Today's Topics:
1. Britain, north east anarchist group: North East Radical
History Festival BY NEAG (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #295 - An alert from CDKF,
The French state represses the Kurdish left to please Ankara (fr,
it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Unitary press release,
National universal service: it becomes clear ... Danger ! (fr,
it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. US, black rose fed: ANARCHISM, POWER, CLASS AND SOCIAL
CHANGE (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
As part of the Anarchist Festival 2019, the North East Anarchist Group and the Canny
Little Library join forces to organise a two-day event about the Radical History of the
North East in the Star & Shadow cinema. ---- 1 June 12:00-16:00: Storytelling session ----
2 June 13:00-15:00: Queerama + Sarah Li & discussion ---- PROGRAMME ---- SATURDAY 1 JUNE
12:00-16:00: STORYTELLING ---- Come and share your story about the radical history of the
North East. Stories can take different forms: poetry, spoken word, a song, a performance,
an artwork, a section from a book, you name it! Themes can cover different aspects of the
North East's radical history: workers' struggles, black history, feminist activism,
environmentalism, queer/LGBTQ*history et cetera.
Programme
12:30-13:00: IWW & SolFed will be doing a joint talk on workplace organising and unionising.
13:30-14:00: open space
14:00-14:30: Nigel Todd will be reading from his book ‘Roses and Revolutionists: the Story
of the Clousden Hill Free Communist and Co-operative Colony' for some thought provoking
ideas on commune living.
14:30-15:00: Pont Valley campaigner June Davison will be attending to discuss Durham's
strike breakers during miner's strike and recent opposition to opencast mines in the area.
15:00-15:30: open space
Mapping Radical Tyneside & PM Press will also be along with stalls and literature.
Do you have a story to share about the North East's radical history? Send us an e-mail at
cannylittlelibrary@gmail.com or just pop in between 12.00 and 16.00 on Saturday.
SUNDAY 2 JUNE: QUEER HISTORY
13:00-15:00pm: Sarah Li performance + Queerama screening
Tickets £5 (nobody turned away for lack of funds)
On Sunday there will be a film screening of Queerama - this is not a film based on NE
specific struggle, but UK wide. Description: "Queerama traverses a century of gay
experiences, and encompasses persecution and prosecution, love and desire, forbidden
encounters, sexual liberation and Pride."
The film will be preceded by a "Queer time machine anti-lecture" into Newcastle's queer
past and future with performance artist Sarah Li.
During the weekend there will be a creative mapping activity in which we will collectively
reconstruct what events took place when and where. The weekend will also be an opportunity
to connect past and contemporary struggles, to network between different initiatives and
to get involved! The library will be open on both days with a special collection of books
and zines covering the radical history of the North East. The Star & Shadow café will be
open, providing hot food, drinks and cake.
Questions? Send an e-mail to cannylittlelibrary@gmail.com
https://northeastanarchistgroup.org/2019/05/26/north-east-radical-history-festival/
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Message: 2
The Kurdish Democratic Council in France (CDKF), which brings together all the
associations of the Kurdish left in exile, sounds the alarm: the French state is in the
process of turning towards the Turkish state , probably to position themselves for big
contracts. Paris gave pledges in Ankara by freezing the assets of several activists of the
CDKF, the same day when the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jean-Yves Le Drian, was on an
official visit to Istanbul. ---- Communiqué of the CDKF of June 17th ---- JEAN-YVES DOES
THE DRIAN THEN WANT ---- OTHER POLITICAL ASSASSINATIONS ---- OF KURDISH ACTIVISTS ---- ON
FRENCH SOILS ? ---- Thursday, June 13, while the French Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Jean-Yves le Drian met his Turkish counterpart Mevlüt Çavusoglu in Ankara, we learned that
many of our members and leaders had been the subject of freeze measures enacted the day
before by joint orders of the Ministers of the Economy and the Interior.
There is no doubt that once again Paris has negotiated big contracts with Ankara on the
backs of Kurdish refugee activists in France.
It is no coincidence that two of our leaders are the subject of these measures taken,
allegedly, as part of the fight against the financing of terrorism, by French authorities
under the influence of the Turkish fascist lobby.
Death threats from Turkish services
For nearly a year, the co-chair and spokesman of our organization have been threatened
with death by the Turkish Intelligence Service (MIT). The head of the first was priced 1.5
million Turkish liras, while the second is targeted by death threats from the MIT.
Has France not learned the lessons from its policy of repression against the Kurds between
2006 and 2013. This disastrous policy dominated by an unjust judicial cooperation with the
Turkish authorities led to the assassination, the January 9, 2013, three Kurdish activists
executed by the MIT, in the heart of Paris.
Read also: " Justice: the death" very timely "of Ömer Güney " in Alternative libertaire
of February 2017.
While the anti-terrorist investigating judge of the time showed a particular zeal against
the Kurdish community, sending hundreds of militants into custody, he let jihadists such
as Said Kouachi and Amedy Coulibaly, who benefited in 2010 from freedom.
Convinced that these measures taken by the French government against our members will
encourage the death squads of MIT established in France, we alert public opinion,
political organizations and civil society that our leaders are in danger and that in case
of injury to their lives or their physical integrity, the French government and in
particular Mr. Jean-Yves Le Drian will be held responsible.
We wish to say to the French Government that the anti-Kurdish policy in which it engages
will not serve the interests of France. On the contrary, it will affect Kurdish-French
relations, particularly in Syria.
Therefore, we call on the French government to quickly review its approach towards the
Kurds and repeal without delay the freezing measures taken against our members.
Source: CDKF
Photo: Çavusoglu and Le Drian at the Quai d'Orsay, September 2018. © MEAE / Judith Litvin
In accordance with the requirement of the Turkish state, the PKK is still classified as
"terrorist" by the European Union.
Event in Paris in October 2015 cc Cuervo / UCL Marseille
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?L-Etat-francais-reprime-la-gauche-kurde-pour-complaire-a-Ankara
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Message: 3
The experience begins these days with, for this year, only volunteers. The opinion of the
2,000 who have committed themselves will probably not be shared by the 800,000 to whom,
each year, it will then be imposed. ---- A collective bringing together associative, trade
union, political and youth organizations is being created. Together, we want to inform
widely about the dangers of the UN, to increase opposition to this operation of submission
of youth, to question the rights of workers replaced by these young people without rights,
and who will cause large expenditures that do not go to education and reinforce the
militarization of society. ---- The clarifications made recently by the State Secretary
Attal (in an article by the Parisian), deserve to be known: "Every morning, they will get
up at 7 am and will participate at 8 am in a ceremony of raising colors, with the salute
to the flag and the Marseillaise."
"Will there be an obstacle course ? Will the SNU conscripts crawl into the mud ? Yes. In
each department, there will be an experience that can be compared to military training,
but without weapons handling. In the Ardennes, for example, the conscripts will make an
obstacle course on the military base. In Guyana, the young people will go on raid commando
in the jungle for two days, with a camp."
We are told: Young people need to get involved. But it is already the case !
They commit themselves to fight against racism, to stop the destruction of the land, for
the right to study, for another distribution of wealth, for the right to housing, for
equal rights and against discrimination etc.
It's not up to the state to force them to commit ! No to the SNU !
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Service-national-universel-ca-se-precise-Danger
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Message: 4
This article by Brazilian anarchist Felipe Corrêa discusses the relationship of anarchism
with power, class, and revolutionary social change. Starting from a definition of
anarchism it proposes to conceptualize power in terms of asymmetric, or uneven,
relationships between social forces. It also puts forward that anarchists have a
conception of power based on the belief in the capacity of the dominated classes as a
social force, the defense of a revolutionary process, and replacing the dominating power
of capitalist society with a self-managed power. Translation by Servio G. ---- By Felipe
Corrêa---- Anarchism: Theory and Ideology, Principles and Strategies ---- Addressing
anarchism in a study like this implies taking up three positions developed more broadly in
another work (Corrêa, 2012). First, it is argued that anarchism constitutes an ideology,
being defined as a "set of thought and action based on ethical precepts that guide
collective political behaviors, based on specific strategies. Similar to the political
doctrine, it has relations with the theory, but it is not summarized to it" (Corrêa, 2012,
p.80). Ideology is distinguished from theory, in the sense that the second is related to
the knowledge of society and the first to the interventions that are made on it;
therefore, anarchism is characterized more by its ideological-doctrinaire elements than by
theoretical-methodological issues.
That distinction is substantive, since it assumes that the unity and historical coherence
of anarchism is related to its political-ideological principles and not to the methods of
analysis and social theories that have been used by anarchists for the interpretation of
reality; as it is sustained, in the theoretical field, the anarchists have used different
tools, deeply connected with the time and space in which they were and are produced.
Second, anarchism is defined as follows:
Anarchism is a socialist and revolutionary ideology that is based on determined
principles, whose bases are defined from a critique of domination and a defense of
self-management; in structural terms, anarchism defends a social transformation based on
strategies, which must allow the substitution of a system of domination by a system of
self-management.
Corrêa, 2012, p.87
Discussing the definition in more detail, it is argued that there is a relatively fixed
set of ten political-ideological principles that are maintained, continuously and
permanently, among the anarchists, and that constitute the fundamental bases of that
definition of anarchism. These principles are:
1. Ethics and values. The defense of an ethical conception, capable of subsidizing
criticisms and rational proposals, based on the following values: individual and
collective freedom; equality in economic, political and social terms; solidarity and
mutual support; permanent encouragement to happiness, motivation and will.
2. Criticism of domination. Criticism of class dominations - constituted by exploitation,
physical coercion and political-bureaucratic and cultural-ideological dominations - and of
other types of domination (gender, race, imperialism, etc.)
3. Social transformation of the system and the power model. The recognition that the
fundamental systemic structures in different dominations constitute a system of domination
and the identification, by means of a rational criticism, based on the specified ethical
values, that this system has to be transformed into a system of self-management. For that,
the transformation of the current power model, of a dominating power, into a self-managing
power becomes fundamental. In contemporary societies, this critique of domination implies
a clear opposition to capitalism, to the State and to the other institutions created and
sustained for the maintenance of the domination.
4. Classes and class struggle. The identification that, in the various systems of
domination, with their respective class structures, class dominations allow conceiving the
fundamental division of society into two broad global and universal categories,
constituted by classes with irreconcilable interests: the ruling classes and the dominated
classes. The social conflict between these classes characterizes the class
struggle.[...]Other dominations must be fought concomitantly with class dominations, since
the end of the latter does not necessarily mean the end of the former.
5.[Classism]and social force. The understanding that this class-based social
transformation implies a political practice, constituted from the intervention in the
correlation of forces that constitutes the bases of current power relations. In this
sense, it seeks to transform the capacity for realization of the social agents that are
members of the socially dominated classes into a social force, applying it in the class
struggle and seeking to increase it permanently.[...]
6. Internationalism. The defense of a classism that is not restricted to national borders
and, therefore, is based on internationalism, which implies, in the case of practices
together with actors dominated by imperialist relations, the rejection of nationalism and,
in the struggles for social transformation, the need for broadening the mobilization of
the dominated classes beyond borders national[...]
7. Strategy. The rational conception, for that project of social transformation, of
adequate strategies, that imply readings of the reality and the establishment of paths for
the struggles.[...]
8. Strategic elements. Although the anarchists defend different strategies, some strategic
elements are considered principles: the stimulus to the creation of revolutionary
subjects, mobilized among the actors that constitute part of the concrete social classes
of each epoch and locality, which give body to the dominated classes, from processes that
include the consciousness of class and the stimulus to the will of transformation; the
permanent stimulus to the increase of social force of the dominated classes, in a way that
allows a revolutionary process of social transformation; the coherence between objectives,
strategies and tactics and, therefore, the coherence between ends and means and the
construction, in today's practices, of the society that is wanted for tomorrow; the use of
self-managed means of struggle that do not imply domination, either among the anarchists
themselves or in the relationship of the anarchists with other actors; the defense of
independence and class autonomy, which implies opposition to the relations of domination
established by political parties, the State or other institutions or agents, guaranteeing
the popular protagonism of the dominated classes, which must be promoted by means of the
construction of the struggle for the base, from the bottom up, including direct action.
9. Social revolution and violence. The search for a social revolution that transforms the
current system and power model, since violence, as an expression of a higher level of
confrontational tension, is accepted, in most cases, because it is considered inevitable.
That revolution implies combative struggles and fundamental changes in the three
structured spheres of society and is not within the framework of the current system of
domination - it is beyond capitalism, the State, the dominating institutions.
10. Defense of self-management. The defense of the self-management that bases the
political practice and anarchist strategy is the basis for future society that you want to
build and involves the socialization of property in economic terms, democratic
self-government in political terms and a self-managed culture.[...]
Corrêa, 2012, p. 143-147
Third, it is argued that anarchism has relevant internal debates, which form the basis for
the establishment of its currents. The different theoretical positions do not constitute
foundations for the definition of anarchist currents, given that they do not serve to
define anarchism itself. In the anarchists' criticisms of domination, there are no
relevant debates. In its defense of self-management, there are four fundamental debates:
self-managed market versus democratic planning, collectivism versus communism, political
articulation by the place of residence or work, limits and possibilities of culture; even
so, it is affirmed that these debates are secondary in relation to the strategic debates.
Within the different strategies of the anarchists, four debates are presented, which are
the most relevant, due to their continuity and historical permanence, as well as the
greater lack of agreement among the anarchists: favorable positions and contrary to the
organization, being that among organizational anarchists, there are different conceptions
of organization at the mass level, including community and union articulation, and
different conceptions of the specific anarchist organization; favorable positions and
contrary to short-term gains (reforms), taking into account their contribution or not to
the revolution; different positions in relation to the context of use and the role of
violence, considering whether it should respond to already established mass movements or
if it can function as a trigger to generate those movements; different positions in
relation to the specific anarchist organization model, a cross-cutting debate to the others.
The definition of anarchist currents is established according to the first three strategic
debates. Mass anarchism, historically, defends the organization at different levels,
argues that, depending on how they were conquered, reforms can lead to revolution, and
affirms that violence must strengthen already established movements; The two best-known
strategies of this current are revolutionary syndicalism and anarcho-syndicalism.
Historically, insurrectional anarchism opposes structured organization, opposes struggles
for reforms and considers that violence must act as a trigger to generate revolutionary
movements.
The fundamental argument of this article is that the same coherence of anarchism, which
can be verified in its political-ideological principles, exists in the position of the
anarchists about the issues of power, class and social transformation. Meanwhile, for that
to be proven, it is fundamental to extrapolate the semantic problematic that implies the
terms in question and analyze the historical content of the anarchist positions.
Members of the Los Angeles Tenants Union marching to oppose displacement.
Anarchism and Power
The discussion of power in anarchism has been damaged by semantic problems, which -
according to Tomás Ibáñez, in his rigorous study on the subject, which takes into account
more than 300 works - is not restricted to anarchist studies:
The fact that the investigators of power relations will continue, after so many years,
dedicating an important part of their efforts to clarify and refine the content of the
notion of power, the fact that there is no minimally generalized agreement on the meaning
of that and the fact of the controversies will be given more on the differences of
conceptualization than on the operations and results obtained from these
conceptualizations, all this clearly indicates that the theorization on power is, at some
point, with an epistemological obstacle that it prevents you from progressing.
Ibáñez, 1982, p.11
The lack of common meaning in relation to the term power and the epistemological obstacle
to which Ibáñez refers is noted, also among the classical anarchists themselves,
complicating the realization of a qualified discussion of power in anarchism. Bakunin
emphasizes that "who speaks of political power speaks of domination"(1998, p.100);
Kropotkin states that "to the extent that the socialists would constitute a power in
bourgeois society and in the current state, their socialism will die" (1970a, p.189);
Malatesta criticizes the authoritarian socialists saying that they "propose the conquest
of power" to emancipate the people, that means, use the "same mechanism that today has
enslaved him" and, as a libertarianproposal, suggests the "abolition of the government of
all power" (2008, pp. 183, 200).
For classical anarchists, the term power is, in almost all cases, associated with the
state and / or domination. On top of that, they often treat the terms of power, domination
and authority as synonymous.[1]Meanwhile, should power be conceptualized only as
domination or state? Power, domination and authority are synonymous? It is answered that
no, in both cases.
It can be said that the hegemonic position in anarchism, until the 1970s, and still exists
today, is that anarchists are opposed to power, understand it as a synonym of domination
and / or state. Positions such as that of Patrick Rossineri (2011, p.19-20) were, and
still are, relatively common: "all anarchist theory is founded as a critique of power and
the effects that it produces." And even more: "The anarchists never proposed the popular
power, nor the power for a class.[...]When there is symmetry and reciprocity in a social
relationship, it is because the power relation ceases to exist." Such positions, extracted
from a largely superfluous and semantic analysis, were responsible, at some historical
moments, for the rejection of anarchists of politics, of real intervention in the game of
forces of society, ending by reallocating them to the role of critical observers of
reality, without conditions of intervening in it.
Meanwhile, deepening the analysis and extrapolating the semantic aspects, it can be
affirmed, as it has been becoming more emphatically and clearly in the last 40 years, that
it does not seem acceptable, according to Ibáñez, "to consider that the relationship
between libertarian thought and the concept of power can only be formulated in terms of
denial, exclusion, rejection, opposition and even antinomy" (2007, p 42). Ibáñez
considers, still, that the innumerable definitions of power can be grouped into three main
approaches: 1) power as capacity, 2) power as asymmetry in power relations, and 3) of
power as structures and mechanisms of regulation and control (2007, pp. 42-44). Taking
into account these three approaches. Ibáñez affirms: "there is a libertarian conception of
power, and it is false that it had to constitute a denial of power."
Historical examples are abundant to show that anarchists never opposed the notion that
people, groups and social classes have the capacity to do something; that society is
composed of diverse forces at play and that, in order to seek a social transformation,
anarchists must stimulate the growth of a determined force that surpasses the enemy
forces, then predominant in the social field; that, at the same time that they oppose the
structures and mechanisms of authoritarian regulation and control, the anarchists propose
others, with a libertarian base, that constitute the foundations of the future society
they propose.
Bakunin affirms that "the most insignificant human being represents a tiny fraction of
social force" (2009, p.34). Kropotkin emphasizes: force -and a large amount of force- is
necessary to prevent workers from appropriating what they consider to have been unjustly
appropriated by a few (1970b, p.69).Malatesta recommends:
We must work to awaken in the oppressed the lively desire for a radical social
transformation and persuade them that, by uniting, they have the necessary strength to
overcome, we must propagate our ideal and prepare the moral and material forces necessary
to defeat the enemy forces and organize the new society.
Malatesta, 2008, p.94
Overcoming the enemy forces implies, for Malatesta, making the revolution, socializing the
economy and politics with the "creation of new institutions, new groupings, new social
relations;" it is about initiating a social reconstruction that can "provide for the
satisfaction of immediate needs and prepare for the future," which should destroy "the
privileges and the harmful institutions and make[...]functioning, for the benefit of all,
the useful institutions that today they serve exclusively or mainly for the benefit of the
ruling classes." (Richards, 2007, pp. 147; 154)
There is no way to affirm the departure of the triple definition of Ibáñez that anarchists
are opposed to power.
Power: Between Domination and Self-Management
When anarchists claimed to be against "power," Ibáñez mentions, they used the "term" power
"to refer, in fact, to a ‘certain type of power relations', that is, more concretely, to
the type of power that is found in the ‘relations of domination', in the ‘structures of
domination', in the ‘domination device' or in the ‘instruments of domination', etc."
(2007, p.45). The anarchist critique of exploitation, coercion, alienation, always had as
a background a critique of domination in a general way, including class domination to
dominations of gender, race and between countries or peoples (imperialism).
In defending federalism, the anarchists supported. According to René Berthier (2011,
p.32), social relations forged a broad participation in the decisive processes, by means
of a system in which there was "neither capture of all power by the elite (centralism),
nor the atomization of the power (autonomism)." As Frank Mintz points out, the term
"self-management" arose only in the 1960s to refer also to an organizational model
supported by broad popular participation.[2](1977, pp. 26-27) Although there had been
later attempts to restrict the Federalism to the political sphere and to self-management
to the economic, the fact is that the terms include notions quite close and have been
commonly used by anarchists. The anarchist defense of the socialization of private
property, of the socialization of political power, of a culture that reinforces that
project, and of a bottom-up articulation, is based on a defense of generalized
self-management, taken into account in all its social aspects, and that contain the notion
of federalism.
Domination and self-management are directly related to the concept of power that will be
defined here according to the second approach of Ibáñez, as asymmetry in the relations of
force. Defining power in this way allows conceptualizing it, more specifically, as a
relationship that is established in the struggles and disputes between different social
forces, when one force(s) is imposed on the other(s); power and power relation work, in
that way, as synonyms (Corrêa, 2011a). The link between domination, self-management and
power are given through the notion of participation; considering that participation is
established by power relations, it may be greater, approaching the notion of
self-management, or less, approaching the notion of domination. Domination and
self-management would be, thus, ideal-types of power relations, based on an axis of
participation; the more dominating the power, the less participation; the more
self-managed, the more participation.
The extremes constituted by domination and by self-management demarcate, theoretically,
the logical possibilities of limits in the processes of participation. Regardless of the
real possibility or not of reaching one of the ideal types, those extremes, what is
relevant is to conceive them as a logical theoretical model for understanding the
different power relations, the types of these relationships and the different forms of
participation that derive from them[...]Conceiving power relations within these two
extremes, based on the axis of participation, constitutes a method of analysis for
relations at different levels.
Corrêa, 2011a
According to this model, the objective of the anarchists was always to sustain social
relations that incorporated greater participation and replaced the dominating power -
"dominator, hierarchy, alienation, monopoly of decisions by a minority, class structure
and exploitation - by self-management power - ‘self-management, broad participation in
decisions, non-alienated actors, non-hierarchical relations, no relations of domination,
no class structure and exploitation'" (Corrêa, 2012, p.98).
Such a way of conceiving power responds that it is synonymous with domination and / or the
State. Domination, as it is sustained, is a type of power, as well as self-management;
power relations can be established including greater or lesser participation; thus, power
does not necessarily imply domination. The State is a central element of the system of
domination and, in all its historical forms, have implied relations of domination,
fundamentally those of a political-bureaucratic type and coercion; On the other hand,
self-managed political power structures, defended by the anarchists for the substitution
of the State, also imply power, but not domination.
Anarchism and Social Classes
Michael Schmidt and Lucien van der Walt claim that anarchism is a revolutionary type "of
libertarian socialism that emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century;"they say,
"it was from the movement and the associations of the working class that anarchism was
born" (2009, pp. 71; 45; 51). Thus, anarchism can be conceived as an ideology that arises
within the dominated classes during the process of class struggle carried out in the
nineteenth century. "The anarchists[...]saw the class struggle as a necessary aspect of
social transformation and saw in the victims of domination and class exploitation - the
worker and the peasant - the actors of that change." Anarchism, an essentially classist
ideology, has emphatic critiques of class domination and concrete class projects, which
seek to replace the system of domination and its class structure with a system of
self-management in which social classes and the structure itself of dominators and
dominated, they would cease to exist.
For anarchists, in general, social classes are established from the notion of domination,
and are, therefore, beyond the ownership of the means of production and economic
exploitation of labor. Although contemporary reflections such as those of Alfredo
Errandonea (1989) deepen and recontextualize the debate, it can be affirmed that, from the
very beginning, the anarchists verified the domination in the economic, political / legal
/ military, cultural / ideological spheres and, therefore, the systems that include
capitalism and the State, and perceived their impact on the issue of social classes.
Reflecting on the social classes of his time, Bakunin emphasizes that the difference
between them is quite clear; the noble aristocracy, the financial aristocracy, the upper
bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, the proletarians of the factories and cities, the
great landowners, the tenants, the peasants, the landowners, the proletarians of the
countryside would be the concrete social classes of your time. He sustains that,
All these different political existences are left, today, to reduce to the two main
categories, diametrically opposed one to the other, and natural enemies of one another:
the political classes, composed of all the privileged, both of the land and of capital,
accessible to the bourgeois education, and the working classes, disinherited as much of
the capital as of the earth, and deprived of any education and of any instruction.
Bakunin, 1988, p.16
In his critique of the State, Kropotkin states that anarchists have demonstrated that "the
mission of all governments, monarchists, constitutionalists and republicans, is to protect
and maintain by force the privileged of the ruling classes, aristocracy, clergy and
bourgeoisie" (2005, p.180).Positions similar to those defended by Malatesta, when it
points out the results of human struggles that will end up dividing society into oppressed
and oppressors.
On this depends the state of misery in which the workers were generally found, and all the
resulting evils: ignorance, crime, prostitution, physical deficiency, moral abjection,
premature death. From there the constitution of a special class (the government) that,
provided with the material means of repression, has the mission to legalize and defend the
owners against the demands of the proletariat. He then uses the strength he possesses to
arrogate privileges and submit, if he can, to his own supremacy, the class of the owners.
From that derives the formation of another special class (the clergy), that by a series
of fables related to the will of God, the future life, etc., seeks to lead the oppressed
to docilely support the oppressor, the government, the interests of the owners and their own.
Malatesta, 2000, p. 9
Bakunin, Kropotkin and Malatesta, when defining the foundations of social classes, are
based on the dominations that occur in the three social spheres. They emphasize different
types of domination that have an impact on the definition of social classes: the
exploitation of the work of urban, rural and peasant proletarians, the result of economic
domination; physical coercion and political-bureaucratic domination, fruit of political /
legal / military domination; education and religion, which include alienation, obedience,
strengthening the dominant interests, fruit of cultural / ideological domination.
Schmidt and van der Walt emphasize that "the broad anarchist tradition sees the classes
established by the control of a set of resources and not only economic property." The
definition of social classes in anarchism, they claim,
It does not say in relation only to the relations of production, but also the relations of
domination, not only the ownership of the means of production, but also the ownership of
the means of coercion - the ability to physically force decisions - and the means of
administration - the instruments that govern society. Seen in this way, the unequal
ownership of the means of production constitutes a necessary description, but not enough
of a class system.
Schmidt; van der Walt, 2009, p. 109
That definition of social classes based on domination had, historically, a direct
implication on the social stratification and the notion of revolutionary subject of the
anarchists. While the dominated classes will include salaried, precarized, marginalized
workers and the peasantry, the ruling classes will include, in addition to the owners of
the means of production, "presidents, kings, generals, members of parliament, prefects,
directors of the departments of government, leaders of state companies," among others
(Schmidt; van der Walt, 2009, p. 110).
In the process of class struggle, the anarchists promoted popular movements directly
opposing the owners, rulers, high-ranking military, police, judges, clergy and other class
enemies. They will seek to strengthen different oppressed subjects; As Schmidt and Van der
Walt point out, in addition to the peasantry, other sectors of urban workers were also
mobilized.
First, temporary or period workers, such as construction workers, dock workers, rural
workers, sailors, gas industry workers, whose lives are characterized by instability,
frequent job changes and the movement in search of work; and second, light and heavy
industry workers, such as workers in factories, miners and railroads. In addition to these
main categories, there was also a smaller number of qualified workers and professionals,
particularly journalists, teachers, nurses and doctors.[...].
Schmidt; van der Walt, 2009, p. 279
The revolutionary subjects historically included in the mobilizations promoted by the
anarchists were not only in the middle of the urban-industrial proletariat, although this
had been an important sector - perhaps the most relevant, in quantitative terms - in these
mobilizations. The anarchists became involved in popular movements whose base was based as
much on workers in the city as on the countryside, both on salaried workers and peasants,
as well as on precarious, marginalized and poor people in general.
Members of Devrimci Anarsist Faaliyet (DAF) rally in Istanbul, Turkey.
Anarchism and Social Transformation
The revolutionary strategy of anarchism is based on a model of social conflict for the
overcoming of the system of domination and the establishment of the system of
self-management. It is a matter of replacing capitalism, the State and domination in a
general way, by socialized ownership and power and by new libertarian social relations.
The process for this social transformation historically advocated by the anarchists is
based on five aspects: 1) the definition of social classes and the process of class
struggle; 2) the belief in the capacity of the realization of the dominated classes; 3)
the articulation and mobilization of these classes, the permanent stimulus to the
formation and growth of their social force and the search for the overcoming of strategic
enemies; 4) the selection of suitable means for that process; 5) the establishment of a
self-managing power, with its respective regulatory and control structures.
Previously, it was pointed out how three classic anarchists - Bakunin, Kropotkin and
Malatesta - understand some of those issues. We demonstrated: their conception of the
social classes from the concept of domination and their definition of the class struggle
between dominators and dominated, oppressors and oppressed; their belief in the capacity
for realization of the dominated classes and the oppressed in general; their search for a
new society, socialist and libertarian, shaped by new institutions and social relations.
For the understanding of the process of articulation and mobilization of the dominated
classes and of the stimulation to the growth of their social force, it becomes fundamental
to discuss the concept of social force and to differentiate it from the capacity for
realization.
The notion of social force - developed by Proudhon (s/d p. 211-229) in his serial
dialectic, and which was, to some extent, appropriated by Bakunin (2009, p.35) - implies
an understanding that, in conflicts social and in the class struggle the dominated classes
must be articulated, because when individuals are associated, they "combine their efforts
to achieve a common goal, they constitute a new force that surpasses, and long, the simple
sum arithmetic of the individual efforts of each one." Articulating and mobilizing the
dominated classes would enable a significant gain of force, which, carried out
collectively, would have a much greater result than the simple sum of the individual
forces of each person involved in that process. In addition to that, the articulation and
organization to intervene in conflicts and struggles allows to transform the capacity of
realization of the dominated classes into a social force, as Bakunin points out:
It is true, there is a lot of spontaneous force in the town; this is incomparably greater
than the strength of the government, including that of the classes; still, due to lack of
organization, spontaneous force is not a real force. She is not in a position to sustain a
long struggle against the much weaker, but better organized forces. On this incontestable
superiority of the organized force over the elementary force of the people, all the power
of the State rests. That is because the first condition of the victory of the people is
the union or organization of the popular forces.
Bakunin, 2009, p. 67
When he speaks that a spontaneous force is not a real force. Bakunin distinguishes the
capacity for realization of the oppressed, which is located in the potential field, and
its social force, which allows the dominated classes to enter, in fact, in the political
field, as a relevant actor in the game of forging forces the power relations of society.
In the meantime, it is not only a question of creating a social force, but of allowing it
to manage to confront the dominant classes and overcome their forces.
For Kropotkin, that moment in which popular forces overlap capitalist and statist forces
is characterized as a social revolution. This, in addition to the cultural and ideological
transformations, implies substantive changes in the economic and political field; "The two
changes, political and economic, must walk side by side, hand in hand." He affirms that
"every step in the direction of economic freedom, every victory established over
capitalism will be, at the same time, a step towards political freedom". At the same time,
"each step in the direction of removing from the State each of its powers and attributes
will help the masses to establish their victory over capitalism." (1970a, pp. 181-182)
Malatesta, in referring to the selection of means for this process, emphasizes the need
for a strategic coherence between the goals that are sought to be achieved and the means
that are used therefore:
These means are not arbitrary: they necessarily derive from the goals we propose and from
the circumstances in which we fight. Deceiving ourselves in the media, we do not achieve
the objective contemplated, but, on the contrary, we distance ourselves from our course
towards frequently opposed realities, and that the methods we use are the natural and
necessary consequence. Whoever opposes the road and is deceived at the beginning, will not
go where he wants, but where he leads the road taken.
Malatesta, 2000, p. 11
The positions of Bakunin, Kropotkin and Malatesta imply fundamental notions about the
anarchist perspective of social transformation. Bakunin reinforces Proudhon's idea that
collective association multiplies individual strengths and differentiates the ability to
realize social force; it is, therefore, to articulate and mobilize the dominated classes
and to stimulate the permanent growth of their social force. Kropotkin demonstrates how a
revolutionary process of transformation must modify relations in the three social spheres,
overcoming enemy forces. Malatesta affirms the need for the means to be coherent ends.
Malatesta's arguments will provide conditions for moving forward; Based on the strategy
theorists themselves, they demand a coherence between the realization of the tactics in
relation to the strategy, and between the realization of the strategy and the strategic
objectives. If the ends of anarchist social transformation are characterized by a change
in the power model of society -overcoming a dominating power and establishing a
self-managing power-, the means employed must therefore reinforce self-management.
Means that do not coincide with that end must be discarded: those that reinforce
capitalism, the State and the institutions that sustain them; those that remove from the
masses the necessary protagonism in the process of social transformation; those that
stimulate the spirit of survival and obedience. Building generalized self-management
implies, therefore, the defense of economic and political socialization, and the
revolutionary transformation of social institutions, the protagonism of the masses through
class autonomy and the democratic construction of struggles for the base.
The anarchist positions on the nature of the State and its conception of social classes
constitute a relevant example of the application of this notion of strategic coherence;
they are at the bases of split between anarchism and most of the Marxist currents and have
as their background their different strategies of social transformation.
Erradonea affirms that "from its origins, anarchism was a revolutionary socio-political
movement that, consequently with its anti-statist and anti-authoritarian postulation,
disdained the path of conquest of centralized social power, for the benefit of the
self-managed collectivization of decentralized power" (1989, p.45) . For the anarchists,
the State is a fundamental institution of the contemporary domination system and an
essentially dominant instrument; rulers, high-ranking military, police, judges are class
enemies. The strategy of state takeover either through reforms -as advocated by the
social-democratic currents- or through revolution -as the Bolsheviks defend in their
different versions- implies, necessarily, the use of a means that does not agree with the
ends like the abolition of capitalism, of the State, of the social classes, socialism /
communism, etc. According to the anarchists, conquering the State necessarily implies
replacing one dominant class with another, even though the new rulers have their origin in
the dominated classes; it's about substituting some dominators for others.
This procedure could provide a social change, but the model of power would continue to be
characterized, essentially, by domination, by complete lack of participation. The defense
of the transformation in the model of power carried out by the anarchists implies,
obligatorily, the end of the State and its replacement by self-managing mechanisms of
power that imply high levels of participation, together with the end of capitalism, of the
institutions and of the relationships that underlie the present system of domination.
Power, Class and Social Transformation in Historical Perspective
Among the episodes that stand out most in the history of anarchism are: the Macedonian
Revolt, of 1903; the Mexican Revolution, began in 1910; the Russian and Ukrainian
Revolution, respectively of 1917 and 1919; the mobilization in Bulgaria between the years
1920 and 1940; the Spanish Revolution, between 1936 and 1939; the Manchurian Revolution,
in Korea, between 1929 and 1932; the mobilization in Uruguay in the 1960s and 1970s.[3]At
this time, the theoretical arguments presented above are based on one or more of these
historical episodes.
The anarchist budget in these and other mobilizations is established through the belief in
a capacity for realization of the dominated classes, which could become a social force. In
Mexico, the manifesto of the Mexican Liberal Party (PLM) - which, during the revolution,
became anarchist - "after a radical transformation in labor relations, in the distribution
of land and in the organization of Mexican society." This transformation should be carried
out by the poor (Samis, 2003, p.17). In Ukraine, according to the conception of the
Makhnovists: "the masses are capable," if "enthusiastic about a true revolutionary
impetus" and if they were "left the total freedom to act" (Volin, 1976, p.20). In Spain,
the ideal of emancipation of workers "is not about philosophical abstractions, but social
justice, solidarity work organized, active fraternity created by the egalitarian enjoyment
of goods produced by the work of all" (Leval, 1972, p.35).
That social force should have class-based bases and, therefore, mobilize the different
concrete social classes, which are parts of the larger set of dominated classes. "In
Macedonia, the anarchists won massive support from the peasants" (Schmidt, van der Walt,
2009, p.284) In Ukraine, the revolutionary process was "produced purely and solely by the
‘lower' layers of the popular masses" (Volin, 1976, p.7). The aim of the anarchists was
"to help the masses and interpret the significance of the struggle that awaits
them,[...]to define the works to be carried out and their objectives, to take the
necessary combat measures and organize their forces." (Arshinov, 1976, p 259) In Spain,
during the revolution, "industries and rural properties[were]marked under the
self-management of workers and peasants," a process in which "anarchists and trade
unionists played a central role." (Schmidt, van der Walt, 2009, p.180) In Uruguay, the
radicalization of workers counted, within the National Workers' Convention (CNT), promoted
by the anarchists, with "mobilizations of the organized labor movement in the CNT."
(Rugai, 2003, p. 220)
In the search for the permanent growth of the class social force, the anarchists, through
the organizations that participated and promoted, aimed to defeat the enemy forces and
establish their proposals. In Mexico "the PLM rejected nationalism having to fight so much
against capitalism and imperialism, recommending resistance in Mexico as part of a global
class struggle" (Schmidt, van der Walt, 2009, p.315). In Bulgaria the anarchists had to
fight against capitalists and "both against fascism and against Stalinism;" they will
establish "a mass movement with remarkable diversity and resistance."
Schmidt, 2009, p. 6
The Bulgarian anarchist movement was built with a formidable force, the third largest in
the left field, using the disenchantment of the workers with agrarian and communist
reformism to build many urban unions and, later, influencing all levels of society, with a
network of interrelated organizations associating workers, workers, students and
guerrillas (Schmidt, 2009, p. 46).
In Manchuria, the anarchists defended the creation of a power of their own; "it is
notorious that the Korean libertarians were talking about a power proper to the oppressed
classes" (Crisi et al, 2013, p.8). In Uruguay, "the organization[FAU]created a conception
of ‘popular power,' not state, organized from bottom to top, but possessing global
coordination agencies" (Rugai, 2003, pp. 205-206).
In that process of overcoming by establishing their own forces, and coherently and
strategically adapting the goals they sought to achieve and the means used by them, the
anarchists sought to promote means that stimulated self-management and opposed domination;
they claimed the independence of class in relation to the parties, States, institutions
and agents that threaten the popular protagonism, the democratic construction of the
struggles for the base, by means of direct action. In Russia, anarchists defended the
Soviets with the following arguments: "Power should be decentralized as follows: each
individual is placed in agreement with others to form a commune, the federation of
communes forms a province (region, city, district, district), and a pan-Russian federative
republic emerges from the federation of the provinces" (Skirda, 2000, p.82). In Russia,
"the true and complete autonomy of the movement was sought, which was consciously and
energetically guaranteed against the intrusive forces" (Volin, 1976, p.21). In Uruguay, it
was about building "direct action at all levels," through "several areas of action," in
order to "build class leadership through their own organisms" (Rugai, 2003, p 165; 256).
There were several tools of the struggles used in that process. Union organizations, in
the cities and in the fields, including mobilizations by work and residence, as was the
case of the Spanish National Confederation of Workers (CNT); armed defense organizations,
such as the cases of the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine and the
Revolutionary Popular Organization - 33 Orientales (OPR-33), of Uruguay; anarchist
political organizations, such as the cases of the PLM in Mexico and the Federation of the
Anarcho-Communists of Bulgaria (FAKB); popular soviets (councils), like those that were
the bases of the revolution in Russia; cooperative, like the Vlassovden, driven by the
Bulgarians.
In the revolutionary processes that have advanced the most, self-managed structures of
regulation and control will be established. In Macedonia, the establishments of the
Commune of Krouchevo and the Commune of Strandzha will lay the foundations of "a
revolutionary movement of social liberation with clearly libertarian aspects" (Balkansky,
1982, p.5); they carried out self-management experiences for a month, constituting the
first local attempt to build a new society on the principles of libertarian communism. In
Russia,
The anarcho-syndicalists control a certain number of factory committees, bakers' unions,
metallurgists, stevedores, etc. They extol the direct and collective taking by the workers
themselves of the entire production. That workers' control is different from that
advocated by the Bolsheviks because of their organization from the base and not from the
State.
Skirda, 2000, p. 67
In Spain, the first organisms established by the revolution were the "Food Supply
Committee." "From these committees started the first measures of distribution of
rationing," which included priority for war wounded, children and the elderly. (Peirats,
2006, pp. 131-132) In Manchuria, with the establishment of the Commune of Shimin,
self-management was established in a territory with more than two million peasants and
"managed to liberate large rural areas and small towns. They were installed, not without
inconvenience, Administrative Councils that supplanted and extinguished at all levels the
State." Through a council structure, which had "Municipal or Village
Councils;[...]District Councils and Area or Regional Councils," "direct democracy decision
boards" were promoted (Crisi et alli, 2013, p.4: 10).
Concluding Notes
The theoretical elements and the historical experiences discussed subsidize the theses
developed throughout this article. Anarchists have a conception and a general project of
power that bases their conception of class, established by means of a type of power
(domination), and constitutes the basis of their notion of social transformation, which is
characterized by: their belief in the capacity of realization of the subjects that
constitute part of the different dominated classes, its implication in the transformation
of that capacity into a social force, its attempt for this force to increase permanently,
its defense of a revolutionary process that allows to overcome the enemy forces and
replace the dominating power of society with a self-managing power.
Felipe Corrêa is a teacher and political militant in São Paulo, Brazil. He is a
participant with the Institute of Theory and Anarchist History (ITHA) and Coordenação
Anarquista Brasileira or Brazilian Anarchist Coordination.
If you enjoyed this piece we also recommend the piece "Means and Ends: The Anarchist
Critique of Seizing State Power and "Libertarian Socialism in South America: A Roundtable
Interview," the first in a three part series interviewing members of organization in
Chile, Argentina and Brazil.
This article was originally published in Em Debate, no. 8, 2012. Translation from Spanish
by Servio G., member of Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation
Footnotes
1. This semantic problematic can also be seen in the translations, as in the case of
Bakunin's Statism and Anarchy. The translation in Spanish states: "No se debe dar ni a
ellos y a ninguno el poder, porque aquel que está investido de un poder se torna,
inevitablemente, por la ley inmutable, un opresor, un explotador de la sociedad."
(Translator's note: Power should not be given to them and to none, because the one who is
invested with a power inevitably becomes, by the immutable law, an oppressor, an exploiter
of society) (grifos meus) Bakunin, 2006, p. 159-160) Portuguese translation states: "Nao
ha por que ihes dar, assim como nenhum outro, autoridade, pois quem dela e investido,
torna-se, de modo infalviel, segundo uma lei social invariavel, um opressor e explorador
da sociedad (Translator's note: There is no need to give them, as well as any other
authority, since it is invested, it is taken, in this infallible way, according to an
invariable social law, an oppressor and exploiter of society). (grifei) (Bakunin, 2003, p.
166) Power and authority are used as a translation of the same original term.
2. Making a revision in dictionaries of the time, Mintz verified that during the decade of
1950 the term still did not appear in Hispanic languages; In slavic languages, the term
"samupravlenie" was only translated as "independent popular government,"
"self-determination" and "autonomy," it was only translated as self-management from the
1960s. He states: "[.. .]from the political point of view, ‘direct management' was used
and then ‘self-management' was adopted. To the magazine Noir et Rouge published a study in
two parts on the Spanish collectivities whose number of June of 1965 was titled
‘Colectividades Españolas' and, the following number, of February of 1965, ‘Autogestión.'
Also the descriptions of Yugoslavia and Algeria popularized the word" (Mintz, 1977, pp.
26-27).
3. For a brief history of anarchism and various bibliographical indications, see Correa,
2013. On the Macedonian Revolt and anarchism in Bulgaria, see: Schmidt, 2009; Balkansky,
1982. On the Mexican Revolution, see: Zarcone, 2006; Trejo, 2005. On the Russian
Revolution, see: Tragtenberg, 2007; Skirda, 2000. On the Ukrainian Revolution, see:
Schujman, 200; Aschinov, 1076. On the Spanish Revolution, see: Paz, s / d; Peirats, 2006;
Leval, 1972. On the Revolution in Manchuria and Anarchism in Korea, see: Crisi et alli,
2013. On anarchism in Uruguay, see: Mechoso, 2011, 2005, 2006, 2009; Rugai, 2003.
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