Today's Topics:
1. vrije bond: [Nijmegen] AGN x Underexposed: Revolt (nl)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Poland, WORKERS' INITIATIVE: Mediation is underway, Amazon
gives rise (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. [Spain] The paper "CNT" returns in paper By ANA (pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Britain, AFED, organise magazine: Anarchism and the Student
Movement in Yacuiba (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #295 - War Crimes: Let's
go Zenfants ... ! (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Melbourne, Australia, Collective Action: ‘The Great
Leveler' Review: Inequality and Violence in History, by Walter
Scheidel (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Black Rose / Rosa Negra - Portland: Major new developments
in the Little Big Union's campaign (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. Motions approved at the FAI Conference in Milan on 15-16
June 2019 (it) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
This month, anarchist group the AGN and film collective Onderbelicht start a series of
documentaries and other films that highlight revolt and other struggles throughout the
world. Tonight will be the first one, with room for discussion afterwards.
Language: English ---- Subtitles: Dutch ---- Length: 90 minutes
When? ---- Wednesday June 19 ---- 20.00 - 23.00
Where? ---- De Klinker
Van Broeckhuysenstraat 48
Nijmegen
Vrije Bond Secretariaat
https://www.vrijebond.org/nijmegen-agn-x-onderbelicht-revolt/
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Message: 2
A collective dispute has been going on in Amazon since May. On June 18 in Poznan the first
meeting with the mediator took place. On the same day, before there were talks, Amazon
announced that he was raising wages from the beginning of July. ---- In a dispute, unions
demand wage increases, changes in the way employees are appraised, and the number of
temporary and fixed-term contracts limited. The employer has not yet adopted any solutions
proposed by the trade union. On the day of mediation, the employer provided the employees
with a message regarding the increase in remuneration. Amazon equaled earnings in all
warehouses in Poland, which the relationship demanded for a long time. The necessity of
pay raises and compensation was raised both during the dispute and in many previous
meetings with the employer. Therefore, we welcome the information about the company's
decision.
However, we strongly question the introduction of increases without agreeing them with the
trade union. Amazon representatives did not want to negotiate any amount during earlier
talks. Organizations do not agree to skipping the union side in terms of wage
negotiations. In addition, the amounts proposed by the employer significantly differ from
the expectations of employees and the postulate and market realities we have submitted.
It should be noted that the average wage increase is to amount to 60 eurocents per hour.
This highlights the huge pay gap between Amazon employees in Western Europe despite the
same obligations and the same, if not more, workload.
In addition, we maintain that in addition to the wage issue, the change in the employee
rating applicable at Amazon is a pressing issue. According to the unions, its purpose is
only to discipline and punish an employee. We also demand restrictions on agency
contracts, instead we postulate employing employees on contracts for an indefinite period.
We believe that work standards in the Polish branches of Amazon differ from those that
exist in other countries. In our opinion, the dialogue is practically non-existent, and
the talks so far have had a fake character. If the employer continues to apply such a
negotiation strategy and does not continue mediation with the will to agree, the dispute
will become more acute, which, given the determination of employees, may end with a strike.
NSZZ '' Solidarnosc '' and OZZ "Inicjatywa Pracownicza" at Amazon Fulfillment Poland Sp.zoo
http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/ogolnopolskie/item/2493-mediacje-trwaja-amazon-daje-podwyzki
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Message: 3
From Wednesday, June 19, at your nearest union. We advance the presentation of the new
era. ---- After a brief but indispensable absence, the "CNT" newspaper comes back with
renewed energy, as always with the pretension of being the voice of revolutionary
anarcho-syndicalism. Anyone who knows the Confederation could already have anticipated
that it would not be long before our organ of expression returned to the press. Perhaps
Fidel Miró, founder of "Ruta" magazine in 1936, reminds us of his youth as a young man in
the documentary "Viviendo la Utopía", with a mischievous look, that "when three anarchists
met, a newspaper was made." ---- And so it remains; it was not long before a large team
assembled to restart the machinery. As always, with the capacity for collective work that
characterizes our libertarian and solidarity thinking, with the eagerness to explain
everything that implies to feel the true collaboration between equals, that is our goal
and at the same time our remuneration. Like all that the CNT carries out, this newspaper
is a practical example of anarcho-syndicalism and militant effort.
With a renewed format, but without forgetting the enormous responsibility that supposes to
continue a work of almost 87 years of history, in this new stage of the "CNT" we will bet
for more analyzes, more reports and, above all, we want these pages to be an invitation to
the reflection and the subsequent exchange of ideas as a collective within the union, at
the workplace, on the street and in our daily lives.
"Like everything the CNT does, this newspaper is a practical example of
anarcho-syndicalism and militant effort."
A new stage marked by the change in the way we communicate with new technologies, in a
digital world in which information must be rapid. A means that the system used to bombard
the population with millions of messages to give us the sensation of knowing everything
when we do not know anything true.
Being aware of this, the membership of the CNT, gathered at its last Congress in Zaragoza,
decided to renew the union websitewww.cnt.es , making it a more informative web, which
today constitutes our digital newspaper, with the immediate reality, reflecting the
day-to-day reality of the union's work. But we did not want to forget the traditional
ways, the role that allows us to get our ideas to the streets, to our work station, our
dear "CNT" that brought us so close to anarcho-syndicalism.
All this always being clear that we must offer a mature and convincing point of view, and
that for this we must have professionals in each branch who are also able to communicate
objectively and clearly. Precisely what gives us being a union organization of class,
since we are in each job, we are the engine that moves the productive machine and
therefore we have the possibility to express opinions in all spheres of society and from
below. It is not enough for us to give our opinion once every four years, we want to give
an opinion on everything that is our responsibility as settlers on the planet.
"We are the engine that drives the productive machine and therefore we have the
possibility to express opinions in all spheres of society and from below."
On this occasion, we will go out with a quarterly periodicity that will allow us to
analyze with serenity the reality that surrounds us and offer our point of view, always
alternative, always independent of economic powers. Because our gazette is financed in a
self-managed way with the membership fees, without the pressure of advertisers nor
shareholders.
So, we started our walk with the pretension to reach all the membership, as well as
receive suggestions through the Secretaries of Communication, with the purpose of
improving this project that longs to be of all the CNT. And since Malatesta defined
anarchist people as those who want"maximum well-being, maximum freedom, maximum
development possible for all human beings," we are sure that we will reach further.
Andrés Sánchez Pesquero
Secretary of Communication of the CNT
cnt.es
Translation> Sol de Abril
anarchist-ana news agency
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Message: 4
The student movement in the south of Bolivia has a long history, as well as diverse
ideological influences. Denying the existence of a student movement in the domain of
public universities, especially with the ideological influences of the symbol that it was,
affirms that apoliticity on the issue of education is a contradiction; as Paulo Freire
says: "The political nature of such a task exists independently of whether we are aware of
it or not." (p 137, Letters to Guinea Bissau, Freire). If indeed secondary school and
university students or teachers, all students, were walking in the Chaco Plain without
meeting one another, this wouldn't mean that their paths would never cross, such as in May
2001, when the "Guevarista"-influenced current in the classrooms of the Universidad
Pública en Yacuiba (Public University of Yacuiba) decided to meet with the leadership of
the secondary student movement at the centre of the Student Coordinator popularly known as
Asoces (Asociación de Centro de Estudiantes - Central Association of Students). For the
last three years of the twentieth century this became a space in the south of Bolivia to
criticise the policies of the neoliberal Educaional Reform Bill of 1994. Continuing this
legacy, in the first decade of the twenty-first century came the revival of the Federación
Estudiantil Secundarista (Federation of Secondary Students), but it was then (May 2001)
that university and secondary students in Yaciuba really understood the necessity of
pushing for the consolidation of higher education in Chaco. We mustn't forget that in
2001, the University of Tarija wanted to close the only option for public higher education
in Yacuiba.
That attempt, which would have succeeded because the fight didn't resonate with the public
(the local bourgeoisie showed no interest in supporting the consolidation of public higher
education in Chaco), would still find an opposition in the students who organised in the
Asoces, in an agreement with the union which would later repeat itself at other levels of
decision. A quote from Bakunin says, "The union is strength. This is a well-known truth
that no one will want to contradict. However, it is important to understand it well. For
the union to produce that effect, it must be real and sincere at all times and not mean
the hypocritical exploitation of one party for the benefit of another." (Letter, Bakunin,
1870) It is important to note that the majority of the militants of the Asoces had an
inclination towards anarchism, belonging to a group descended from the thought of Liber
Forti. This anarchist intellectual played an important role for the constitution of the
Universidad Obrera de Llallagua (Workers University of Llallagua), having contributed to
the formation of a nucleus of militant anarchists during his visits to the city border of
Yacuiba in the second half of the twentieth century. Towards the end of that century,
these anarchists would pass their knowledge to a new generation, who would discover a
revolutionary truth in the writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Errico Malatesta, Mikhail
Bakunin and Piotr Kropotkin. Without that knowledge, the anarchist student movement in
Yacuiba would not have been able to construct a solid discourse of struggle and unity.
On the subject of the union, Bakunin states: "Trust makes the union, and the union creates
strength. We have here, without doubt, two truths that no one will try to deny. Moreover,
to be true, two things are necessary: that the trust is not a farce and that the union,
equally sincere for all parties, must not be an illusion, a lie, or the hypocritical
exploitation of one party by the other. The parties who unite must forget completely, not
forever, no doubt, but for the time that the union should last, their particular,
necessarily opposed interests." (The Knouto-germanic Empire and Social Revolution,
Bakunin, 1870). The economic crisis of the capitalist system which hit the people of
Yacuiba in 2002, the consolidation of the secondary student movement in 2003, the
consensus of the Encuentro Nacional Libertario (Libertarian National Conference) in
Paukaparta (La Paz, 16 October 2004) and the expansion of public higher education in Chaco
from 2002, would set the stage for the signing of the founding statement of the Frente
Autonomia (Autonomous Front), a student organisation which with time pushed for the
creation in 2007 of their own Federación Universitaria Local (Local University Student
Federation)[FUL]for Chaco (since 2018 this instance of co-government is no longer
classified in a separate list in the directory of the regional FUL, thus burying ten years
of an experience of government which respects the particular characteristics of university
life in Yacuiba). Since the student elections in 2008, Autonomía has been growing as an
anarchist student organisation, on the platform of "a strong student movement, built from
the bottom up" (Documento Político para Transformar la Educación superior Pública,
Autonomía, 2014). It mobilised students in defence of their rights in various Student
Government leadership spaces in the Faculty of Integrated Sciences of Gran Chaco, part of
the University of Tarija. By March 2018, it would reach the historical milestone of being
the driving force of a university movement at the departmental level, challenging the
ruling cliques of the most neoliberal universities of the Bolivian higher education
system. The passage of time has allowed for the consolidation of a Yacuiban anarchist
group into a model of organisation, direction and unity for the rest of the Bolivian
student movement.
Since 2018, Autonomía has been the fundamental pillar in building the Federación
Estudiantil Boliviana Anarquista[FEBA], a diverse space for discussion between the popular
and anarchist student organisations, which fight the hierarchy and corruption of the
leadership of the Student Governments, in addition to the opportunistic electoralism of
short-lived groups which, stripped of all ideology, seek only the crumbs of power for
their own benefit, forgetting the large majority of students who are victims of
authoritarian teachers and the despotism of the university authorities. "It is the
students who are the victims of the worst learning conditions, due to the ruling cliques
of teachers who silence all protest and the cowardly student representatives who don't
speak up against them," (Declaración por el día del trabajo, Autonomía, 2019). With this
philosophy, affiliated to the FEBA and adhering to the associative pact of the IFA, the
Autonomía Frente Universitario is the only student organisation which is currently
continuing to defend public higher education in Yacuiba, true to its history and
commitment to transform education into an instrument of liberation and social justice.
Article by José Luis Claros López originally shared in Spanish on his blog. Desde Yacuiba
Translation by Organise!
http://organisemagazine.org.uk/2019/06/21/anarchism-and-the-student-movement-in-yacuiba
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Message: 5
The Syrian conflict and the repression of Bashar al-Assad kill thousands of people.
Children are the collateral victims. While French opinion is divided, should we let the
children of jihadists die ? All of you, denounce this ignominy! ---- According to a study
for Le Figaro , to the question about the fate of French jihadist children in Iraq and
Syria, 67% of respondents want to let jihadist children in Iraq and Syria to take care of
them rather than to do the utmost to repatriate them. Among the "walkers", they are 63% to
think it and 78% among the LR! ---- Should we be satisfied that 58% of Socialists and 50%
of those in the IF want the French authorities to do their utmost for the return of
jihadist children in France? Have they all forgotten the regimes in these countries?
The regime of Bashar al-Assad, since March 2011, has 106 390 civilians killed including 19
811 children and 12 513 women. In seven years, nearly 20,000 children have died in the
Syrian conflict, according to the OSDH (Syrian Observatory for Human Rights).
The United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) reports a 50% increase in the number of
children killed in 2017 compared to the previous year. Children represent 20% of the
civilian victims of this offensive, "the war turns children into wrecks" according to
Unicef. Have we forgotten those "pale and unconscious children, without visible wounds,
with dilated pupils?(The express of August 2, 2017).
On April 4, 2017, the inhabitants of Khan Cheikhoun, wake up under the effect of a
powerful neurotoxic gas: 97 killed. On August 21, 2013, chemical weapons massacre against
the eastern neighborhoods of Damascus: more than 1,400 dead, including 426 children. In
both cases, presence of sarin gas.
"The Middle East is a battlefield where the worst atrocities are committed, Bashar
al-Assad is the political leader who reached records," said Denis Bauchard, advisor to the
French Institute of International Relations.
So let's leave these kids
Currently just over 100 French children were arbitrarily detained in camps ... From the 1
stNovember 2018 29 children (not all French) died because of Syrian cold, 70% of children
under 6 years.
Can we be satisfied with this situation and abandon them there? Should we recall that at
the end of the Second World War, the problem of children maltreated by the war arose and
that "the decisive factor for France to accept to take over the abandoned child is his
French descent" .
These children have or had French parents and in this case a reminder of the law should be
enough to stop the ignominy: "A child (whether born in France or abroad) is French by
birth, it is that is to say by descent, if at least one of his parents is French ... If
the parent loses French nationality, while his child is of age, this does not affect the
nationality of the child ."
Still, 42% of socialists and 50% of those in the IF are ready not to rescue them! It hurts
Internationalism.
Dominique Sureau (AL Angers) and Pierre (CGA Grenoble)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Crimes-de-guerre-Allons-Zenfants
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Message: 6
Walter Scheidel's 2017 book ‘The Great Leveler' is a compelling and very well researched
piece of ‘grand history', looking at the history of inequality from hunter-gatherer
societies to the present day. Its central argument is that since the development of
farming and the state 10,000 odd years ago, inequality slowly rises in times of peace and
stability, and only ever falls in bursts of extreme violence and destruction. The ‘four
horsemen' of reductions in inequality or ‘leveling', are state-collapse, plague,
revolution and mass-mobilisation warfare. Anyone who sees inequality as a social evil
needs to seriously engage with the points made in this book.
Schiedel starts by noting that early, hunter-gatherer societies were deeply egalitarian,
and had cultures that discouraged the accumulation of power and wealth. As surpluses began
to grow, mostly due to agriculture and newly domesticated animals, so too did the relative
power of small groups of individuals. This process took thousands of years, as our
egalitarian impulses were stripped away, and humans themselves became domesticated. There
is much in this story that is familiar to anarchists: states began as predators,
effectively groups of bandits that controlled territory; social hierarchy and permanent
settlement were forced onto hunter-gatherers rather than being willingly embraced. The
basic story, however, is that as states developed and entrenched, they used their power to
enrich elites at the expense of everybody else. Times of stability and peace allowed this
process to continue uninterrupted.
The first horseman, state collapse, was when the structures of early predator states fell
apart. These resulted in ‘leveling' not because ‘the people' rose up and took what was
theirs, rather, in circumstances where everyone lost everything, the rich had more to
lose, which reduced inequality just by reducing the wealth of the elite. Plague also
reduced inequality, by killing enough people to cause a labour shortage, driving up the
price of labour relative to the price of land (until capitalism, land was the main form of
elite wealth). The black death, in particular, lowered inequality so drastically that it
did permanent damage to feudal institutions. The leveling caused by both state collapse
and plague was slowly reversed as states rebuilt themselves and populations rebounded, and
by the 18th century inequality was above what it had been before the black death.
The other two horsemen are different to the previous ones in that they are both beasts of
the last 200 years, products of the social changes wrought by capitalism. The first,
transformative revolution, is the one leftists are most likely to be interested in. That
it takes violence to bring down elites is perhaps obvious, however, the revolutions
described in this book are not ones we should endorse. The two main examples considered
are China and Russia, both scenes of immense butchery and brutality of a kind that no one
except Stalinist sociopaths would want to see repeated. Other 20th century revolutions,
such as those in Vietnam and Cuba, saw far less violence, but also saw less of a reduction
in inequality. Due to the short-lived nature of Anarchist control in Spain, there isn't
sufficient data to analyse inequality in 1936-37.
The final horseman considered is mass mobilisation warfare, although really this refers to
a single event: the global bloodbath of 1914-1945. The means by which inequality was
reduced was less the massive destruction of capital that took place (although this was
part of it), and more that because the war required the mobilisation of the resources of
entire countries, maintaining social support for the war effort required reducing the
wealth of the rich the most. Progressive taxation, in particular, massively distributed
wealth downwards and provided the basis for the post-war welfare state. Scheidel argues
that after 1945, the tax rates on the wealthiest started falling, and although inequality
trended downwards until the 1970s (much more slowly than the 6 years of WWII), this was
largely due to the leftover social consequences of the wars.
The second two horsemen, products of the modern world in which we live, are of far greater
interest to progressives. The fascinating thing about the inequality reductions caused by
the war was that in a sense, it was not violence itself that reduced inequality, but the
social solidarity created by the war. This is why America, which saw almost no violence in
its territory, still had a large reduction in inequality. This would suggest, in turn,
that while war is a common reason for the mobilisation of the resources of an entire
nation, it needn't be the only one that could reduce inequality. The discussion of
revolution, in turn, included one of the most frustrating elements of the book, which was
when ‘threats of violence' were substituted in for actual violence as a cause of leveling
in discussions of land reform in South and Central America.
As every leftist knows, the threat of violence is central to maintaining property
relations and the wealth of elites. People do not simply allow the rich to take all of the
land, it is their control of the army and, more recently, the police (police are products
of the modern world), that facilitate their accumulation. Naturally, they will not hand
this wealth over willingly. This means that if we wish to achieve a better world without
excessive bloodshed, it is going to have to be because we command overwhelming superiority
of force, and so use the threat of violence, rather than the thing itself, to bring about
anarchism. While the author claims to only be investigating the facts of history, not
arguing for any political position, the questions you ask are always going to involve
value judgements. In particular, Scheidel asks about the role of violence in bringing down
inequality, but not the role the kind of systemic, regularised and invisibilized violence
that characterises periods of ‘peace and stability'. In making this omission, Scheidel
leaves us with the impression that while trying to reduce inequality may be a noble aim,
it is likely to do more harm than good, because surely we would rather have an unequal
society than a society characterised by mass violence. What this obscures is that unequal
societies are, by definition, societies characterised by mass violence, just not the kind
of concentrated and chaotic violence he documents in this book.
Still, none of the great leveling events Scheidel examines are ones that leftists today
should wish to repeat. This means that we need to be imaginative, careful and smart in how
we think about bringing down capitalism and breaking the power of the ruling class. This
cannot be done without a revolution, and revolutions necessarily involve violence. The
question is how we make sure that most of the violence remains a threat, and not a reality.
By Sam
http://www.collectiveaction.org.au/2019/06/20/the-great-leveler-review-inequality-and-violence-in-history/
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Message: 7
Little Big Union LBU_IWW ---- ** ELECTION TIME! ** This week marks three months since the
Little Big Union publicly began raising our collective voice to bargain with our bosses at
Little Big Burger. It has been three months of elation, but also disappointment. Elation,
because in three short months we have seen our power as workers materialize when we come
together to stick up for one another and build a community. Disappointment, because our
bosses have actively impeded us every step of the way. Little Big Burger has publicly
stated a "welcoming stance" to the union despite delaying, rescheduling, then outright
refusing to meet with union workers. All the while they have initiated a contract with a
union busting law firm, fired longtime, hardworking employees for legally advocating for
their own workplace improvements, and, most recently, flown in a union busting consultant
from the east coast to mislead and intimidate employees. There is however a path forward
in sight.
This weekend we received a response to our appeal for election from the National Labor
Relations Board. After careful consideration, the board decided to rule in our favor of
having a mail-in union election at the twelve Little Big Burgers in the Portland-Metro
area and surrounding suburbs. For workers that means ballots are being mailed out July 1
and are due to be counted on July 23.
This is a huge win for worker turnout in the election!
A mail-in ballot means voting free from electioneering, done on workers' own time.
Little Big Union is affiliated with the Portland chapter of Industrial Workers of the World
https://www.facebook.com/blackroseportland
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Message: 8
Security and repression ---- The government makes war on migrants, militarizes the
suburbs, gives years of prison to those who fight, scam us on pensions and income.----
Government gifts: misery and jail for everyone!---- The anarchists and anarchists gathered
in Milan identify in the security decree bis, approved by the government on June 11, a
further attack against the social opposition, an attack on the freedom to demonstrate, to
organize and fight, an attack on every expression of solidarity with those struck by the
contradictions of class society, regardless of place of birth or skin color, an attack on
the freedom to move and live where one decides. ---- The government, expression of the
privileged classes, fails to get out of the current economic situation if it does not
aggravate social disparities, cutting resources to those same measures of insult
(citizenship income, quota 100), which had been heralded by the formation of the
government at European elections. In the face of growing social opposition, the answer is
repression, state violence.
The anarchists and the federated anarchists launch an appeal to the other libertarian
components and to the social opposition movement to defend and expand the spaces of
freedom in the squares, workplaces, everywhere, and in particular prevent the application
of the liberticidal, old and new, every time you try the application.
As part of this struggle, the Italian Anarchist Federation has been organizing a week of
mobilization for the freedom of the social opposition, against state violence, from 28
September to 6 October.
War and militarism
The comrades and compañeras gathered at the Conference on 15-16 June in Milan consider it
important to continue the path of relaunching the anti-militarism that began last year,
continuing and renewing the dates of struggle and counter-information. The themes of the
campaign are identified in the denunciation of the war industry and the struggle for its
conversion, in contrast to the militarization of cities, to the hierarchical and sexist
culture intrinsic to militarism, to military missions abroad, to environmental pollution
caused by war apparatus and military expenses. On this last aspect it is important to
bring out the expected increase for Italy (as for all the other NATO countries) of
military spending up to at least 2% per annum of GDP.
In addition to anti-militarist propaganda it is necessary to continue to support all those
realities that are acting in various locations against war installations and the arms
industry, in particular the struggle in Sardinia against the Domusnovas factory and that
in Sicily against the Muos.
We therefore support the next initiatives of the Nomuos Movement and in particular the
struggle camp that will take place from 2 to 5 August in Niscemi.
The day of November 4 is identified as the date for the organization of mobilizations
spread over the various territories on these issues and all the initiatives that the Turin
Antimilitarist Assembly will field against the biennial arms fair "Aerospace and defense
meeting" that support will be held November 27-28 in Turin inviting all comrades and
companions and federated organizations to participate.
SOLIDARITY IN THE BATTLES IN PRISONS. FOR A SOCIETY WITHOUT GALER
The conditions of detention in Italian prisons are constantly deteriorating: overcrowding
and physical and psychological abuse are the "normality" of an increasingly intolerable
situation. Only in 2018 there were 65 suicides in prisons, the highest number in recent
years, without counting the over one thousand attempted suicides and the tens of thousands
of cases of self-harm.
If this is the general situation in prisons, the treatment to which one is under the 41bis
or High Surveillance regime is even worse.
Anarchist criticism of prisons has always been radical: the penitentiary system with its
intrinsic violence that causes only brutalization and other violence is a product of this
society based on domination and exploitation and with it it will have to disappear.
In the face of all this we support the struggles of prisoners and inmates who follow one
another to claim less harsh conditions of detention.
For some time there has been a multiplication of revolts and practices such as the refusal
of the hour of
http://www.federazioneanarchica.org/
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