right-wing backlash foreshadowed larger trends 
as the feminist wave continued to advance through the country.

High School Students Join the Struggle
There are several factors which distinguished the 2018 feminist wave from previous eras of 
student resistance, the most significant being that many of the popular assemblies voted 
in favor of "separatist" occupations, meaning that only women and sexual dissidents were 
welcome. Even in spaces where men were tolerated, their leadership was not. This 
understandably produced some confusion for many male students who found themselves 
relegated to the back seat when it came to making political decisions for the student 
movement. This dynamic was especially visible in the liceos emblematicos (emblematic high 
schools), the country's most prestigious public schools whose mixed class character has 
produced a long tradition of leftist student resistance. The feminist wave forced the 
conversation on intra-movement sexism, threatening a separatist rupture if male students 
couldn't adapt to the new political reality.

On May 15th, 200 students from the all-girls school Carmela Carvajal de Prat invaded and 
occupied the all-boys school Instituto Nacional in a landmark event. Using chairs and 
metal barriers as improvised stairs, the girls entered the campus at 12:15pm and 
established themselves in the building with barricades and feminist banners. A few hours 
later, they were joined by a new contingent of 60 students from Javiera Carrera (another 
emblematic all-girls school) who initiated a solidarity protest outside. This 
headline-grabbing action marked a turning point for these student bodies, because for the 
first time, their fight wasn't exclusively against the school administrations.

"Inequality is more violent than any protest." Students from the emblematic all-girls school
Carmela Carvajal staged a feminist takeover of the all-boys school Instituto Nacional.
Credit: Richard Ulloa. Credit: La Tercera
The feminist takeover was initiated in response to the sexual assault of a Haitian janitor 
who reported being groped from behind by a male student a few days earlier. Tensions had 
already reached their breaking-point after the circulation of a mock rape video featuring 
Instituto Nacional students and an image of a school jacket customized with a crude sexist 
slogan. The students of Carmela Carvajal insisted on the resignation of the principal, 
Fernando Soto, arguing that he was a major contributor to the culture which produced 
sexist behavior in the student body. Furthermore, they endorsed a petition previously put 
forward by the Instituto Nacional's English department which called for an official 
protocol to handle cases of sexual harassment or assault. They also insisted that the 
school become gender-mixed. Both demands reflected the broader program for non-sexist 
education.

Before the toma was dismantled in the early afternoon, the students of Carmela Carvajal, 
Javiera Carrera, and the Instituto Nacional called a spontaneous assembly on the back 
patio of the premises. In this meeting they discussed what needed to change - not just at 
their particular schools, but in the student movement and society as a whole. The 
president of the Instituto Nacional's student government, Vicente Salinas, was quoted as 
saying, "We understand[this political intervention]as a new call to our 
conscience[...]understanding that we have to energetically take charge of this issue and 
not turn a blind eye." Less than two weeks later, Instituto Nacional students had their 
own toma violently broken up by riot police. This raid was unusually brutal, resulting in 
20 reported injuries and 10 arrests - the latter including Vicente Salinas. After the 
fact, some feminists speculated that this act of repression on the part of the state was 
intended to discipline the student body for transgressing the pact of masculinity embodied 
by their elite, all-male institution.

All told, nearly a dozen high schools throughout the country participated in some aspect 
of the feminist strike, including a variety of solidarity actions carried out by male 
students. Separatist tensions remained, but it didn't take long for feminism to become 
such a dominant force that male students felt obligated to get on board or risk being left 
behind. This robust participation was reflected in the size of the marches that occurred 
throughout May and into June. United under the banners of non-sexist education and an end 
to patriarchal violence, Santiago-based high school and university students mobilized on 
May 16th in record numbers. Initiated by the Chilean Student Federation (CONFECH), this 
march caught the world's eye with its flashy contingents of young women marching topless 
while wearing maroon balaclavas - a choice that was as much a demonstration of power as a 
celebration of bodily autonomy.

C8M Popular Assembly
In 2011, the fight for free education opened the door to wider critiques of how neoliberal 
policies of privatization impacted working people. In this way, the student movement was 
able to reinvigorate social movement activity on multiple fronts. In the Mayo Feminista, 
the students once again dominated the popular narrative. However, the movement was only 
just re-activating and lacked the strategy and infrastructure necessary to unite feminists 
beyond the realm of education. This task would fall to the Coordinadora 8 de Marzo, which 
had the distinction of being the only broad feminist coalition still active when the 
university strikes began.

Five weeks earlier, C8M successfully brought together feminists representing Chile's 
diverse social movements to march on International Working Women's Day. Now, it faced the 
challenge of doing the same - not for a day, but indefinitely. This work was enabled by 
the fact that the coalition already counted on the participation of many of the most 
active student feminists. Furthermore, members of the Coordinadora No+AFP remained active 
in the coalition, using it as a launching pad for their first official conference on the 
topic of "Women and Pensions." In this way, representatives of the country's most powerful 
social movements were able to come together under a shared analysis to midwife a new era 
of feminist struggle into being. However, the movement was still largely defined by 
student activity and action had to be taken to transversalize it. C8M determined that the 
first step towards this goal was calling for an open assembly and actively soliciting the 
participation of women and sexual dissidents outside the educational sector.

The first Women and Pensions Conference held in Santiago. Credit: Moreen Ramos
The assembly was held on May 19th at the UCh Law School, the glowing ember at the heart of 
the student feminist movement. Over 100 feminists attended, with male students handling 
registration, security and childcare. Facilitation was provided by members of C8M whose 
job was not to determine the discussion, but rather to articulate and advance it through a 
series of guiding questions. When the floor opened to discussion, participants used the 
platform to introduce their unions or territorial organizations, give rousing speeches, 
and even ask for advice on how to promote feminism in their daily lives.

One of the assembly's priorities was to discuss mobilizing for a general strike on March 
8, 2019. This theme evoked both excitement and controversy, since it was clear that many 
participants were wary of a feminist movement anchored in the elite universities of the 
capital. One attendee passionately argued that not all feminists could occupy their school 
or go on strike for even one day. A C8M member provided a response, reminding participants 
that the seeds of a transversal movement had already been planted and that perfection 
should not be the enemy of the good. To build a general strike that was truly 
representative of the complex realities experienced by Chilean, migrant, and indigenous 
women, she argued, the movement had to develop political common ground and advance 
multisectoral demands that leave no one behind. The general strike - like feminism itself 
- must be a tool to confront patriarchy on all fronts.

Feminists attend a popular assembly at the Universidad de Chile Law School.
Credit: Author
The assembly determined that the first test of this commitment would take place on June 
1st, with a call for a "Day of Feminist Action Against Precarity." Instead of limiting 
themselves to a march through downtown Santiago, C8M encouraged decentralized actions 
reflecting the daily struggles of participants. This strategy arose from an understanding 
of how precarity itself was the primary condition impeding women's participation in 
traditional methods of resistance. Informal workers had no unions, homemakers and 
caregivers received no wages, and migrants risked legal consequences if they walked off 
the job. Therefore, the fight against precarity would also be a fight to create the 
conditions in which these marginalized workers could self-organize and build power. This 
would require going toe-to-toe with the Piñera administration on labor rights, healthcare, 
education, immigration policy, and the privatization of natural resources, among other 
issues. However, the feminists were ready for the fight.

Feminist Day of Action Against Precarity
The June 1st day of action was organized to coincide with President Piñera's cuenta 
pública, the Chilean equivalent of a State of the Union speech. With the feminist wave in 
full swing, Piñera was expected to push his Agenda Mujer, a series of policies designed to 
address gender inequity while avoiding the deeper systemic critiques posed by the feminist 
movement. His proposals made no mention of non-sexist education, safe and legal abortion, 
or ending patriarchal violence. Piñera broadly endorsed the economic advancement of women, 
but failed to address the factors that made it impossible for them to thrive, such as lack 
of stable employment, affordable healthcare, or access to dignified pensions. In fact, it 
seemed as if the Agenda Mujer was designed exclusively for women already in the upper 
echelon of society.

When Piñera spoke before the Chilean Congress, C8M carried out of a cuenta pública of 
their own via Twitter. In a 10-minute video, spokespeople took turns describing the 
complex manifestations of patriarchal oppression in the lives of women in Chile, 
underscoring the need for a transversal feminist movement. As the day advanced, a wide 
variety of activities unfolded throughout the country, including neighborhood-level 
mobilizations, popular assemblies, artistic interventions, unpermitted marches, actions 
blocking traffic, and cacerolazos (noise demonstrations). In the capital, several actions 
were met with police repression; most notably, police broke up a large downtown feminist 
gathering with water cannons and arrested over a dozen participants.

C8M gives their own popular, feminist cuenta pública in parallel to the president's.
Credit: C8M
Despite its national impact, the day of action was not enough to sustain the initial 
momentum generated by the Mayo Feminista. Late July marked the beginning of a new semester 
and many student assemblies felt it was time to end their strikes and occupations. Some 
tomas had already been removed by police on the orders of the university administrations, 
whereas others had been voluntarily dismantled after winning some or all of their demands. 
On July 9th, the feminists of the Uch Law School voted to end their toma after negotiating 
a three-month suspension of the professor accused of sexual harassment. The toma's 
spokesperson swore the fight for the professor's full dismissal would continue, but 
without the pressure of an occupation, there was no guarantee of success. The feminist 
wave was clearly receding and many were left wondering what would happen to the movement 
once the students returned to their classrooms.

The Green Sea
Beginning in 2015, feminist movements in Chile and Argentina were lifted by a rising tide 
of outrage against patriarchal violence. Whereas Chilean feminists went on to articulate 
their struggle as being "against the precaritization of life," Argentinian feminists 
focused on the fight to legalize abortion. This was a natural extension of the NiUnaMenos 
movement instigated a few years earlier, since Argentinian feminists saw the denial of 
safe, legal, and accessible abortion as a form of state femicide. Historically, abortion 
was only legal when the pregnancy threatened the life of the mother or was a product of 
rape. That said, it was still incredibly difficult to obtain one, even when those 
conditions were met. The result was a high death rate associated with clandestine abortions.

In April, the Argentine Congress agreed to open discussion on possible changes to the law. 
Feminists rallied around this political opening, filling the streets and plazas of the 
capital and beyond with their mobilizations. Like the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo who 
resisted the dictatorship while wearing white kerchiefs, the feminists fighting for legal 
abortion had popularized bright green bandanas as a symbol of their struggle. The momentum 
peaked on June 14th when a bill legalizing abortion in the first 14 days of pregnancy 
passed the lower house. The celebratory crowd outside Congress numbered in the hundreds of 
thousands and with their green bandanas and face-paint, the feminists had transformed into 
a marea verde or "green sea" filling downtown Buenos Aires to the brim.

Argentinian feminists fill the streets, earning their movement the title of "the green 
sea." Credit: The National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe and Free Abortion
This victory flew across the Andes to infect Chileans feminists with joy and hope. As 
recently as 2017, Chile had one of the most restrictive abortion laws in all of Latin 
America. This law was amended under the Bachelet administration, depenalizing abortion in 
the cases of threat to the life of the mother, an unviable fetus, or rape in the case of 
girls 14 and younger. However, feminists had continued the fight under the slogan 
#nobastan3causales or "three causes aren't enough!" This new wave of transnational 
feminist enthusiasm was channeled into Chile's annual march for abortion rights which was 
just one month away.

The tradition of marching on July 25 began in 2013 with a march that ended in the 
occupation of one of Santiago's most important cathedrals, interrupting a special mass 
attended by the mayor and other government officials. Every year since, abortion rights 
activists have organized a march through the Coordinadora Feministas en Lucha (Feminists 
in Struggle Coordinator or CFL), a coalition composed of pro-abortion groups, now 
including C8M. CFL took full advantage of the energy injected into the movement via the 
advances in Argentina. Their first major accomplishment was developing a Chilean version 
of the iconic green bandana, featuring a logo combining a historical feminist suffrage 
graphic with an image of a topless student protester. The new bandanas were mass 
distributed through pañuelazos - pop-up events where feminists rally under a massive green 
banner and drum up attention for their cause. All told, CFL representatives reported 
giving out more than 7,000 bandanas in the run-up to the march.

The Coordinadora Feministas en Lucha popularized a green bandana for the Chilean
movement for abortion rights. Credit: Moreen Ramos
The 2018 march was massive, with almost 100,000 people mobilizing on the national level 
and 50,000 marching in Santiago. However, the resurgence of abortion as a topic of public 
debate provoked right-wing extremists who used the march as an opportunity to launch their 
first major anti-feminist attack. The Movimiento Social Patriota (MSP, a third-positionist 
fascist organization) drenched the street with animal blood and attempted to disrupt the 
march route with burning barricades. In a different section of the march, a group of 
masked individuals appeared and stabbed several women as they passed by. The following 
day, MSP released a statement denying responsibility, but their account was refuted by the 
victims and witnesses. As news of this incident spread, feminists responded by saturating 
social media with inspirational photos from the march, declaring that this act of 
terrorism would not keep them from the streets.

Two weeks later, feminists had the opportunity to show the far-right opposition that they 
hadn't been cowed by the recent acts of violence. The time had arrived for the Argentine 
Senate to hold the decisive vote on the long awaited abortion bill. In solidarity with 
feminists mobilizing in Argentina and throughout Latin America, C8M and allied feminist 
formations called for a massive pañuelazo to take place in front of the Argentinian 
Consulate in Santiago. The marea verde once again rose to fill the streets, but with 
disappointing results. After 15 hours of debate, the pressure exerted by the Catholic 
Church and conservative forces in the northern provinces proved too strong and the Senate 
narrowly voted down the bill, 38 to 31. Despite this defeat, the feminists who had thrown 
themselves into the fight for safe and free abortion were undaunted. They had come closer 
to victory than ever before, and the struggle would continue.

Memories of Feminist Rebellion
In Chile, September marks the return of warm weather and the week-long celebrations in 
honor of the national holidays. For many, it is a time for family, barbecues, drinking, 
and relaxation. However, September 11th is the anniversary of the coup d'etat that toppled 
the democratically elected government of Dr. Salvador Allende and installed the 
dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet which went on to hold power until 1989. For that reason, 
September is also a month for reflecting on the atrocities committed in that period and 
remembering those who were detained or disappeared. It was in this spirit that C8M - now 
the Coordinadora Feminista 8 de Marzo or CF8M - collaborated with the Colectivo de Mujeres 
Sobrevivientes, Siempre Resistentes (Collective of Women Survivors, Always in Resistance 
or CMS-SR) to transform September into a celebration of the innovative and powerful 
history of feminist struggle in the face of repression. Together, these organizations 
coordinated a wide variety of activities around the theme of "Memories of Feminist Rebellion."

CF8M and CMS-SR host an olla común under a large green bandana featuring the abortion
legalization movement's new logo. Credit: Londres 38
On September 2nd, a group of feminist collectives carried out an intervention in front the 
former torture center known as "Venda Sexy" or "La Discotéque." Maintained from 1974 to 
1975, Venda Sexy was the site where many political prisoners were held before being 
disappeared by Pinochet's secret police. Among other crimes, it was infamous for the 
sexual violence inflicted on prisoners as part of their torture. The feminist organizers 
confronted this legacy directly, highlighting how rape and sexual humiliation were used to 
not only punish women for their political activity but to show what happens to women who 
don't stay meekly in their homes. Speakers described how authorities have failed to 
recognize these human rights violations as examples of gendered violence, which prevented 
them from seeing the connection between the brutal tactics employed under the dictatorship 
and the modern familial violence that often concludes with a femicide. Despite the dark 
history commemorated at this event, there was still a great deal of joy. The older 
feminists joined together with the younger under one empowering slogan: "We are not 
victims of violence, we are survivors!"

All month long, iconic methods of resistance were resurrected within a new context. On 
September 10, CF8M and CMS-SR hosted an olla comun or "common pot" in the plaza in front 
of the presidential palace. In order to survive food shortages under the dictatorship, 
people came together to share what they had - including subversive ideas. In this modern 
incarnation, organizers invited participants to recognize the revolutionary heritage 
present in the simple act of feeding friends and neighbors.

On September 28, CF8M joined with other pro-abortion organizations to host a program of 
activities to mark the Day for the Depenalization and Legalization of Abortion in Latin 
America and the Caribbean, which included a public forum, a feminist theatrical 
performance, and a cacerolazo in downtown Santiago. These events lacked the robust 
participation seen in previous months, likely due to the recent defeat in Argentina and 
lack of government movement on the issue in Chile.

Members of the Coordinadora 30 de Septiembre march alongside members of the
Coordinadora Feminista 8 de Marzo in commemoration of Joane Florvil's death.
Credit: Agencia Uno
September marked another important date that featured heavy feminist participation but 
wasn't an official activity organized under the umbrella of "Memories of Feminist 
Rebellion." On September 30, immigrant and human rights organizations initiated a March 
Against Racism with the intention of raising consciousness around the discrimination and 
inhumane treatment endured by migrants, particularly those from Haiti. This event 
commemorated the death of Joane Florvil, a Haitian migrant who died after being detained 
by police for the alleged abandonment of her infant daughter. Joane was mourned as an 
individual by her loved ones, but the tragedy of her death had also turned her into a 
symbol for the struggle against state violence. C8FM was the only explicitly feminist 
formation involved in organizing the march; their participation was motivated by an 
intersectional analysis of how xenophobia, anti-Black racism, and misogyny manifest in 
both government policies and individual acts of discrimination. They acknowledged that it 
was not their place to lead, but to stand in solidarity with all migrants.

Throughout 2018, CF8M was able to anticipate the ebb and flow of the movement and position 
themselves accordingly. The fruit of this labor was evident in September, as the feminists 
who survived the dictatorship joined hands with the students fresh from their university 
occupations. Furthermore, green bandanas had come to represent far more than the fight for 
legal abortion. The movement was slowly transversalizing, and correspondingly, growing 
more influential. Only 6 months remained until the next International Working Women's Day 
and it was time to flex this newfound power under a fresh slogan, one that would soon be 
on the lips of feminists in every part of Chile: La huelga general feminista ¡va! The 
feminist general strike is coming!

Bree Busk is an American anarchist living and working in Santiago, Chile. As a member of 
both Black Rose Anarchist Federation (USA) and Solidaridad (Chile), she is dedicated to 
building international coordination across the Americas. She currently contributes to 
movements in both countries through art, writing, and providing the invisible, 
reproductive labor that organizations need to survive and flourish.

http://blackrosefed.org/feminist-movement-to-end-capitalism-part-2/

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Message: 4





The Network document was presented in Hradec Králové and Prague. This will be followed by 
screenings and discussions in Brno, Liberec and Pilsen. ---- On Monday, March 18, a 
screening tour began to support prisoners of Russian anarchists and anti-fascists. The 
event took place in Hradec Králové, where something happened again after a long time. (A 
previous decline of collective activities also contributed to police harassment, which we 
reported here and here .) Hradec screening of the documentary network , which the same 
case recorded by Russian anarchistsattended by twenty people. The introduction and 
subsequent discussions concerned the details of the artificial case and the wider context 
of the repression of the anarchist scene in Russia. Of course, it was also said that it is 
by no means a typical "Eastern" phenomenon and that similar police "terrorist production" 
has been common in recent decades, for example in France and Spain, and eventually even 
the Czech police did not want to be left behind and demonstrated the cause Phoenix . The 
organizers of the solidarity campaign prepared for the screenings and everything needed to 
write and send messages to friends in Russian prisons, so they were very pleased that 
almost all those who stayed after the debate were involved in the subsequent 
correspondence. Everyone could draw addresses from a handout leaflet with an overview of 
prisoners.

The second stop of the screening tour was Salé in Prague. Around ten spectators watched 
the film in the typical homely atmosphere of the Prague infoshop. After a half-hour 
documentary, one of the organizers added topical information to the case and invited 
everyone present to support the prisoners in solidarity. Although the letter-stamp was not 
as successful in Prague as it was in the East of Bohemia, the interest in benefit items 
was great.

The Hradec and Prague screenings were part of a nationwide tour, where the organizers 
familiarize the audience with details and news in the Network case, which combines 
documentary film with a practical form of solidarity - writing letters to imprisoned 
anarchists and anti-fascists. We are planning the screening in Brno within Zinfest, in 
Liberec and in Pilsen (exact dates and links to individual events below). If you are 
interested in showing the document in your city, please contact us.

If you can't get to the screening, you can watch the movie HERE , where you can find it 
with Czech subtitles.

You can also support prisoners financially, for more information on financial support, as 
well as news related to the case or information about arrests, visit the Russian 
solidarity campaign website Rupression.com (English, Russian, Polish or German). We will 
continue to inform you about the case on our website.

More tour stops:

Saturday , April 13 , within Zinfest , Siberia - Dukelská trída 123/50, B rno .

Thursday 18 April , 19.00, LIAS Community Garden, Široká Street, Liberec .

Wednesday 24 April , 19.00, cooperative café Inkognito, Husova 431/24, Pilsen .

https://www.afed.cz/text/6974/sit-tour-zacala

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Message: 5





With the release of the next issue of the anarchist revision Existence , there was also a 
regular meeting with readers that has been taking place for several years. On Tuesday, 
March 26, we prepared an "existential party" on the theme of Zapatist uprising in the Salé 
Infoshop in Žižkov. Already from the adaptation of the Salé area, it had to be clear to 
everybody that it was right here. The walls were decorated with an exhibition of graphic 
artists of Mexican artists on the theme of Zapatist autonomy. ---- As always, it started 
with a joint dinner, which consisted of several courses. First chickpea soup to warm up. 
Then the beans with the vegetables to which you could choose from two kinds of rice or 
pancakes. And finally a delicious dessert of chia seeds and fruits.

The theme of the party turned out to be attractive as some twenty people gathered in Salá. 
After the copies of the new Existence had also arrived , it could begin. In the opening 
words, the main theme of the issue, the extent of its elaboration, and the reasons for its 
choice were presented, which were the 25th anniversary of the rebellion, and the fact that 
it is not just a historical event, but a movement that is still alive, evolving and 
deserving our attention and active support. There was also a description of what meant the 
Zapatist insurrection for the anarchist movement in the Czech Republic, for which it was 
one of the sources of inspiration (as with other non-hierarchical movements and anarchist 
groups in the world) to engage in global resistance to neoliberalism and social justice.

However, in order to keep the party away from the fact that several people are talking 
about something they know from books, such as the annual themes of the Russian Revolution 
or 1968, we also invited our friends who recently visited Chiapas and of the Zapatist 
community. In addition, they also provided us with some texts for the Zapatist Existence 
and enriched it with their answers in a thematic interview. Thanks to the direct 
experience, the debate was given a different dimension.

First, they introduced their Black Seeds co-operative project, which primarily focuses on 
importing, processing and distributing coffee from Zapatistas. But they also talked about 
the graphic workshop they are starting, and their inspiration by the tradition of Mexican 
graphics. They also emphasized the fact that there are many more interesting movements, 
projects, collectives and cooperatives in Mexico than the ones directly linked to the EAW. 
Many of these are associated in the Indigenous National Congress (CNI), which was founded 
by the Zapatistas in 1996. They talked about their experiences from visits to the Zapatist 
Autonomous Regions - one of the most important is the completely different perception of 
time. Answering questions about the life of the indigenous peoples, how they improved with 
the Zapatist insurrection, how the Zapatiski enjoy themselves, how they are organized at 
different levels, but also how the government buys loyalty through various corruption 
mechanisms, as some pursue their own benefit, etc. The participants of the meeting were 
entertained to tell how important the crop is to the local people, and what they can 
produce from it. As well as talking about their relationship to Coca-Cole, which sometimes 
has a religious character. But there was also talk about things that are most troubling 
for Zapatista at the moment. In particular, it is the planned construction of the Tren 
Maya high-speed railway, which most likely causes environmental and social devastation in 
the area, with the prospect of attracting tourism to Chiapas. As well as talking about 
their relationship to Coca-Cole, which sometimes has a religious character. But there was 
also talk about things that are most troubling for Zapatista at the moment. In particular, 
it is the planned construction of the Tren Maya high-speed railway, which most likely 
causes environmental and social devastation in the area, with the prospect of attracting 
tourism to Chiapas. As well as talking about their relationship to Coca-Cole, which 
sometimes has a religious character. But there was also talk about things that are most 
troubling for Zapatista at the moment. In particular, it is the planned construction of 
the Tren Maya high-speed railway, which most likely causes environmental and social 
devastation in the area, with the prospect of attracting tourism to Chiapas.

A lot of inquiring questions were answered, though some were not quite satisfactory. Not 
because Black Seed's friends wouldn't want to answer, but they would probably have to 
spend much and much more time on the spot to get into all areas of their life and talk 
about it. Finally, they introduced their offer of coffee and other products from Zapatist 
communities. We would like to thank them repeatedly and wish their team to flourish and 
interest people in solidarity support (not only) for the Zapatist communities they mediate 
through their activities.

https://www.afed.cz/text/6975/mexicky-vecirek

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Message: 6





Activities: ---- Tuesday 2: Talk Anarchism and solidarity with Palestine. Place: La Morada 
(KR 19 # 36-34). Time: 6:00 PM. Organized by Grupo Libertario Vía Libre ---- Thursday 4: 
Prison in Palestine and Colombia. Location: National University of Colombia, Sociology 
Building, Camilo Torres Auditorium. Hour 2:00 PM. Organize Pulso Violeta ---- Thursday 4: 
Presentation of the Israeli Militarism booklet in Latin America. Place: District 
Association of Educators (ADE)[Calle 25A Nº. 31-30]Time: 6:00 PM. Organize B.. Colombia 
---- Friday 5: Documentary Gaza (best documentary winner at the Goya 2019 awards). Forum 
on the situation in Gaza. Place: Pedagogical University of Colombia. Building A Room 321. 
Time 5:00 PM Organized by Centro Cultural Colombo Árabe al-Awda and teacher of pedagogy.
Event link: https://www.facebook.com/events/2169832666400015/ 
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31365

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