Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #294 - Dominique Masset
(Glyphosate Campaign): " We are in a momentum that is not about
to stop " (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #294 - Forty years ago,
May 1979: the CFDT releases the class struggle (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Italy, alternativa libertaria fdca: Europe parliament
election (it) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #294 - Read: André
Hébert, "With the Kurds against Daesh" (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. cnt.es: CNT joins the strike of the metal sector of Bizkaia
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. cnt.es: May 22nd. Picket in the Courts of Mieres (ca)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Britain, north-east anarchist group: Virtual Storage offers
real cost savings and How come cloud-based item storage helpful
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. ait russia: Madrid: Labor Conflict with Faunia [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
9. Britain, AFED, organise magazine: Public statement from the
High Security Prison in Santiago, Chile; Against prison and law
321 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
10. US, black rose fed: RED STATE REVOLT: AN ESSENTIAL BUT
FLAWED STORY OF THE TEACHER REBELLION - Review By Michael
Mochaidean (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
The Glyphosate Campaign is one of the most successful initiatives in the fight against
pesticides. Collectives are being created all over France to lodge complaints against this
invisible pollution. Questions to Dominique Masset, co-founders of the campaign in Ariège.
---- Libertarian alternative: How was born the idea of this campaign of samples and urine
tests ? ---- Dominique Masset: In 2017, following the actions of reavers and mowers
voluntary of GMOs. The goal was to paint the pesticide composition labels in the stores so
they would not be salable. There was a trial in which the 21 people came with their own
analyzes to say that they were not only launchers and whistleblowers, but also victims.
The action had already taken place once without giving anything, but this time to our
surprise, the court accepted the analyzes and sent the file to the European Commission to
judge its admissibility.
AL: Why did you launch this campaign now ?
DM: Because of the saga of glyphosate: the state and the European Commission have been
pushing for years the ban on pesticides without any prospect of exit. The action of 2017
was in reaction to the new license granted in Europe on November 27, [1]and this so-called
delay of 3 years to implement the ban in France, which was a good way to back down. We
considered that there was the need for a civic responsibility: we count on us, not on them
! We also consider that in the face of political time, which is not at all that of
urgency, we must mobilize.
We worked for several months to produce the legal preparation campaign and launched it on
April 16, 2018 in a public meeting. In June-July we had 300 samples in Ariège and in
December the first in other collectives.
AL: Why glyphosate and not all pesticides ?
DM: The trial was mostly about glyphosate ! [2]There are also other reasons: without
glyphosate the campaign was impossible, being the most well-known molecule, it is a symbol.
The analyzes are quite expensive: An analysis for a single molecule is 85 euros, to which
we must add 50 euros to do it with bailiff to file a complaint. In these circumstances it
would have been difficult to succeed in a campaign on several pesticides.
AL: What makes this action different from others already done against the pesticide industry ?
DM:There is the massive side of the mobilization, and the complaint against those
responsible for the distribution of these products, that is the Monsanto board and its
CEO, as well as the president and the members of the board. the European Commission. These
complaints, which are therefore addressed to natural and non-legal persons, are conducted
in the criminal court, and not in the civil courts. We are asking individuals to hold
people to account, and leaders to come out of the shadows. It is also a warning to the
following ones. We are not seeking compensation from large groups. Complaints are filed
for endangering the lives of others, deception aggravated, environmental damage, if any,
in meetings.
AL: Where are we today ? How many samples taken ? Complaints filed ?
DM: The movement enjoys exceptional media coverage, 45 interviews the first week ! On
April 18, we have 2,108 samples and 1,959 potential complaints. This number is constantly
increasing. We expect to reach 10,000 complaints. 25 of the 75 current collectives have
taken samples for the moment. What happens is very strong, citizens move in the early
morning to spend 135 euros to file a complaint without claiming compensation. The key to
this success is that people come out of helplessness. We are all poisoned. Let's take the
violence out of where it comes from.
AL: What is the functioning of the collective and what perspectives does it have ?
DM:We move from a militant circle to a citizen circle, and therefore a development of the
campaign. Concretely what we did is an electronic document updated to carry out all the
steps so that they are admissible by the courts. The collectives can thus be based on them
to create a maximum of similar complaints. The aim is to summarize these in a single legal
process to be instructed by centralizing complaints to the public health pole of the
tribunal de grande instance of Paris. The starting group in Ariège centralizes the legal
action with the lawyers, and coordinates the means for that. Other groups manage
themselves for the rest, such as a mutual help fund to pay for the analyzes.
We also have our first national meetings in May.
We do a lifestyle questionnaire to try to cross-check the main factors of poisoning. If
this is not epidemiological, we want to create knowledge about the issue. And the
scientific community, biologists, doctors, cartographers, are interested in what is
happening. Two master students are also studying the subject.
Another aspect of the campaign is the fact of having moved from rural areas to urban
collectives (Toulouse, Paris, Lyon, Bordeaux, Rodez). This allows us to glimpse the
differences in pollution between the two environments. But we can not yet draw conclusions
about all this.
AL: Is there a deadline to participate in this action ?
DM: No. We are in a momentum that is not about to stop. We are starting to create
international contacts. You can find out about the site of the campaign, or make donations
[3] ; 2019 is a year dedicated to the expansion of the struggle. This is independent of
political currents and new collectives, many are the initiative of hummingbirds or
poppies, there is no limit, on the contrary, it must feed the initiative.
Interview by Reinette noyée (AL Aveyron)
[1] See the EU Propaganda Summary: "Pesticides: Should the EU ban glyphosate ? » On the
Touteleurope.eu website
[2] Monsanto's Roundup, whose molecule is glyphosate, has almost a monopoly on herbicides
in France.
[3] More information on Campagneglyphosate.com
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Dominique-Masset-Campagne-Glyphosate-Nous-sommes-dans-un-elan-qui-n-est-pas
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Message: 2
The 38 th Confederal Congress of the CFDT is held from 8 to 12 May 1979 in Brest. Between
the policy of "refocusing" and exclusions, it marks a turning point in the history of the
plant. The CFDT will therefore resolutely turn its back on the self-management socialist
orientation that had made its originality and its appeal in the post-68. In defiance of
its most combative union teams. ---- It must always be remembered that the CFDT of the
1970s is light years away from the organization it has become today. In the wake of May
68, the union is in tune with social protest, and, much more than the CGT, largely open to
struggles against all dominations. The whole being articulated to a project of social
transformation clearly affirmed: yes, there was a time where the CFDT wanted the socialism
and the self-management[1].
For ten years, this ideal will not only serve as a compass for the confederal strategy,
but also incarnate in real trade union practices and struggles: that of LIP in 1973 is
undoubtedly the most emblematic example[2].
Of course such a protestist tropism does not fall from the sky: after May 68, the central
cedetist opens its doors widely, including welcoming many "activists of May", among others
those of extreme left.
The choice of self-management socialism also allows the CFDT to offer an alternative to
the PC-CGT couple, building on the achievements of May 1968, first and foremost the
recourse to the Sovereign General Assembly.
In a context that is increasingly rising social protest (more than 16 million strike days
between 1969 and 1973, which represents an increase of 70%!), CFDT teams intend to link
self-management struggles and society . All the more so since they have entered trade
unionism at the same time as the CFDT adopted its self-managing socialist orientation.
After 68, the plant increases its workforce by 20%, a gain of more than 100,000 members.
They are the ones who will "do" the self-managing CFDT.
But any organization generates its strategic disagreements and its stakes of powers. In
the mid-1970s, the CFDT evolved and the Confederal leadership became increasingly
concerned about what it called "the rise of basism and leftism" within the plant.
Especially since Edmond Maire, the Secretary General, and his supporters have embarked on
a strategy of "committed autonomy" with the Socialist Party, in the perspective of a
victory for the Union of the Left. the legislative elections of March 1978. In such a
perspective, continue to bet everything on the struggles is not "responsible" .
Take out the "leftist couchos"
The Annecy Congress in May 1976 also brought to his acme the weight of oppositions to the
"line" of Edmond Maire, already considered too "reformist". These oppositions are of two
kinds.
The first is gathered around Pierre Héritier (secretary of the regional union CFDT
Rhône-Alpes) and Émile Le Beller (leader of the CFDT-PTT). It is close to the Center for
Studies, Research and Socialist Education (Ceres), a current run by Jean-Pierre
Chevenement within the Socialist Party. It can be considered that the second is globally
animated by the Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire (LCR) of which 60 to 65 members are
delegates to the Annecy Congress of 1976.
At this congress, the two "oppositions" separately gather 20% of mandates. When they merge
their voices, they weigh nearly 45% of the vote.
It's too much for the confederal leadership. At the forum of the congress, Edmond Maire
vilifies the "cuckoos" , these birds that make their nest in that of others. On 2 July
1976, in front of the new national office, he now estimates that "it is impossible to
continue working for three years on these vague bases.[...]We must change course and
method, otherwise, at the 1979 Congress, the rejection cartel will constitute a negative
majority and we will be deadlocked. At stake is the future of the CFDT" .
In December 1976, the first warning, the departmental union (UD) of the Gironde is suspended.
At the UD of the Gironde, it is reproached too active support for committees of soldiers
(for many worn by the extreme left, the LCR in particular, but also the Revolutionary
Marxist Alliance, the AMR, Pabloite inspiration, and libertarian communists), despite
confederal warnings " [3].
After May 68, the CFDT teams intend to link self-management struggles and society. All the
more so since they have entered trade unionism at the same time as the CFDT adopted its
self-managing socialist orientation. Photo: a CFDT procession in 1972.
After the time of the suspensions, comes the one of the exclusions. On 27 September 1977,
the 20 members of the Executive Committee (EC) of the CFDT section of the Lyon-Gare
sorting center are excluded by the county office of the CFDT-PTT trade union of the Rhône,
following an inquiry by the national office.
For the departmental office, the EC Lyon-Gare represents a "trend" in fact by taking its
own initiatives that do not respect the "federalism" of the CFDT. What is criticized for
him is to have acted on behalf of the section "without any decision of the structures
responsible for the CFDT" whether in the context of the anti-militarist struggle, the
"coordination of struggles" around the LIP or participation in the anti-nuclear
demonstration of Creys-Malville. In reality, it is their combativeness and their autonomy
which is reproached to the activists of Lyon-Gare[4].
Other CFDT structures will bear the brunt of this wave of exclusions on the eve of the
1979 Congress. In January 1978, the BNP section of the Paris Union of Banks, with more
than 1,000 members, is suspended. In March 1979 it is the turn of the union council of the
CFDT section of Usinor-Dunkerque, which includes 800 members.
It is therefore in the interval 1976-1979 that everything is accelerating. It was also in
those years that the Confederation adapted its analysis to the political and economic context.
The rupture of the Union of the Left in September 1977 suggests a possible defeat, ruining
the strategic edifice of "committed autonomy".
Farewell to the strike
At the same time, partly related to the 1973 Oil Shock and the intransigence of the
capitalists in defending their interests, the economic crisis is worsening. Faced with
this, the first attitude of the CFDT is the denial of sacrifices for workers.
But the crisis is synonymous with deindustrialisation and increasingly massive layoffs.
Combativeness is in decline, the year 1978 counts only 2.2 million days of strike.
De-unionization affects all organizations. Unemployment rose by 11% in August 1978 to
almost 2 million private jobs.
The confederal leadership will "slip" on an increasingly "realistic" analysis . Jacques
Moreau, from the CFDT Cadet Union and close to Edmond Maire, presents a report to the
Confederation National Council of January 1978, which bears witness to this evolution: if
concrete results are needed to restore confidence in trade unionism, and as the strike "It
does not work anymore", we have to put negotiation at the heart of the CFDT's strategy[5].
If it is first rejected, the Moreau report will continue to inspire the confederal clan.
In the spring of 1978, after the electoral defeat of the left in the March legislative
elections, Edmond Maire went to Matignon to converse with the Prime Minister Raymond
Barre, yet the architect of government austerity plans. It is in "social partner" that the
CFDT now arises.
And the Moreau report, presented as a necessary "refocusing" on "pure" trade unionism
against "political" trade unionism in previous years, will serve as a basis for the
Confederation's May 1979 discussions.
Another consequence of the "refocusing", the unit of action with the CGT flounders.
Whatever one may think of the particular interests of the two confederal branches to
unity, it is clear that this unity had been in the preceding years one of the factors of
the rise of the struggles[6].
Such a strategic aggiornamento will make dizzy to the numerous teams CFDT who educated
unions in the post-68, solidly tied to the hope socialist self-management.
Birth of a union left
Some do not immediately perceive the danger of "refocusing", say that after all it is a
way out of the orbit of the Socialist Party and it is not so bad.
But of course it is not the opinion of the excluded of Lyon-Gare, BNP Paris, Usinor
Dunkerque who seek first at once to get their reinstatement in the CFDT and unveil the
springs . Because they and they perceive that in the "new course" that wants to impulse
the confederal leadership, it is their syndicalism of struggle and class that disturbs.
They are present at the door of the Brest congress, distributing brochures documenting
their exclusions. At the congress forum, delegates asked that the excluded be able to
express themselves and defend their point of view in the name of trade union democracy,
without success. A motion to this effect is signed by 150 unions ... or 10% of those
represented at the Brest Congress.
For some, the 1979 congress will be significant "what revolutionary trade unionists can
expect today from their action within the CFDT: a different practice with the workers
within the sections, in some special cases at the a union; but, in the end, misadventures
with the bureaucracy ..."[7]
In the CFDT, 1979 marks in any case very clearly the tilting of opposition to dissidence.
To continue to support a class struggle socialist and self-management syndicalism, it will
now be necessary to organize. Inside the plant, or outside. It is the choice that will
make the excluded by creating the first "alternative unions": Syndicat autogestionnaire
des travailleurs (SAT) at Lyon-Gare, Democratic Union of Banks (SDB) in Paris[8], Union of
struggle of the workers (SLT) of Usinor-Dunkerque.
Despite this, opponents will still be heard in the CFDT for more than ten years. They and
they will put their union tool at the service of strikes and the self-management of
struggles[9]. And it will be the ferment of the creation of SOUTH unions in the 1990s.
Théo Roumier
[1] "When the CFDT wanted socialism and self-management", Les Utopiques n ° 10, spring 2019
[2] "1973: Lip, Lip, Lip, Hurray ! », Libertarian Alternative , June 2013
[3] Challenging in the Army. Soldiers' Committees, Anti-militarism and Syndicalism in the
1970s", Les Utopiques n ° 5, June 2017
[4] "1977: Hunting witches in the CFDT", Libertarian Alternative , September 2017
[5] Frank Georgi, "The world changes, change our unionism: the crisis seen by the CFDT
(1973-1988)", in Twentieth century, history review n ° 84, 2004
[6] "CGT-CFDT, the unfortunate times and woes of the 68s", Les Utopiques n ° 4, February 2017
[7] Workers Solidarity No. 86/87/88, September 1979
[8] It should be noted, however, that some of the excluded members choose to join the CGT
[9] Trade unionists and libertarians. A history of the Union of Libertarian Communist
Workers (1974-1991) , editions of Libertarian Alternative, 2013
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Mai-1979-la-CFDT-lache-la-lutte-des-classes
------------------------------
Message: 3
On May 26, Italian citizens will vote to elect the new European parliament, and 400
million European voters will be called to the polls. ---- Several hundred candidates are
ready to be elected to give continuity to their self-representation, perpetuating a
simulacrum of democracy in a scenario crossed by strong systemic contradictions. ----
These elections are played on major issues, which artificially remain in the shadows,
starting from the dispute over the single currency and the reactionary political response
that is crossing the whole of Europe, the European rights are coalescing and are
increasing their influence on large strata of the population, denouncing the advance of
the racist and fascist right on the electoral field has now become a prerogative of a
neoliberal system that has come to an end, a system of power that has, over the years,
built the foundations for the fascist and nationalist right to rise again.
The electoral debate seems to be concentrated between two apparently alternative political
hypotheses, on the one hand the fascist reaction, and on the other the neoliberal
continuity that characterized the birth and further development of European policies.
It is clear that the right is the wrong answer to wrong questions. Europe built on the
Franco-German axis is showing serious limits, the peripheral countries have undergone a
profound transformation due to the policies dictated by the financial oligopolies, which
are and remain the true European political power. Cutting wages, reducing workers' rights,
cutting services, devastating privatizations, these are the social policies that have
allowed the success of European rights, and are the result of austerity policies arranged
and implemented by neoliberal political power.
These elections take place in a European context crossed by strong economic and political
tensions, the countries that have seen the greatest investments of German manufacturing
have been among the first to fall into nationalism, making believe and illusion that a
resumption of political control over the economy is possible through an alleged monetary
sovereignty, and that this happens while remaining in a capitalist and neoliberal system.
German neo-mercantilism has to cope with the crisis and the restructuring of the
automotive sector, with the advent of electric cars and electrified transport, its
manufacturing industry is undergoing profound changes.
The examples are not lacking.
The reactionary Hungary of the Orban government, admired and flattered by the entire
proto-fascist European right is the classic example of how a Europe can be prefigured with
the participation of sovereignists and racists who have wage compression and the denial of
rights of workers.
Lower taxes on the rich and collect money through consumption taxes, costs thus paid by
the weaker classes and by workers, this is the great genius of Orban, so much praised by
the Italian League's right wing.
The different social level between the countries of the European center and the peripheral
ones is increasingly evident, the economic repercussions left by the long chain of German
manufacturing, are no longer safe revenues in the face of a hypothesis of crisis greater
than German exports.
The war in Libya, which sees European countries lined up on opposing fronts, is a further
sign of the profound political crisis that puts power politics and national interests at
the center, further weakening any hypothesis of a common European project.
It will not be with the new European parliament that the problems of a continent will be
overcome, the basis of any serious discussion on Europe will have to take into account
policies in favor of the poorest workers and classes, and for a new approach to the
environmental question.
It is therefore essential to fight and take action to counter the racist and xenophobic
policies of the new nationalism, to denounce any sovereign hypothesis, however
represented, as false and impracticable for the purpose of defending workers.
Build European alliances among workers, work for a continental trade union, implement
effective fiscal progressiveness, claim public and free services and schools, social and
economic assistance, abolish social dumping, fight undeclared work, and differentiate
rights: without these political presuppositions every electoral discussion only confirms a
post-democratic landing of the entire society.
Only the resumption of struggles and the reconstruction of an internationalist class front
will be able to define a new European project, of freedom and social justice.
http://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/wpAL/blog/2019/05/20/europa/
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Message: 4
André Hébert was a volunteer with the YPG between 2015 and 2017. He delivers through this
book a fascinating political testimony on the current revolution. ---- This book was first
motivated by the need to twist the necks of the untruths circulating on the conflict that
ignited and still sets Syria on fire. Indeed, after having initially supported the Free
Syrian Army, which has for the most part been disbanded or recycled within the Islamic
State and mercenaries in the pay of Turkey, the International Coalition[1]had to resign
itself to support the YPG[2], the only force able to stand up to Daesh, despite their
revolutionary ideology. In order to justify the current let-go, they now need to rewrite
the history of the war against Daesh, diminishing the role of Kurdish and foreign
revolutionaries on the one hand, and Turkey's support for the Islamic State of Israel. 'other.
They were however 700 foreign volunteers, including about thirty French, to join the YPG.
Read also:
"Volunteer fighter in Rojava: logbook" in 2016-2017
"A libertarian communist in the YPG: logbook" in 2017
"A libertarian communist in the IFB: logbook" in 2018
Democratic confederalism
André Hébert fought with them in several units, offering a rather diversified vision of
the reality of the front: first alongside " apolitical " volunteers , then in the
International Battalion, in a unit of deminers, etc. The story alternates these
testimonies of the front with political reflections, based on the experiences of the young
revolutionary. Thus, the liberation of a city occupied by the jihadists is followed by a
chapter on the ideology of Daesh, backed up by the chilling discoveries made on the spot,
pertaining to pure nihilism: cult of suicide, sexual slavery, drugs (while Daech punishes
cigarette smokers), etc.
There are also descriptions of Kurdish democratic confederalism, different motives for
engagement and volunteer journeys, Kurdish feminism, and Kurdish warfare, which aims to
remain as human as possible in order to prepare for the after. At the time Amnesty
International produces sloppy reports involving the Kurds, this testimony will reset the
record straight[3].
His stay in Syria will be interspersed with a return to France, which illustrates the
procrastination of states committed to the Kurds. André Hébert will indeed be arrested for
the first time in Iraqi Kurdistan[4], and a second time in France, by the DGSI, while he
is about to leave. They confiscate his passport and it will take recourse to the
administrative court to be able to join the fighting again and participate in the release
of Raqqa. Proof that France agrees to support by air strikes the fight against Daesh, but
not to let French activists leave to fight alongside the Kurds.
At a time when evidence of doubtful foreign volunteers is multiplying on the Internet, it
should be noted that there is no desire on the part of André Hébert to shine. He never
ceases to recall the collective and united nature of the actions carried out, the
engagement of activists who are sometimes no longer there to testify, or who will remain
anonymous.
Nihilism of Daesh
The purpose of this book is therefore to "build a stream of opinion, talk about this
revolution, understand it and see what can inspire us here: feminism, collectivization,
direct democracy. We see for example with the movement of yellow vests that there is an
aspiration for democracy, the democratic confederalism can perhaps give us tools to answer
it"[5]. To make known this revolution makes all sense at a time when the revolution in
Rojava is threatened: " European countries will align with the US decision to withdraw or
not their troops, and let Turkey attack. But the Kurds have really shared power with other
communities, but their adherence to democratic confederalism is still fragile. On a
military level, if there are many members of other communities, especially Arabs, in the
leadership of the Syrian Democratic Forces, the basic soldier could very well turn around
for a few hundred dollars a month. "
Let us conclude that this book comes out in a prestigious collection, alongside works by
J. Steinbeck, HG Wells or E. Jünger, and is remarkably prefaced by the journalist Pauline
Maucort[6], who puts it very well within great political testimonies of revolutionaries
fought away from home.
Gregoire (AL Orleans)
André Hébert, Until Raqqa. With the Kurds against Daesh , Les Belles Lettres, 2019, 256
pages, 21 euros.
[1] Coalition intervening since August 2014 in Syria, mainly via air strikes, regrouping
the United States and their allies of NATO and oil monarchies. Russia is also involved,
but independently, with its allies.
[2] YPG: People's Protection Units, the armed wing of the Kurdish Revolutionary Party of
Syria, the PYD.
[3] Read about this topic "Did the YPG commit war crimes ?" , Libertarian Alternative,
December 2015.
[4] In Iraq, the majority Kurdish party, the KDP, and its armed force the peshmerga, are
capitalists allied politically with the United States.
[5] The quotes come from a telephone interview with the author on April 15.
[6] Author among other fascinating radio documentary "Engaged Volunteers, fight for his
ideas" .
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Lire-Andre-Hebert-Avec-les-Kurdes-contre-Daech
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Message: 5
On May 17, the union sections of the metal of Bizkaia agreed to participate in the strike
days called by the unions ELA, LAB, UGT and CCOO. ---- "More than 50,000 workers in this
historic territory have frozen wages and working conditions, we have to put an end to this
situation", said the CNT. ---- The strike of the metal sector of Biscay will be on May 23
and June 6, 7, 20 and 21. "The conveners are four unions, but other unions will support
the struggle and mobilization," said the anarcho-syndicalist organization. "The attitude
of the FVEM employers is one of shame," the CNT has emphasized, "since it has used the
crisis to increase its profits and worsen the situation of the workers". The union
believes that social peace is "an absolute mistake" for the situation of workers: "We have
to promote and strengthen the conflict, both in the workplace and in the streets."
Therefore, the CNT has considered that the call of all unions to a strike is "a positive
development".
Encourages workers to become involved in the mobilizations. "If we want to reverse the
situation, the active participation of everyone is necessary, starting with the factories
and work centers" -has concluded the anarcho-syndicalist organization.
https://www.cnt.es/noticias/cnt-se-suma-a-la-huelga-del-sector-del-metal-de-bizkaia/
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Message: 6
This Wednesday CNT La Felguera returns to the court to demand what is fair. On this
occasion, it will be DMS, contract of Capgemini Spain the more than likely will have to
admit another partner in the template.
The union encourages us to attend the event and calls the fight "to the entire staff of
Capgemini in a union where we organize ourselves as equals."
https://www.cnt.es/noticias/22-de-mayo-piquete-en-los-juzgados-de-mieres/
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Message: 7
Constructing virtual storage of articles in companies has become a brand new stage within
the development of business information surroundings, associated with the growth of the
availablility of separated sources, file systems, information systems and outside sources
of data that users need to consult with. Cloud data storage is highly demanded because of
convenience together with accessibility by anywhere in the world. The two private
consumers and company representatives willingly place all their information on the
Internet. And even Usb thumb drive manufacturers check out cloud storage area not as
competitors, but as companions. However , for the purpose of serious organization problems
no cost services will never work. Of course, organizations in addition to government
agencies need high consistency of storage and privacy of data: plus adaptable settings
associated with access legal rights. One of the vital features of the "Virtual Storage" is
scalability. It enables you to allocate a lot and even hundreds of terabytes intended for
placement of corporate and business data within minutes. Furthermore, the client contains
extensive operation for setting up this provider - by creating open and private pots for
information in order to integrating fog up storage together with corporate applications.
Data is probably the most valuable materials of any business. Additionally, losing
information, you can not just take it and get it once more. Data duplication in our
cloud-based object safe-keeping is done about three self-employed servers.
How come cloud-based target storage valuable?
FLEXIBLE ACCESSIBILITY MANAGEMENT. Location particularly important copies inside private
concept storage containers.
MANAGEMENT OF TYPES. Different types of the same data can be put in different containers
with time hint. Always receive the copy you will need.
SET MOMENT STORAGE. Copies become out of date over time. Remove irrelevant info from the
cloud storage, setting the period of these storage.
Cloud storage for business is a company that provides protect access to data files from
mobile phones and functioning computers. Impair storage for people who do buiness allows
you to obtain and sunc files for individual or basic use. Users can share with the right
to enjoy or change files. Info is trapped in a data middle in Canada. All information can
be purchased at any time from anywhere in the world. You may customize typically the
interface and even design the particular cloud storage area exactly as you need. The
expanding number of heterogeneous repositories info both in and outside the particular
enterprise boosts the difficulty of finding and getting at it. Information can be stored
in an infinite number involving places, including data warehouses, databases, cooperation
applications, Web sites, e-mail, corporate and business applications plus more. Corporate
storage area of unstructured information made an appearance along with the first of all
data carriers. However , over time, the only vdr m&a registered of corporate repositories
that will end users had access to was your file system. With all the advent of company
content managing systems (their creators recommended such data management capabilities as
type and access rights, organization rules, emailing, etc . ), it was required to adapt
typically the storage style accordingly, placing content forms, attributes, lifestyle
cycles and the like. To provide the possibility of such an variation, corporate systems
began to offer you their own types, which, unlike file techniques, had a significantly
wider range of parameters for customization. The most popular articles repository type has
become the object-oriented design, in which any information unit is definitely an
independent subject of a certain kind and has one set of features (classifiers). An
object-oriented style has selected advantages on the traditional relational model, aiding
the inheritance of top features of object forms, such as the arrangement of
characteristics and experditions. Due to this, aided by the development of the storage
design, as well as with all the appearance of recent functional jobs, it is not needed to
make corrections to the current settings; it is enough to create rejeton of currently
ready forms of objects, adding new features to them. With all the increasing wide variety
of external users of business information storage space, there is a need to provide remote
control access to storage area and the capability to build dispersed federated storage
space. The answer to these requirements was the creation of technologies that allowed
making distributed business information conditions.
https://northeastanarchistgroup.org/2019/05/21/virtual-storage-offers-real-cost-savings-and-how-come-cloud-based-item-storage-helpful/
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Message: 8
The interprofessional trade union CNT-AIT (section of the International Association of
Workers) in Madrid announced the launch of protests against Faunia and calls for its
boycott. The cause of the conflict was the dismissal from the company's El Olivo
restaurant in Valdebernardo, Comrade Emanuele. ---- A fellow worked as a cook in a
restaurant and openly criticized exploitative practices in the institution. In addition,
he refused to sign the document with the consent to pay for "advanced training" courses
for which the Directorate forcibly recorded workers. He was accused of disciplinary
violations and disorder in the kitchen, and then fired. ---- Anarcho-syndicalists demand
reinstatement of a fired comrade at work ----
http://elmilicianocnt-aitchiclana.blogspot.com/2019/05/sov-cnt-ait-madrid-boicot-faunia-no.html
https://aitrus.info/node/5270
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Message: 9
This is a public communication from the High security prison in Santiago and extends to
the mobilization of all the prisons of the territory in Chile. ---- "We start an
indefinite liquid and hunger strike in rejection to Law 321 which modifies all the
postulation times for benefits, as well as keeping us behind the bars for a lot more
time." ---- On the 16th of May, 23 inmates of 3H North unit of the High Security Prison
began an indefinite liquid and hunger strike as part of the national resistance movement
in prisons across Chile. ---- A further 24 inmates of the 2H North unit joined them with a
cessation of activities in solidarioty with the growing movement in the different prisons
of the country. ---- This is the first in a series of hunger strikes that are used as a
tool in the fight for fair treatment and freedom for all people deprived of their liberty.
SOLIDARITY IS NOT ONLY WRITTEN WORD!!!
To read more about the mobilizations against the Law 321, read in the blog of Lxs Compas
of Refractory Publication: I , II , III , IV , V.
Note: The 3H North module is the comrade Marcelo Villarroel Sepulveda , a subversive
prisoner, who has been on hunger strike since Thursday the 16th of May and is an active
part of the fight against prison and the nefarious law 321.
Originally shared onES-CONTRAINFO.ESPIV.NET
Public statement from the High Security Prison; Against the prison and the law 321
PUBLIC COMMUNICATION FROM THE JAIL OF HIGH SECURITY, CONTEXT OF MOBILIZATION OF ALL THE
PRISONS OF THE TERRITORY IN CHILE.
«START A LIQUID AND INDEFINITE HUNGER STRIKE IN REJECTION TO DECREE LAW 321 WHICH MODIFIES
ALL THE POSTULATION TIMES FOR BENEFITS, AS WELL AS KEEPING US A LOT MORE TIME AFTER THE
GRILLES».
Today Thursday 23 inmates of the 3H North of the CAS began a liquid and indefinite hunger
strike as part of the movement of national rejection in prisons.
To the decree law 321 that modifies all the times of application to benefits as well as
keeps us for a very long time more behind bars.
A further 24 inmates of the 2H Norte were added with a paralysis of activities to the
growing movement in the different prisons of the country.
It would be the first in a series of hunger strikes that come as a tool in the fight for
fair freedom for all people deprived of their liberty.
THAT THE SOLIDARITY IS NOT ONLY WRITTEN WORD!!!
To see more about the mobilizations against the Law 321, read in the blog of lxs compas of
Refractory Publication: I, II, III, IV, V.
Note: Remember that in the 3H North module is the comrade Marcelo Villarroel Sepúlveda
-prisoner subversive - which is on hunger strike since Thursday May 16, being in this way
an active part of the fight against prison and the nefarious law 321.
http://organisemagazine.org.uk/2019/05/21/public-statement-from-the-high-security-prison-in-santiago-chile-against-prison-and-law-321/
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Message: 10
Review of Red State Revolt, The Teachers' Strike Wave and Working-Class Politics by Eric
Blanc on Verso Books, 2019. ---- By Michael Mochaidean ---- Last year's wave of public
teacher strikes and walkouts was the highest number of workers walking off the job in
three decades. Whether it will be the start of a larger trend across other sectors is yet
to be seen. But understanding how these strikes came to fruition is an important lesson of
modern labor history. ---- So how did a group of young, radical, education unionists
manage to stage statewide walkouts across the nation in 2018? ---- This is the question
that Eric Blanc seeks to answer in the much anticipated release of his first book, Red
State Revolt. Blanc is a doctoral student at NYU and for the past year has acted as
correspondent on the Left for the larger education struggles. Given that Blanc has spent
the better part of a year covering these struggles, interviewing by his estimates over 100
participants, and being a former educator himself, Blanc is uniquely qualified to write
about these matters in ways few others can.
The three largest conclusions that Blanc comes to in Red State Revolt are as follows: 1)
the Left's connection to labor struggles has been dead for the past half-decade, and only
this recent upsurge can revitalize it; 2) education workers are the front lines in a
battle against austerity, neo-liberalism, and the right for public workers to successfully
(and legally) strike; 3) the 2016 Bernie Sanders campaign and the Democratic Socialists of
America (DSA) have played a unique role leading up to and building for these strikes.
Blanc's overall assessment of the 2018 Education Strikes centers crucially on the ability
for DSA and Bernie-inspired radicals to join, build, and lead the new labor movement. In
Chapter Three, for example, Blanc purposefully juxtaposes Oklahoma's statewide walkout to
the more successful strikes in West Virginia and Arizona to build Blanc's calculation for
the reader: when there are no active DSA members in a labor struggle, it suffers; when
there are active DSA members in a labor struggle, it thrives. This simplistic analysis of
these statewide revolts reveals more about Blanc's overall judgment on the efficacy of one
socialist organization than it does anything about how these struggles dealt with issues
of race, geography, and gender, to name a few.
Blanc's political leanings however weigh heavily and cloud the narrative throughout Red
State Revolt. He is a member of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), the
neo-Kautskyist Bread and Roses caucus (formerly known as the Spring Caucus), and a staunch
supporter of the Bernie 2020 campaign.
Origins of the Strike and Blanc's Narrative Don't Align
As a teacher who was involved with organizing the West Virginia teacher strike and who has
been working with key strike leaders across the country, as well as those interviewed in
Red State Revolt, I can say from my own direct knowledge and experience that the analysis
built up by Blanc props up a narrative that fits his own political outlook and doesn't
always hold up under scrutiny.
For example, Blanc begins his introduction by stating that his work is more than a
recounting of the year's long strike wave of 2018, but "also a behind-the scenes account
of how militant teacher-organizers - most of them young radicals inspired by the 2016
Bernie Sanders presidential campaign - initiated these illegal rank-and-file rebellions
and guided them to victory in alliance with their trade unions." By ‘young radicals,'
Blanc is referring to several individuals who self-identify as democratic socialists and
are members of DSA who had some tie, however loosely and informally, to Bernie Sander's
2016 presidential run. As he states, "though few in number, young socialists inspired by
the Bernie Sanders campaign played an outsized role[in the strikes]." The self-identified
democratic socialists inspired by Bernie's campaign that Blanc points to - Emily Comer,
Jay O'Neal, Nicole and Matt McCormick each from West Virginia, and Noah Kervallis from
Arizona - make up a small percentage of the overall interviews conducted by Blanc, yet
receive the bulk of attention from his retelling of the strikes.
For Blanc, the origins of the strikes can be found in a reading group that had started in
a nascent Kanawha Valley DSA chapter in Charleston, WV. Organizers with the Kanawha Valley
DSA wanted to help organize teachers in 2017, and so they began by reading Jane McAlevey's
No Shortcuts: Organizing for Power in the Gilded Age. The chapter disbanded for a period,
yet the few teachers still in the group wanted to continue this work. The Facebook group
that launched in October 2017 was the culmination of this organizing, and its genesis,
according to O'Neal, was from the Facebook groups set up for DSA chapters, caucuses, and
working groups. From there, power was built by organizing local sessions around PEIA (the
state health insurance agency for public employees), banner protests at the governor's
state of the state address, and holding #RedForEd days at schools, whereby teachers would
dress all in red and post solidarity pictures with one another.
The point of this retelling is to draw a comparison between the 2018 West Virginia
walkouts and the 2012 Chicago Teachers Strike. The Caucus of Rank-and-File Educators
(CORE), which later took over the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) prior to 2012. In so doing,
Blanc's retelling of this story is intended to connect the two struggles, divided by half
a decade and vastly different geographic settings, despite the fact that few teachers in
West Virginia were aware of the background of the CTU strike, its history, or its impact
on the labor struggle at the time of their own walkouts.
As Blanc continues in his section on West Virginia, the reader is given the background of
the social media page - West Virginia Public Employees United. None of the organizing that
took place could have done so without this secret Facebook page, as told by individuals
Blanc interviewed. Tying this to the organizing work of specific members of DSA, however,
is a false narrative. While DSA members Jay O'Neal and Emily Comer did help to create this
page, similar pages were likewise created by non-DSA members in Kentucky and Oklahoma at
the same time. Furthermore, the page's initial birth was intended to channel collective
anger towards online organizing for much smaller actions - the Lobby Day that took place
in January, 2018 - not for larger goals of direct action. It became the success that it
was because it allowed for a greater number of education workers to access information
that had previously been the purview of only union leadership, staff, and those capable of
attending monthly meetings.
The Centrality of the DSA?
The actions that Blanc relays about successful organizing at the capitol - banners,
op-eds, meeting with representatives - occurred in one location, the more metropolitan
center of the state. Peripherally, however, local organizing from non-DSA members were far
more numerous yet receive far less attention in Red State Revolt. Blanc's recounting of
this strike's genesis from the point of view of a select group of DSA-affiliated members
hinges the success of this action on the DSA's operational hegemony - the "Militant
Minority" that are the focus of this work. Had it not been for DSA's attempt to organize
teachers, the strike may never had happened, so Blanc explains.
This point is driven home later in his retelling of the Oklahoma strike. Blanc makes it
evident that social media alone could not win the day. In the state, two large and
competing social media pages were set up months prior to the statewide strike. In this
case, according to Blanc, the lack of on-the-ground organizing in Oklahoma meant that the
success of their strike was always hampered by personalities jockeying for control of the
movement. Between the Oklahoma Teachers United page, set up by "fiscal conservative" Larry
Cagle, and Oklahoma Teachers Walkout-The Time is Now, set up by Alberto Morejon, there was
little desire for these individuals to work across pages and with the Oklahoma Education
Association (OEA). Infighting soon began with Cagle's pugnacious style overshadowing the
OEA, and Morejon's inability to grapple with his new role as an organizer.
This feud foreshadows the ultimate defeat of Oklahoma educators, but more importantly,
Oklahoma's less-than-successful strike acts as a foil to Blanc in one greater respect -
the fact that DSA members did not play a (more) active role. For Blanc, "the present-day
rebirth of a socialist movement in Oklahoma can be traced to February 28, 2016" when, on
that day, "Bernie Sanders electrified a rally of over 6,000 in Oklahoma City." Bernie
presented Oklahomans with "an outlet to the deep dissatisfaction that existed with the
status quo." What differentiated Oklahoma from West Virginia, though, was that "none of
these Oklahoman DSAers had jobs in the schools" and, for this reason, "they were unable to
transmit class politics or organizing know-how into Oklahoma's education movement, either
during the lead-up to the walkout or once it had begun, and they were limited to providing
outside support."
Why Race Matters in Labor
Although Blanc does acknowledge the dynamics of race and gender in his work, he paints
over them quickly so as not to divert attention away from the theme of Bernie/DSA's role
in igniting this new labor movement. And this is where the assessment and narrative of the
book falls apart. Blanc acknowledges from the beginning that he is not going to discuss
any other strikes that took place in 2018. Had he done so, Blanc's understanding of the
components of race and the limitations of this movement independent of a holistic
class-based analysis would have disproven his argument. Blanc quickly surveys the DeKalb
County bus driver strike (without acknowledging the role that the Industrial Workers of
the World played in organizing this strike), only to conclude that this strike was
unsuccessful because "calling a strike and winning a strike are two distinct tasks. To
organize an illegal strike and win requires strong internal unity and external support."
Blanc does not address the fact that the striking bus drivers who lost their jobs were
predominately Black and that this strike did not receive the attention it deserved, or the
organizing assistance it needed to thrive, principally because of the dual components of
race and class status. Even now, these fault lines are presenting a greater necessity for
understanding why race matters in the labor struggle both in terms of student population
and teacher demographics.
Red State Revolt is simply a well-written narrative that covers the dysfunction of the
Democratic Party, a brief history of labor's neutered existence in the past half-decade,
and a "how-to" guide for new organizers. Blanc does all these well. Yet, without
understanding the power dynamics behind the scenes, it is unclear why Blanc spends an
extended time covering the backgrounds of these organizers as he does. What is an
otherwise well-written narrative for young organizers on the historic nature of last
year's walkouts becomes a hagiography of certain principal education workers. All quoted
respondents who identify as socialists state that they identify as a democratic socialist,
and are in some way inspired by Bernie's 2016 presidential run. This is intentionally
selective. Blanc's affiliation with the Bread and Rose caucus, as many other DSA education
workers quoted in Red State Revolt do, means that the story of socialism in the 2018
walkouts can only be explained as a phenomenon of DSA's exceptional organizing capacity
unparalleled on the Left since the 1960's. Indeed, no other socialist organization,
tendency, or affiliation are even mentioned, despite the fact that both the International
Socialist Organization and the Industrial Workers of the World played equally critical
roles in these strikes.
We are all indebted to Blanc for his coverage of these strikes and for providing a mostly
accurate picture of their set-ups and setbacks, successes and failures. It is truly an
important text for any organizer to read in order to gain greater insight into the
intricacies of online to on-the-ground organizing campaigns across entire states. However,
if future generations remember these strikes through Blanc's political lens as simply
successors to Bernie's 2016 presidential run and the rise of the DSA, we will all be the
worse off for it. Its flaws notwithstanding, Red State Revolt is a helpful tool for those
new to organizing, those looking for a perspective on the 2018 walkouts outside the
mainstream press, and those hoping to grapple with where the labor movement can learn from
the triumphs and pitfalls of organizing against enemies on multiple fronts.
Michael Mochaidean is a public school teacher, organizer, and member of WVEA and the West
Virginia IWW. He is currently co-authoring a book detailing the 2018 education walkouts,
their triumphs, and limitations one year later.
http://blackrosefed.org/red-state-revolt-essential-but-flawed/
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