Anarchic update news all over the world - 1.06.2019

Today's Topics:

   
1.  ait russia: Strike of foreign workers in Irkutsk [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Czech, afed.cz: Don't go! - Report from May Day blockade of
      Nazis in Brno [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Czech, afed.cz: A3: What do you want from Europe?
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  anarkismo.net: "From the point of view of power, nothing is
      disputed in elections" by Nathaniel Clavijo - Uruguayan Anarchist
      Federation (ca, it) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  federacionan arquista uruguaya: LETTER of OPINION - fAu - 20
      MAyo 2019 -- IMPUNES TODAY, GOLPISTS TOMORROW 
      (ca, it) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  anarkismo.net: Fernández x 2: the "formula" to demobilize
      by Anarchist Federation of Rosario - FAR (ca, it) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





On May 22, foreign workers staged a strike in the Pervomaisky microdistrict of the city of 
Irkutsk. Builders from East Asian countries refused to go to work, sitting on the upper 
tier of an unfinished kindergarten. About 30 people took part in the protest action. The 
protesters fastened several posters with the words "Return my blood money" in Russian, 
duplicating their demand with the inscription in Chinese hieroglyphs. ---- The sit-in was 
caused by multi-million dollar wage arrears. According to reports, the general contractor 
- the Municipal Department of Capital Construction ("UKS of the city of Irkutsk") - has 
not paid wages to builders for several months. The debt amounted to more than 100 million 
rubles.
The strike aroused the interest of the residents of the microdistrict and the users of 
social networks, where the amateur cadres from the scene had leaked. Two dozen police 
crews arrived at the construction site; journalists were not allowed to enter the 
territory of the facility under construction.

The workers agreed to come down from the roof of the building and remove their posters 
after negotiations with the chairman of the Irkutsk town-planning policy committee, deputy 
mayor of the city A.Kh. Kim ( 
http://unionsrussia.ru/News/irkutsk-migrant-workers-staged-sit-in-strike )

+ + +

The strike of Chinese builders employed in the construction of a kindergarten, held in 
Irkutsk. Information about non-payment of their salary checks the regional SU IC.

In Pervomaisk district of the city of Irkutsk, a group of foreign workers, while on the 
roof of an unfinished building, demanded that they be paid their wages , the department's 
website says.

On this fact organized pre-investigation check.

Protesters, Chinese workers made a poster on May 22, "Return my bloody money." This is the 
only phrase they know in Russian. A banner appeared on the construction site of a 
kindergarten on Almaznaya Street. The contractor is the Office of Capital Construction of 
Irkutsk. The plot of the strike was aired on the regional television channel Vesti.

This garden is built on the federal program "Nursery". To date, the Ministry of Education 
(Irkutsk Region. - News.ru) cannot bring federal money to Irkutsk. The Ministry owes us 40 
million for this kindergarten , "said Alexander Kim, head of the Irkutsk administration's 
town planning policy committee.

According to municipal officials, the regional department has not entered into an 
agreement with the Ministry of Education of Russia. The regional profile ministry reported 
that funds for a kindergarten from the federal center have already been received. After 
signing the documents, the workers were promised to pay the debts (

https://news.ru/obshestvo/kitajcy-trebovali-vernut-im-krovavye-dengi-v-irkutske/

https://aitrus.info/node/5275

------------------------------

Message: 2





The main anarchist month of the year is definitely May, traditionally packed with cultural 
and sports events. The excellent preparation for this year was the first May in Brno. It 
was called by the Brno Blocking Initiative - so the goal was more than clear: "Neo-Nazis 
and neo-Nazis will come to Brno on May 1 to raise Europe from a spiritual and biological 
mud." They want to march through the streets in a triple step with burned torches... They 
probably still don't understand that there is no place for Nazi speeches in the streets of 
Brno. " ---- The anti-fascist event began on Dominican Square, where it was spoken and 
played, such as the PB Trio and Samco, the brother of earthworms. (Smaller concerts were 
held elsewhere around the city for the enjoyment of passers-by.) The weather was 
diversifying waiting for the blockade. The fascists had a meeting at the nearby Vegetable 
Market, but their new National and Social Front could not find the power of their fellow 
soldiers - in the end, it did not yield more than twenty threes. But just behind Zelnák 
they were still stopped by anti-fascists in cooperation with local Roma, who then in the 
evening asked the rioters scattered in the streets where those bald hunks were hidden. In 
addition, from the photos and shots of the television cameras, we learn later that a short 
smoke smoke has also diversified the fascists' march,

The blockade's main procession set off from Dominican Square along the announced route to 
block the Nazi march from where it was supposed to be. The police accompanied the 
activists faithfully, and at one point the déjà vu tragicomic came: the cops seemed to 
honor the round anniversary of the handover in November 1989, launched by the truncheons 
at Národní Street, with supplies and rioters both ends of Husova Street full of activists. 
According to the regulations, the people called for peace, something like "force will be 
used to ensure your safety against you". The security of the attendees was ensured by the 
tear and the supplies they began to enter into people. It is hard to say what makes them 
more disturbed: command info that the Nazis are already stuck somewhere, or that no one is 
putting a flower on their plexiglass and instead laughs at them, or that a wheelchair user 
is not going to get out of the way? In addition, a lot of anti-fascists and antifascists 
on the streets went ready for water games. Therefore, when the police decided to encircle 
the blockers, part of the participants and participants understood it as a call to launch 
an aqua-boot, and a dose of water-filled balloons, originally prepared for the 
fire-fighting procession of the torch parade, fell on the helmets and anton's windshield 
helmets. Shortly thereafter, the police approached (from a strategic point of view) a 
nonsensical (but very happy) maneuver, and at the top of the street with antony backed up 
and several hundred motivated anti-fascists and anti-fascists launched into the streets 
again (according to our editorial theory, the police scared the water balloons). In short, 
they went back to the chase game because the day's theme was: Who's playing doesn't pitch. 
a lot of anti-fascists and antifascists on the streets went ready for water games. 
Therefore, when the police decided to encircle the blockers, part of the participants and 
participants understood it as a call to launch an aqua-boot, and a dose of water-filled 
balloons, originally prepared for the fire-fighting procession of the torch parade, fell 
on the helmets and anton's windshield helmets. Shortly thereafter, the police approached 
(from a strategic point of view) a nonsensical (but very happy) maneuver, and at the top 
of the street with antony backed up and several hundred motivated anti-fascists and 
anti-fascists launched into the streets again (according to our editorial theory, the 
police scared the water balloons). In short, they went back to the chase game because the 
day's theme was: Who's playing doesn't pitch. a lot of anti-fascists and antifascists on 
the streets went ready for water games. Therefore, when the police decided to encircle the 
blockers, part of the participants and participants understood it as a call to launch an 
aqua-boot, and a dose of water-filled balloons, originally prepared for the fire-fighting 
procession of the torch parade, fell on the helmets and anton's windshield helmets. 
Shortly thereafter, the police approached (from a strategic point of view) a nonsensical 
(but very happy) maneuver, and at the top of the street with antony backed up and several 
hundred motivated anti-fascists and anti-fascists launched into the streets again 
(according to our editorial theory, the police scared the water balloons). In short, they 
went back to the chase game because the day's theme was: Who's playing doesn't pitch. part 
of the participants and participants understood this as a call for the launch of an 
aqua-boot, and a dose of water-filled balloons, originally prepared for the fire-fighting 
procession of the torch parade, fell on helmets and anton's windshield helmets. Shortly 
thereafter, the police approached (from a strategic point of view) a nonsensical (but very 
happy) maneuver, and at the top of the street with antony backed up and several hundred 
motivated anti-fascists and anti-fascists launched into the streets again (according to 
our editorial theory, the police scared the water balloons). In short, they went back to 
the chase game because the day's theme was: Who's playing doesn't pitch. part of the 
participants and participants understood this as a call for the launch of an aqua-boot, 
and a dose of water-filled balloons, originally prepared for the fire-fighting procession 
of the torch parade, fell on helmets and anton's windshield helmets. Shortly thereafter, 
the police approached (from a strategic point of view) a nonsensical (but very happy) 
maneuver, and at the top of the street with antony backed up and several hundred motivated 
anti-fascists and anti-fascists launched into the streets again (according to our 
editorial theory, the police scared the water balloons). In short, they went back to the 
chase game because the day's theme was: Who's playing doesn't pitch. Shortly thereafter, 
the police approached (from a strategic point of view) a nonsensical (but very happy) 
maneuver, and at the top of the street with antony backed up and several hundred motivated 
anti-fascists and anti-fascists launched into the streets again (according to our 
editorial theory, the police scared the water balloons). In short, they went back to the 
chase game because the day's theme was: Who's playing doesn't pitch. Shortly thereafter, 
the police approached (from a strategic point of view) a nonsensical (but very happy) 
maneuver, and at the top of the street with antony backed up and several hundred motivated 
anti-fascists and anti-fascists launched into the streets again (according to our 
editorial theory, the police scared the water balloons). In short, they went back to the 
chase game because the day's theme was: Who's playing doesn't pitch.

And so, more or less organized affinities were driving in the streets, where the 
Hajlungshul graduates were estimated to carry their torches, and the cops were running 
over and running, of course. On the contrary, in a dignified calm and dance step, the 
group went with the samba band. In the afternoon, the rhythm and pace of the action movie. 
Quick and dramatic events were replaced by a calm, even melancholic moment at Mendel 
Square: someone took a cigarette, someone finally talked to acquaintances, someone 
borrowed a skateboard ... and at the far end of the area peeed a heavy-blooded man in the 
bushes. And then everything started moving.

At dusk, the police gave up, and a representative of the Brno-stred City District Office 
announced to the Nazis that they would either have to change the route for the "security 
reasons" or the march would be dissolved. The proud Aryan race fighters did not accept 
such a defeat and set fire to the promised torches in protest, but after a few minutes 
they were forced to quench the water bucket. Under the police escort, they broke off into 
the station, while the divided streams of blockers finally united, while in cheerful 
chanting, people waited a quarter of an hour before their police blockade ended, and they 
spread across the street to the station too. Followed by a spontaneous street party of 150 
to 200 people, which went from Hlavák about one kilometer through the main streets to the 
police station, where they were to be detained from the blockade at Cabbage.

An estimated 1,000 activists in Brno have properly demonstrated why it is not normal for 
Nazi street to march through the streets of our cities, even though it would now be a 
rather understandable fashion accessory to a flat brownish party policy and patriotic 
bizarre of all kinds. It will always be important to stand up to them because we are 
opposed to everything they want to sort out people.

PS By the way, Brno has an atmosphere incomparable with Prague - it can only dream of the 
huge euphoria, energy and spontaneity of the Brno events, which will be confirmed by 
anyone who has experienced the Brno Protestfest and the last years of the Prague street 
party. And that was the reason why to go to May this year in Brno.

https://www.afed.cz/text/6995/neprosli

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Message: 3





What do we think of the outcome of the European Parliament elections? Nothing new. Our 
demand remains the world without rulers and parliaments. Download, print and distribute 
the May issue of the A3 wall newspaper! ---- So they were once again a European election. 
On the one hand, the media are crying that they have weakened the "left and right sides", 
but they are reassuring that the expected invasion of fascons into the European Parliament 
has not taken place. We are pleased that the dictators' candidates have not yet been 
elected. ---- We would like to remind you that the anarchists and anarchists do not really 
care which handle will govern. It's like choosing between one in eighteen and one without 
two in twenty. Though, in fact, without those open dictators, he does breathe a little 
more freely. As a result, it does not change much, anyway we are forced to devote our 
lives to the altar of the labor market regardless of our own desires, desires and needs. 
Regardless of who is sitting in deputies' benches, whether state or European, the rules 
have long been imposed on us, and either you play them, chase after every crown and 
consume what you put under your nose or you can piss on the street.

For us it is important that we can live better. We do not want to do meaningless and 
useless work for bare survival and get ridiculously low wages for it. We do not want 
commercialized education and privatized health care or constant price increases. We do not 
want neoliberal economic reforms that only benefit large-scale capitalists, bankers, and 
the like. We do not intimidate the police or dominate officials. What are our choices, 
where "left and right center", canned, populist, and nationalists are fighting for who 
will eventually pull us out of the skin? We want to live with dignity. Governments and 
parliaments, which will not allow us to do so, have to resign, dissolve and drag.

Representative democracy with its elections (and the screams that there should be a voter 
between them), with its presidents, governments and parliaments, cannot and does not want 
to solve our problems. The only interests they deal with are their own, their "contacts" 
and some invisible "markets" that argue at any time when they take us to the mouth. How 
many times have we heard that "markets" could turn away, lose confidence, feel our 
uncompetitiveness, etc.? Everything for the well-being of those who are already 
experiencing it. Let them down below. After all, they're used to it and they just go.

We answer it: Fuck! For us, politicians at any level do not have the right to make 
decisions and speak for us. For we know what they are most afraid of: that we can take our 
lives into our own hands, organize ourselves without their parasitic mediation, decide for 
themselves, that is, fill the word of democracy with its true content.

And what is our relationship to the idea of a united Europe? During the EU accession 
referendum, we recalled that it is primarily a business and bureaucratic project. On the 
other hand, we are internationalists and claim to be a universal equality of all human 
beings, regardless of color, alleged nationality, sexual orientation, gender... We are for 
cutting the borders. But the EU is being built as an umbrella for transnational capital 
centered in power centers across the continent. The abolition of internal borders is just 
a façade that will stop flashing with the advent of border controls to defend potentate 
summits against angry plebs. The external border is strengthened to release wealth, but to 
prevent those who have been prepared for it from entering.

The alternative is not to strengthen the nation states, which are called by modern 
fascists and billionaires, consolidating political and economic power within particular 
states. Significantly, for their weapon they choose to spread hatred against other people, 
usually minorities who do not have the power to defend themselves, and, on the other hand, 
do not question what depreciates our lives most - capitalism.

We are foreign to local power and superpower ambitions. We know that the call for national 
unity was always just a way to fool the workers and other unprivileged people to go hand 
in hand with the interests of those above. As part of this logic, as in 2008, we will have 
to keep the taxes of the big banks alive and turn away from the people who liquidate the 
execution mafia. Our earth is the planet Earth and our neighbors are everyone who does not 
oppress others and does not benefit from their lives.

A3 ( May 2019) download HERE . http://www.afed.cz/A3/A3-2019-05.pdf

Download, print, spread!

The A3 Wall Paper is published every month by the Anarchist Federation. They are mainly 
intended for dissemination via street stickers or posting in workplaces and schools.

https://www.afed.cz/text/6996/a3-co-chtit-od-evropy

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Message: 4





Radio interview with Nathaniel Clavijo, member of the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU) 
---- Nathaniel Clavijo is a militant of fAu (Uruguayan Anarchist Federation). In this 
interview we talk about the "specifist" condition of your organization. Of the 
characteristics of that non-electoral anarchist "party" and of the methodological 
differences with the parties of Marxist ideology. From that particular place he reflected 
on the relationship between political groups and social organizations. ---- Nathaniel 
Clavijo - fAu (Uruguayan Anarchist Federation) ---- Many times in the interview we 
resorted to examples of the vast history of international anarchism and others to the one 
of the own fAu, that in its almost 63 years of existence experienced since the creation of 
a mass front like the ROE, an armed group called OPR33 and until a rupture in the decade 
of the seventy that unchained in the PVP, actualmete in the Broad Front.

On current issues Clavijo developed the particular positions of FAU on the reality of 
Venezuela and Nicaragua and the differences in the People's Power process that they see in 
both processes. Neither was the discussion about the elections in Uruguay and the position 
and analysis on the power dispute and the scope and incidence of this mechanism on what 
determines, for fAu, a profound change in society.

Related Link: https://soundcloud.com/radioactivafm1025/lmr-entrevista-nathaniel-22-05-2019

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31428

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Message: 5





«They are the mummies that are still sneaking away, through the black galleries of infamy» 
---- This verse by comrade Carlos Molina well describes and catalogs the constant actions 
of the Armed Forces and those who hide the truth of the crimes they committed during the 
dictatorship. Of all that structure of power, that for that exists and protects these 
institutions. ---- A military "Court of Honor" -it would have to say a Tribunal of Shame 
and Cynicism- understood that José "Nino Gavazzo" and Jorge "Pajarito" Silveira should be 
expelled from the Army for having kept silence before the prison of another military man, 
Juan Carlos Gómez , for the crime of Roberto Gomensoro Josman. But in the same act, 
Gavazzo, in fact, self-attributed the crime of Gomensoro, and that was considered an 
irrelevant fact by the Military Court. Silveira in turn attributed more crimes to Gavazzo, 
but none of this motivated his "comrades" in arms to account for those same events 
according to their gravity. On the contrary, for them, well indoctrinated and bestialized, 
the torture, death and disappearance of townspeople is not something that matters.

A small and horrifying part of what everyone knows decades ago was made public after a 
journalist with ties to Gavazzo published the rulings of the Military Court. This fact is 
not clear in the first instance, nor why Silveira adds a series of accusations to Gavazzo.

But this species can not be asked for something of ethics, in the shared silence there is 
nothing of solidarity values. The silence is to cover between accomplices who executed 
horror and death. So from these circles, anything can be expected, the existence of petty 
confrontations is not something that can attract anyone's attention. They are good 
disciples of a genocidal system and were well taught to serve it. The Army, as part of the 
armed forces, acted as it has been doing since the dictatorship: to rely on a deep pact of 
silence and impunity that the entire political system, all governments, has guaranteed to 
the military. To those "poor old people" who still killed the mother.

The dismissal of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army Manini Ríos and the six generals that 
made up the so-called Courts of Honor and of Alzada, plus the minister and secretaries, is 
due to the fact that this time these murderers, genociders and accessories, have lost 
their hand. It is expressed at public level what they feel and are and this has political 
effects, which for various reasons, convenience and calculations through, must be covered 
in public spheres. These are the same complaints that family members have made over and 
over again for decades and that have been met with inhuman and cruel indifference. At the 
very least something minimal to do as there is concern about the issue and with this try 
to maintain support and votes for your parties or governments.

There is a confession of a political murder and the fact goes unnoticed, because according 
to Manini, it was already a known fact and that nothing contributed. With those statements 
by Manini to the weekly Búsqueda, and all the content of the interview he gave to that 
medium, State terrorism and impunity continue to be justified. Killing, torturing, 
kidnapping - even babies - disappearing, do not seem to be facts that merit any type of 
punishment, but are the "natural" tasks that an Army like the Uruguayan has entrusted to 
"maintain order". And the worst thing is that this is how the current capitalist system 
works. It forms and has a death machine that uses according to the social circumstances 
that the conjuncture indicates in reference to the maintenance and reproduction of itself. 
System configured so that a few have wealth and power. And that military institution acts 
in a different way according to the existing social situation, at times episodically 
repressing popular claims and, in the extreme, directly as a dictatorship. They defend the 
country at all times, the homeland of the powerful. Then they go back into the lane, not 
without minor contradictions, again docile and willing, having taken the slice they could. 
Always to the order and with hatred to the skin against that seditious rabble of the 
people who want to eat every day and a worthy and just future. Not without minor 
contradictions, again docile and willing, having taken the slice they could. Always to the 
order and with hatred to the skin against that seditious rabble of the people who want to 
eat every day and a worthy and just future. Not without minor contradictions, again docile 
and willing, having taken the slice they could. Always to the order and with hatred to the 
skin against that seditious rabble of the people who want to eat every day and a worthy 
and just future.

Impunity has its history ...

The military guaranteed impunity for themselves. The last stitch of that seam was given in 
the Pact of the Naval Club in 1984, with the endorsement of the Colorado Party and the 
Broad Front that participated in this meeting of secret content. While the meeting of the 
Naval Club was taking place, torture was still being perpetrated in the barracks and in 
the Intelligence Service, comrades in torture died and repression was maintained in the 
streets. That secret pact was later added by the way of the events the National Party, 
approving the Impunity Law in late 1986, to prevent some murderers were cited by the 
judiciary.

The 1989 referendum, popularly called the "green vote" mobilized a broad popular 
militancy; first in the campaign of collection of signatures, then in the campaign to 
April 16, the fact of which is 30 years. That is where the attempt to annul such an 
infamous law was channeled, but it was lost. He lost himself to a campaign of fear, given 
the rumors and fears of the return of the military, that they would leave the barracks 
again ... In that climate the referendum was held ... Police razzias through and the 
assassination of compañero Guillermo Machado, a young worker of the construction in 1988.

Parecía que los de arriba y los militares habían cerrado el tema. Durante años casi no se 
habló de las violaciones a los Derechos Humanos en dictadura. Vino la represión del Filtro 
y se cobró la vida de dos compañeros más. Pero no se puede derrotar a la Resistencia. Un 
pueblo con dignidad encuentra caminos. Es así que Familiares convoca en 1996 a la «Marcha 
del Silencio». Y otra vez el tema se coloca en el centro de la discusión política del país 
e interpela a los gobiernos y al sistema político. Algo tenían que hacer.

The ineffable Jorge Batlle arrived and created the Commission for Peace in 2000, as an 
attempt to put a "final point" on the subject. Try to get some "confessions" and collect 
information on several cases. A report is prepared, which in reality was full of 
inaccuracies and lies. The truth is that human rights violations and disappearances were 
recognized, those that Manini and Feola are now unaware of. But he stayed there. That "end 
point" added nothing; rather it served as a smokescreen and delved into the discourse of 
"turning the page" and "forgetting the past."

In 2005, with the arrival of the Frente Amplio to the government, the expectations of some 
sectors of the population that progress was made in this area, dissipated quickly. 
"Everything within the law," President Tabaré Vázquez said when he took office, and this 
implied respecting the Impunity Law and its 4th article, which was shown as the banner of 
the struggle for "truth and justice". Except for a few cases that were removed from the 
Impunity Law and the prosecution of the most notorious figures of repression, not much 
else happened. About the truth and the famous article 4, little was obtained. It was 
almost impossible to advance in other court cases.

The figure of former Army Commander Carlos Díaz with Macarena Gelman is still in our 
retina, pointing out the place where his mother was buried. And there was nothing there.

During the government of Mujica, the annulment of impunity in Parliament was prevented 
with the "crusade" of Víctor Semproni, doing the errands to Mujica and to the Minister of 
Defense Fernández Huidobro. It's that they had a pact with the military that they could 
not break ...

The lies that the military has spread to this day have been innumerable. Gavazzo's 
statements to the newspaper El País on Sunday, May 5 are, at least, disgusting. The lies 
are repeated, just like before the Military Court. Misinformation has always been his 
task, therefore, it should not surprise us that this type of characters lie. It is part of 
the policy of impunity.

Building the impunity of tomorrow ...

The fact of not advancing in the matter of truth and justice, causes impunity to be 
perpetuated and strengthened, to cement the impunity of tomorrow. But, in addition, there 
are specific policies that promote the impunity of the future. One such policy is the 
"anti-terrorist law", which was already approved by the Senate with the vote of all the 
parties, and which "was necessary" to place Uruguay in line with international demands on 
the matter. Of course, the demands come from the north, from the empire, from the greatest 
terrorist in the world. It was said that Uruguay could be exposed to sanctions for not 
controlling money laundering to finance "terrorism". The FATF (International Financial 
Action Task Force) pressured Uruguay to approve this law, since this body is responsible 
for the revision of financial regulations,

But the truth is that the bill that already has half a sanction in the Senate - was 
approved unanimously - and not only focuses on the funds that fund "terrorism", but typify 
as such a fairly wide range of actions or possible motives of actions of the popular 
movement. It allows the use of "undercover agents" in investigations -very novelty-, but 
now with total self-confidence it is allowed to use the fictitious identity in the trial. 
Through this law, espionage is legalized and guaranteed to popular organizations and it 
will facilitate the setting up of judicial cases when it is their whim.

On the other hand, some of their articles address somewhat unlikely issues, such as the 
handling and transfer of radioactive material ... The text of the law seems not even made 
in Uruguay, it seems to be a model, a recipe provided from abroad.

These types of laws are not designed and approved to confront the terrorist groups that 
the United States supports and finances. These groups have a CIA current account and other 
similar agencies. Terrorism has a very clear origin: United States. From there comes its 
financing, training and the most diverse ideological justifications. Yesterday it was Al 
Qaeda and Osama Bin Laden financed by the Ronald Reagan government to contain the Soviet 
invasion in Afghanistan, at the same time it financed the Nicaraguan "contra" to make the 
Sandinista Revolution fail and the continued support in money, weapons and training to the 
Central American armies that committed real genocides in the 1980s, applying the North 
American manuals of the "dirty war".

In the region, Brazil and Argentina approved under the progressive governments of Dilma 
Roussef and Cristina Kirchner laws of this type. In Brazil, the Landless Movement already 
has its first defendants under this law for actions that have to do with peasant struggle. 
This is a project so that those at the top have more legal tools to suppress the people's 
struggle. We see it in Argentina and Chile with the struggle of the Mapuche people and 
armed with the judicial case "RAM", which links Mapuche struggle and direct action to 
various popular and left organizations and accuses them of having links with the already 
dissolved FARC and with the Kurdish guerrillas, which is crazy. That is to say, the armed 
of causes for the and the popular militants, will be to the order of the day with this 
type of laws. With this law and others, that form a dense legal framework, generate the 
conditions to repress and imprison the people in the face of future discontents. The 
system has foreseen possible outbreaks, new rebellions, the advance of the popular 
struggle and generate its "antidotes" against it, which are no more than barriers for a 
few to continue enjoying their privileges. For that they need to guarantee the impunity of 
tomorrow and keep state terrorism at bay.

The handful of powerful and beneficiaries ...

The dictatorship was not just a military issue. Several civilians participated directly, 
some from the government, others did not get their hands dirty, but they were behind the 
scenes, encouraging, slapping these assassins on the shoulder.

As soon as the coup d'état occurred on June 27, 1973, the bosses' chambers (Union of Banks 
of Uruguay, Association and Rural Federation, Chamber of Industries, among others) greeted 
the coup. And they quickly benefited from the decree of July 4, 1973 -in the middle of a 
general strike- which enabled employers to fire workers because of their union activity. 
But it was not there: later the dictatorship approved the reduction of employer 
contributions to Social Security, for which employers pay only 7.5% as a Montepío concept, 
while workers pay 15%. Right now, that is beginning to talk about reforming the Social 
Security and all the proposals are in the line of increasing the years of work -as it 
happens in the region and in the world-, It is necessary to put on top of the table that 
the employers for 46 years have paid less than the workers to the BPS and that it is time 
to end that impunity and injustice and to contribute 15%, as before the coup. This would 
solve the BPS deficit and, on the other hand, put an end to an aspect of impunity enjoyed 
by those who benefited from the dictatorship and were its intellectual authors.

On the other hand, the negotiations carried out during the dictatorship, the loans to 
certain businessmen, the bulky growth of the external debt were never investigated. It was 
the military dictatorship that generated a brutal transfer of income, lowering the real 
wages of workers and increasing the portion of wealth appropriated by the Creole and 
foreign bourgeoisie. It was the "boom" of construction in Punta del Este, so that those 
white-gloved assassins could rest easy ...

And the dictatorship implanted the neoliberal model. He advanced everything he could in 
it; it hurt the industrial apparatus with final death, further reprimarising the economy. 
The government of Lacalle only came to deepen that model, which was already implemented by 
the military and his execrable economics minister Alejandro Vegh Villegas.

Impunity also has several facets to be attacked.

A long and stubborn struggle of our people

It is legitimate that the Uruguayan people, well-born men and women in this corner of the 
world, express our indignation and anger at such cynicism; we can no longer tolerate so 
much infamy. Asco gives us that subjects of the ilk of Gavazzo and Silveira continue to 
exist, and that far from being judged there is impunity and protection. But that they are 
not judged by this justice also has its deep explanation. It is an institution of the 
first order for the security of the system and all the privilege that circulates within 
it. Foucault said about it in a very rigorous study: "If you can talk about a class 
justice is not only because the law itself or the way to apply it serve the interests of a 
class, it is because all the differential management of illegalities through the mediation 
of the penalty is part of those mechanisms of domination ... to speak of criminal policy 
is to speak of some of the key chapters of power». The capitalist system has organized the 
"illegalisms" in such a way that they ensure and reproduce their domination.

But against this the Uruguayan people have kept the flag high and the demand for justice. 
What little progress has been made in terms of truth and of some accused militiaman has 
been due to the efforts of Human Rights organizations and the whole of the popular 
movement. Given so much impunity, silence, and cover of the entire political system that 
it is not convenient for them to open the archives to the full and know step by step what 
really happened, there has been little done by the popular field.

It is well known, Gavazzo and Silveira were two of the repressors who, acting in the framework

of the Condor Plan, genocidal plan of the dictatorships of the region and of the United 
States, kidnapped and assassinated our comrades of FAU. For his dirty hands passed men and 
women of the stature of Gerardo Gatti, Leon Duarte, Victoria Grisonas, Alberto Mechoso, 
Adalberto Soba and an immense group of comrades, all detained and tortured by them and 
other despicable figures, in Automotores Orletti. Now it seems, according to Manini Rios 
and Gavazzo, that the second flight did not take place and that 28 detainees were not 
transferred from Buenos Aires to Uruguay. Testimonies from those who were transferred 
abound, but they have the cynicism and the nerve to deny the existence of that flight 
today, and with that put in doubt the rest of them. It's more,

Impunity is disgusting, repugnant and even more unworthy that these genocides are on the 
loose, walking the streets with total peace of mind. But the people know that this is not 
coincidence. Only a few soldiers and policemen have been imprisoned, the most notorious, 
protected in a VIP jail; but there are more than 400 who are calm, unpunished. And next to 
them are all the civilians, the power structure that pushed and supported them: owners of 
newspapers and radios, chambers of commerce and rural, large foreign companies, devices of 
the empire that operated in the area. All of them are responsible, our eternal repudiation 
of this whole structure of the horror that killed the sons and daughters of our people.

Until when so much impunity? Until

When are we going to allow all these unborn children to continue playing with the truth 
and the destiny of our companions and our companions? We need from today and every day to 
forge a strong people. The impunity of today is the foundation of new coups d'état, of new 
crimes for when the system is endangered by the clamor of justice and freedom of those at 
the bottom.

We do not resign ourselves to the fact that there is no justice, but we know what justice, 
nor to the fact that impunity and defeatist speeches are simply consecrated. We follow the 
path of our missing and assassinated comrades, we do not lower our arms and we point out 
those responsible for the crimes of the dictatorship, protected by the whole structure of 
the State, apparatus of domination of the powerful classes to oppress the people.

But the people, the people, those that the stories made from the elite and domes despise, 
have preserved in their imagination, in the depths of their hearts, the feeling of disgust 
at the atrocities experienced, as well as the tender, respectful memory for all those who 
were victims of barbarism. In that town the repudiation of this world of abuse and death 
has been preserved and growing. In the town, the social institutions, the relatives are 
the legitimate interlocutor; he is exempt from calculations, he is the only way to achieve 
true justice. That same town will already find its path of total social justice, where the 
best sons and daughters of our class will live again.

NEITHER FORGET OR FORGIVE!

FREEDOM OR DEATH!

FOR SOCIALISM AND FREEDOM!

UP THOSE WHO FIGHT!

Uruguayan anarchist federation

http://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/carta-opinion-fau-20-de-mayo-2019/

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Message: 6





Opinion of opinion on the conjuncture. May 2019 ---- We could spend ink and use several 
paragraphs to describe what represents the figure of Alberto Fernández, both for its 
origins (Menem, Cavallo, Duhalde) and for its links (Papel Prensa, Clarín, Repsol, 
American Embassy). However, our line of analysis tries to go through another lane that is 
not that of the complaint or intellectual flight. For this we must fall back on the 
overwhelming numbers poured into the latest issue of our press: 260 thousand layoffs in 
the last year, records of unemployment and poverty, and a loss of more than 15 points of 
salary with respect to inflation. After 3 and a half years of brutal adjustment, the 
beginning of a difficult year for the people from below generated pressure in the streets, 
through successive sectoral and unitary measures,

At other times in history, social crises and economic instability - and in some cases 
political - caused an early exit from the government of the day, as happened in 89 and in 
2001, within the framework of social outbursts with particular characteristics at every 
moment. But in this context of free fall of the image of the government, of great 
questions to union leaders, and where they begin to project months of struggle on the 
street, appears the "political move of the century" to decompress.

As we said in our last newspaper, the government is only supported by the IMF and the US, 
which only guarantee certain political stability. The surprise announcement by CFK of 
anointing Alberto Fernández as head of his presidential formula, immediately capped the 
April inflation index-in addition to the numbers mentioned above-and the impact that the 
previous 29-year strike could have. all the media are trying to unveil the leader's 
"smart" chip movement.

The first reading we do is to readjust Peronism. As it happened in times past, at a time 
when the country was immersed in a serious social situation, as in 2003 (after the 
post-Menem disintegration) or in 87 (after the loss of hegemony of Buenos Aires Peronism 
heir to the defeat of Luder), the justicialismo had to be restructured to be an 
alternative government without losing the conciliatory vocation.

Today, the different sectors of the PJ -among them Kirchnerism- have been looking for a 
way to channel popular discontent in the classic and restricted ways of participation 
offered by institutional comfort. Recall that during the 12 years of Kirchnerism, in 
addition to having achieved some claims felt by the popular sectors, from above tried with 
some success to fragment, coopt and institutionalize different expressions of the popular 
movement, getting demobilize and dismantle the base work (which Even the Peronism of other 
eras was able to carry out massively). The latter has even left the door open today to the 
insertion of reactionary and conservative movements such as evangelism, whose effects can 
be anticipated by looking at Brazil.

But also in those 12 years the K project had no plans even to modify the economic, 
political and social matrix of the country. The last statements of Cristina presenting the 
book, reaffirm this same, when it claims the policlasismo and the market society. 
Therefore, this attempt to face up against Macri, seeks at the same time to disarticulate 
the commitment to the rebellion of the people, the organizational capacity of the same, 
and discredit the confidence in their own strength. The figure of Alberto Fernández does 
not mean anything other than to transmit tranquility to the markets, seriousness to the 
IMF and other credit organizations, and to provide security to the extractivist capital, 
to the financial power and to the groups concentrated in Argentina. A synthesis of this 
was expressed by one of the economists of Alberto Fernández, Cecilia Todesca,

In this sense there are three interrelated elements that stand out and that we are 
concerned with and interested in analyzing. On the one hand, we witness a paradigm of 
non-participation. On the other, the predominance of possibilism in sectors of the broad 
field of militancy. Finally, the lack of a class program with the blurring of the 
functions of the unions.

In principle, the announcement, which undoubtedly has generated sympathy and hope in 
militant fields of the popular field, and in sectors punished by Macri's savage 
adjustment, did not come from a process of deliberation of the militancy gathered in a 
congress, or even from a Executive Executive Committee, but of a meeting of two 
enlightened people, in whose formula expectation is again deposited. This shows clearly, 
how the participation of the most active militancy, let alone those who are not organic, 
has been mere spectators. A parade of applause, comments on Facebook, famous figures 
giving interviews, celebrating the decision of the "boss".

This leads us to the second point, in the discursive construction the horizon of changes 
or transformations intended in the political platforms is increasingly limited, something 
that has immediate effects in practice. It is in this sense that Bakunin expressed himself 
when he said "It is dreaming of the impossible that man has always done what is possible. 
Those who have been satisfied with what seemed possible have never advanced a single step. 
" A process of medium-term institutionalization that has impacted making more and more 
sectors, referenced in a broad sense, within the left have entered into a dangerously 
reformist drift, building a program that does not have as a subject the workers but the 
party operating in the state, relegating the oppressed sectors to the miserable role of 
voters. It is understandable in that sense that the electoral attitude of the popular 
sectors is pragmatic. The means are not constructed so that the class expresses its 
program and participates in an emancipatory process, but it is interpellated with 
marketing and rhetoric, in the discursive molds of the enemy.

In this wandering are not alone those who bet to build from the Kirchnerism deeper 
transformations, but includes a large part of the classical left as the FIT and the 
formerly autonomous sectors (Patria Grande and Ciudad Futura among others). Afterwards 
Altamira's criticisms came - from an astonishing exteriority - when we saw the 
prioritization of the electoral dispute over base militancy (with a view to the 
construction of revolutionary subjects). Electoralism has not only shown its limits, even 
within the electoral game itself, but at times like these it finds part of the left at a 
crossroads. Without tools of real criticism, beyond the chicanes or denunciations of 
candidate files, the oppressed sectors stop referencing their proposals, since it does not 
find big differences. And among possible proposals, it is expected that people go for the 
most possible - the most reformist -.

But this bares an even more serious problem and is the lack of a class program. The 
government programs of the parties abound, however we see that the union and social 
organizations lack their own class program. This crosses a large part of the field of the 
oppressed class, which lacks a program in which to refer, ends up falling into short-term 
proposals, plagued by clientelism and bureaucracy.

In this sense, from our current we must formulate the corresponding self-criticism, not 
having been able to massively capture an organized expression with independence of class 
and a program of social transformation claimed by the oppressed class as a whole that 
combines direct democracy, solidarity and direct action as principles. Therefore, the 
situation requires us once again to be at the height of the circumstance, not only 
analyzing it but also reaffirming our commitment as anarchist militants, in order to face, 
not only the pressing situation in which we find ourselves, but also the problems and 
dangers developed here.

Beyond the hope that this formula generates in a part of the militancy and in some popular 
sectors that yearn for an egalitarian society -which we undoubtedly must interpellate-, 
and beyond the electoral posture that they take, the task that organized anarchism has 
ahead will consist of continuing to bet on the construction of a strong town. For this it 
is vital to continue deepening the struggle and organization from below, from 
neighborhoods, schools and unions, defend the street as the only stage of resistance, 
overflowing and transcending any "top-down" approach at the same time to go for recovery 
of our union organizations in the hands of class traitors,

ANARQUISTA FEDERATION OF ROSARY- MAY 2019
Related Link: https://federacionanarquistaderosario.blogspot.com/

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31427

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