Anarchic update news all over the world - 2.08.2019

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Cleanup sector strikes,
      NH Collection Marseille, Ibis Batignolles ... " My back hurts !
      You have to pay ! " (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #296 - Sexist violence:
      Why justice saves the notables (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  USI-CIT OF THE SACRED FAMILY INSTITUTE OF MILAN - PRESS
      RELEASE 26 JULY 2019 (it) [machine translation] 
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  France, Manifesto of the UCL - A self-managed activist
      organization (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Grand-Paris-Sud, AL
      Montreuil - Against racism, , Police harassment is enough ! in
      Montreuil on August 3rd (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  ucl-saguenay, Collectif Emma Goldman: International Day of
      Action in support of Rojava [6 and 7 September 2019] (ca, de, fr,
      it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  Cnt-ait Paris: NEW WAVE OF REPRESSION AGAINST PRISONERS AND
      POLITICAL PRISONERS IN IRAN - from the Anarchists of Iran and
      Afghanistan (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
8.  anarkismo.net, Germany, "We want to be there, where it
      burns!" - Interview with the re: volt Magazine by the
      dieplattform (de) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





For several years, strikes have proliferated in the cleaning sector, where exploitation is 
combined with sexist and racist oppressions, particularly in the hotel industry. Two 
strikes today testify: those of the maids of the NH Collection in Marseille and the Ibis 
hotel of Batignolles. the Libertarian Communist Union (UCL) gives its full support to the 
strikers and their unions. ---- These struggles are carried out with great determination 
by strikers who are subjected to very harsh working conditions. At the NH Collection in 
Marseille since April 11, at Ibis Batignolles since July 17. ---- To the shameless 
exploitation of cleaning contractors is added the daily disregard of the contractors and 
the violence of the little chefs. ---- To the precariousness, to the wages of misery, to 
the hours of work stolen by the bosses, are added the discriminations and the oppressions, 
racist and sexist, that undergo the maids.

The ongoing strike at the Ibis Batignolles revealed that a maid had been raped by the 
hotel's former director in 2017. In all these strikes, the evidence is systematically 
brought that the outsourcing regime is associated with harassment and terror. It's a whole 
system that has to be brought down and that's what the repeated strikes in this sector 
require.

Because these women raise their heads and respond with anger and strike. When they stop 
cleaning, the hotel loses its "  prestige  " !

Their courage, their will, their tenacity force respect. We must also salute the important 
work of organizing their unions, here the CGT HPE and the CNT-SO. We can, we must fight 
and never resign ourselves !

The Libertarian Communist Union (UCL), its activists, give their full support to the 
strikers and their unions and call to popularize their struggles and to support their 
strike funds.

NH Collection Marseille Chambermaid strike fund , organized by the CNT-SO 13.
Strike fund for chambermaids at the Ibis Batignolles , organized by the CGT-HPE.
Libertarian Communist Union (UCL), July 30, 2019

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?NH-Collection-Marseille-Ibis-Batignolles-J-ai-mal-au-dos-Il-faut-payer

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Message: 2





April 11, 2019 is a milestone. The Criminal Court sentenced a powerful man in a case of 
gender-based violence. An opportunity to question the impunity of the rich in the face of 
sexual assault. ---- March 2016, Denis Baupin, then Vice-President of the National 
Assembly and MEP Europe Ecology-The Greens of Paris, poses with other collaborators, 
wearing lipstick makeup, for the campaign against violence against women. On May 9, 2016, 
France Inter and Mediapart published the testimonies of eight women elected and employees 
of EELV claiming to have been victims, from 1998 to 2014, of sexual harassment, even 
sexual assault, by Denis Baupin. In total, about fifteen women will come out of silence. 
In June, four of them lodge a complaint. The case is dismissed because the facts are 
prescribed.

The case could have stayed there, but Denis Baupin filed a complaint against his accusers 
for slanderous denunciation and claims 50 000 euros in damages. The trial, which opens on 
February 4, 2019, allows the long list of victims of Denis Baupin's actions to testify: 
the trial turns against the plaintiff. Baupin is finally sentenced on 19 April to 
compensate the defendants, the women who accused him and the press titles that revealed 
the case for "  abuse of civil party  . " The conviction for abusive procedure of Baupin 
allowed to testify of the exactitude of the facts and the accusations.

The case of Baupin makes it possible to tackle a subject recently put back on the front of 
the scene: the impunity of the bourgeoisie with regard to sexual assaults.

In front of (in) class justice
When in the 1970s feminist movements began to analyze the sociology of sexual assault, 
they discovered that this phenomenon affected "  all classes and all races  " [1], victims 
as aggressors. Sexual and sexual violence is not an individual problem (human), relational 
(of the couple) or cultural (of a group): it is the problem of a patriarchal society, of 
socially organized and reproduced domination men on women, as social groups.

Feminist studies have highlighted the many faces of the rapist and helped to eradicate the 
cliché of the lonely, jobless and immigrant attacker, met in an underground car park. Yet 
not all rapists find themselves on court boxes.

In a study published in 1976, Marie-Odile Fragier already made this observation: among the 
289 people convicted of rape in assize courts in 1972, nearly two-thirds are workers and 
13  % are inactive, on the other hand, we do not count that "  two senior managers, a man 
exercising a liberal profession and a teacher  " [2]. This difference of treatment in the 
courts does not only concern sexist and sexual violence, it also contributes to the 
representation of a popular class bully and unknown to the victim [3].

This stigmatization was reinforced by the introduction of a new offense in the law: street 
harassment. While we can be pleased to see legally recognized daily acts of gender-based 
violence, the concentration of sexist issues around this issue alone has the effect of 
dramatically reducing the figure of the aggressor to the working classes.

Cases such as those of Harvey Weinstein or Denis Baupin highlight sexist oppressors, 
politicians, bosses, in short men of power. The low judiciarization of rapes committed by 
attackers from the bourgeoisie is explained in particular by the fact that these people 
have resources to better defend themselves during their passage [4](lawyers, language 
elements, cultural capital) and social ...). The financial capital they possess allows 
them sometimes even, via financial transaction, to put an end to the procedures that 
concern them (Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Harvey Weinstein among others).

Unlike the aggressors of the popular classes, the consequences are not the same for the 
rich rapists and aggressors. They retire a time from the front of the stage to continue 
business elsewhere. DSK is, since May 2016, economic adviser for the Chahed government in 
Tunisia. It also advises, unofficially, the Republic of Congo to help the authorities to 
restructure the country's debt, as well as the State of Togo in the framework of a 
technical assistance project financed by the European Union and put implemented by the IMF 
to modernize public financial management. In the same way Baupin had symbolically resigned 
from the vice-presidency of the National Assembly, as of May 2016, but kept his mandate of 
deputy until June 2017.

Impunity of the rich
If these cases make headlines for a few months, bring to light a renowned attacker for a 
while, they appear as epiphenomena. The scandal resonates with individuals who are 
uncorrelated from their social class, and allows a systemic and anti-patriarchal analysis. 
Thus the platform published in Le Monde , by women of influence (such as Levy and 
Deneuve), on the freedom to importunate, proves to be a plea to defend the men of their 
class against the revelations of #Metoo and # Balancetonporc.

All these elements (the bourgeois are better off in justice, the profile of the typical 
sexual aggressor is the poor aggressor) tend to perpetuate the system. This fact confers 
impunity to the rich sexual aggressors, and invisibilises their victims. This feeling of 
impunity allows the patriarchy to put more power on women. A feeling of impunity that 
borders on stupidity when Baupin decides to attack his victims in defamation.

Lucie (UCL Amiens)

[1] Erin Pizzey, Cree less loudly the neighbors will hear you , Éditions des femmes, 1974.

[2] Marie-Odile Fargier, The Rape , Grasset, 1976.

[3] Only 5  % to 15  % of raped victims file a complaint. One of the reasons given is that 
the vast majority of rapes are committed by relatives of the victim, resulting in a 
process of denunciation difficult, rape between strangers is in fact very few.

[4] Véronique Le Goaziou, Violation in justice: a (in) class justice ? , Antipodes, "  New 
Feminist Issues  ", 2013.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Violences-sexistes-Pourquoi-la-justice-epargne-les-notables

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Message: 3





Serious discriminatory acts of the Company Management of the "Sacra Famiglia" Institute in 
company negotiations. ---- During the meeting between the Management of the ISF and the 
Trade Union Representatives convened for this morning (7/22/19) discriminatory acts took 
place in the hospital company that we want to denounce. ---- About twenty employees took 
part in the meeting with the will to assist the negotiation, worried because the company 
is pushing to obtain further sacrifices for its employees, continuing the logic of the 
last bridge agreement signed, with the opposition of USI , Cobas healthcare and Fials, 
which for three years penalized the employees of the hospital financially.
But the Company Management refused to enter to start the negotiation, because it was 
contrary to the presence of this delegation. In the meeting room a comparison was made on 
this presence that lasted for about an hour. In the end the delegation of the workers 
reluctantly came out in front of the threat that the negotiation itself would be missed.

When, however, the Company Management entered, it set as a condition to continue the 
negotiation that of the removal of the external representation of the USI, specifying that 
only the presence of those elected in the various lists, including the USI, and of union 
representatives was allowed external territorial signatories of the contracts. A serious 
step backwards compared to a previous negotiation in which the external representation of 
USI had been admitted.

It should be noted that in the meantime the composition of the Company Delegation has 
changed and this time it was made, a bad signal, an explicit invitation to the external 
trade union confederations to be present.

We denounce this attitude as a serious discriminatory act, certainly also due to the 
internal resistance that the USI union is exercising on all fronts.

It should also be considered what in recent times is taking place more generally in the 
hospitals of San Carlo and San Paolo where war is being waged against representatives of 
the base unions, in particular at USI, with the explicit goal that the representation of 
the same RSU is bypassed in order to deal directly with the external union representatives 
of the confederations and autonomous unions, that is with those regional secretariats. So 
an overall maneuver is underway to get to final negotiations with those more condescending 
and yielding unions for clearance sales agreements. This is why we consider a serious 
alarm bell, as well as unbearable discrimination, attitudes like those demonstrated today 
by the Management of the ISF, which annoys the presence in the negotiation of a 
spontaneous delegation of women workers and of an external representation of USI. These 
discriminatory acts do nothing but reinforce our will to react with the necessary methods 
and in the most appropriate forums.

http://www.usi-cit.org/index.php/1616-comunicato-usi-cit-milano

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Message: 4





UCL is a self-managed federation, under the collective responsibility of all its 
activists. Without denying the necessity and the importance of the activities of 
coordination and animation of the organization, we seek to establish a framework of debate 
and intervention horizontal and decentralized. ---- UCL is under the collective leadership 
of its members. ---- cc Azagra ---- The Libertarian Communist Union is not a party: it is 
not intended to seek the votes of voters. The essential activity of the organization is 
the development and self-organization of the struggles against all the systems of 
domination: by its politics and by its propaganda, by its collective reflection, by 
training, by the help it brings, by the action of its members. ---- It works for the 
emergence of a counter-power of the base of society and a break with the capitalist, 
patriarchal and racist order.

Solidarity, struggles, self-management
We also want to make UCL a privileged space of solidarity and mutual aid, especially in 
the face of repression.

The organization rests, until the adherents and the adherents decide otherwise, on the 
present Manifesto. Neither historical program nor immutable declaration of principle, this 
manifesto is indeed only a moment of a theoretical, practical and organizational process, 
which itself contains a potential dynamic of overcoming.

A statutory contract lays down the operating rules of the organization and binds all and 
all freely associated members. The strategic orientations of the organization, its 
positions, its decisions are subject to debate, collective decision, votes of the entire 
organization. It thus constitutes a field of experimentation for the self-management and 
federalist democracy, in coherence with the libertarian communist project: we want an 
egalitarian society, without leader, and we strive to make it live within the UCL.

This alternative in action allows activists to have a real experience and a 
self-management practice. This gives them the opportunity to infuse with greater ease and 
confidence these practices within the struggles and social movements, in the collectives, 
unions and associations in which they and they campaign.

A functioning consistent with our goals
The organization is therefore a self-managed federation, placed under the collective 
responsibility of all its activists. By reversing the traditional image of the 
hierarchical party, but without denying the necessity and importance of coordination and 
animation activities of the organization, we seek to establish a framework for horizontal 
and decentralized debate and intervention.

The practice of the mandate makes it possible to reconcile collective development and 
efficiency ; the mandates are defined, controlled by the members of the organization who 
can, if necessary, revoke the mandated persons.

Organization is a plural place where, on a common political basis, a wide variety of 
opinions can be expressed freely. While it is natural for it to give itself a majority 
orientation, it none the less scrupulously guarantees the rights of minorities and local 
groups to expression. This in the internal debate of course, but also in the press of the 
organization, according to the terms established by the statutory contract.

The organization seeks the convergence of the actions of its members in an obvious concern 
for efficiency. Activists are bound by their mandate when it comes to speaking or acting 
on behalf of the organization but, apart from that, everyone can act according to their 
personal choices.

The organization refuses any report of direction or substitution towards the struggles of 
the workers, the workers and the population. It can participate in the organization of 
initiatives and mobilizations. The activists of our current can take their place in these 
struggles. But the direction of the social struggles must remain under the collective 
control of those who make them live. Our fight is international as is the structuring of 
the current we will build.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Une-organisation-militante-autogeree

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Message: 5





They are inhabitants of Montreuil, they are workers, it is "France who gets up early" to 
take an old formula. And yet, since May, the police have been harassing and threatening 
them. This can not continue any longer, we call on the solidarity of the population. ---- 
Police officers who make the watch, facies checks, arrests, threats of expulsion 
("obligation to leave the French territory") ... The area around Robespierre metro and 
Place Charles-de-Gaulle. have become, for several weeks, dangerous areas when you have 
black skin. Why this harassment ? ---- In retaliation for the ex-Afpa's requisition ... 
---- Place Charles-de-Gaulle, there is the former center Afpa, rightly requisitioned in 
the fall of 2018 by the City of Montreuil to relocate the residents of the migrant 
workers' home on Bara Street, totally unhealthy, because deplorable management. Many 
relocates are also undocumented, and forced to work in hiding. The building of Afpa, it 
belongs to the state, and the prefecture of Seine-Saint-Denis has never digested his 
requisition.

Download PDF to download
... by a relentless prefect ...
However, since April 29, 2019, the Seine-Saint-Denis has inherited a prefect shock. 
Georges-François Leclerc practiced in the Alpes-Maritimes for two and a half years, where 
he orchestrated a constant repression against the migrants and their supporters - 
especially the farmer Cédric Herrou, whom he attacked in court (in vain, fortunately). 
Same topo against yellow vests. After the police seriously injured a 73-year-old Attac 
activist, Geneviève Legay, in Nice, he was transferred.

And it is not a coincidence that he was parachuted into the 93. Abuse migrant workers, 
undocumented, it helps to "put in pace" our rebel, popular, mixed-race - and for these 
three reasons constantly targeted by the slanders of the far right and the government.

Gathering support for Chronopost strikers, July 10, 2019.
... to accentuate the overexploitation of undocumented workers
This harassment is not intended to empty Montreuil or France of its undocumented. These 
are systematically used to lower costs. No building site opens without them. It is the 
strikes that reveal the scandals, like currently that of Chronopost, Alfortville, which 
involves several undocumented residents of Montreuil.

Since June 11, they have held a picket line without stopping, to request their 
regularization. La Poste takes advantage of their deprivation of rights to make them trim 
the sorting and unloading of trucks in unworthy conditions: hiring at 3 or 4 o'clock in 
the morning, part-time, for 600 euros per month, overtime unpaid, transferred in case of 
claim or illness ...

We call for a first protest response
with migrant workers

SATURDAY, AUGUST 3 AT 2 PM

from Montreuil town hall

to stop harassment, stop overexploitation, regularization of undocumented migrants

First signatories: CGT Local Union, Solidaires Montreuil, Vitry Workers' Committee of 
Vitry, New Anti-Capitalist Party, Libertarian Communist Union

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Le-harcelement-policier-ca-suffit-a-Montreuil-le-3-aout

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Message: 6





Disturb, block, occupy. September 6 and 7, 2019 in Italy, Germany, Greece, Catalonia, 
Sweden, the United Kingdom, Switzerland and many other countries. ---- As the people of 
Rojava and northeastern Syria continue their struggle for self-determination, women's 
liberation, grassroots democracy and defend themselves against attacks by jihadist gangs 
and the Turkish fascist state, representatives of the hypocritical governments shake hands 
with Turkish despots. ---- While hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced from 
Afrin by jihadist gangs backed by the Turkish army, these jihadists and their families are 
settling and exploiting the resources of the people. They sell the same Afrin symbol, 
olive oil, through Turkey, Spain and other European countries. This is what the Turkish 
state means when it claims to secure its border: ethnic cleansing and jihadist gangs that 
attack the local population.

As Ankara develops liquidation plans against the Kurdistan and Syrian revolution, the 
European, Russian and American arms industries are increasing their profits day after day. 
It is a direct consequence of the war in the Middle East and around the world. We do not 
forget the suffering of the people in Yemen, Palestine and other theaters of war. Profits 
that cost the lives of millions of people.

" I wish there were movements in the metropolis that would attack this war, make it 
impossible. Which just cut the supply. "

Wrote German internationalist Andrea Wolf on May 1, 1997 in the mountains of Kurdistan. 
Since then, 22 years have passed. 22 years in which countless people in Kurdistan and 
Turkey have been bombed and executed by NATO weapons and Western nation states. 22 years 
in which companies like Rheinmetall, Lockhead Martin, Leonardo or SAAB and banks like 
Credit Suisse and the German bank have made billions with the death, misery and 
annihilation of people. 22 years during which the Turkish army continues to fire and NATO 
and the western nations states provide ammunition. The people of Kurdistan and 
northeastern Syria will continue to respond to these attacks with united resistance. We 
will occupy

The war against the movement and the revolutionary peoples in Turkey, Kurdistan and 
throughout the Middle East has already begun on our doorstep. It starts in munitions 
factories and armories, on the offices of banks and political parties, and at hypocrites 
and NATO conferences and meetings. It begins with the propaganda of "peace operations", 
the militarization of our daily lives, and manifests itself at the external borders of 
Europe. It begins where the profiteers and strategists of the war meet. Our answer is 
solidarity, internationalism and anticapitalism. We will continue the struggle against 
Turkish fascism and against the system that oppresses us. Let's show the warmongers and 
the imperialist states what we think of them!

Call relayed on the website of RiseUp4Rojava. Link to the original, here .
https://riseup4rojava.org/fr/journee-daction-internationale

http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2019/07/6-et-7-septembre-2019-journee-daction.html

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Message: 7





Neda NAJI is a student, who fights for the rights of workers, and an actress. She notably 
interpreted the role of the Russian anarchist Valentina in a biographical film dedicated 
to the life of the anarchist Emma Goldman. On May 1, 2019, while participating in a 
workers' day demonstration with her, she was arrested with 50 other people (including 
Marzieh AMIRI , Anisha ASADOLLAHI and Atefeh RANGRIZ). Since then, like other companions, 
she has been detained by the security forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the grim 
Qarchak Prison (also known as Shahr-e Rey) east of Tehran. ---- According to another 
(non-political) detainee, Neda NAJI and Atefeh RANGRIZ were beaten on 6 July 2019 for 
refusing to wear Islamic veil (chador / hijab). As a result of this violent attack, Neda 
was seriously injured in the head and eyes and Atefeh was injured in the shoulder and 
legs. At first they were transferred to the prison health service but were returned to 
their cells without adequate treatment. Jamal AMELI, Neda NAJI's husband, wrote on his 
Twitter account: "Evin prison officials do not answer the questions of Neda NAJI's family 
about his condition. Neda and Atefeh are in danger in Qarchak Prison and no one hears our 
voices. "

In addition, several other people, including Amir Amirgholi, Amir Hossein Mohammadifard 
and Sanaz Allahiry, who covered the news of the struggles of Iranian workers (including 
the sugar factory of Haft Tappeh Sugar Cane and Ahvaz steel mill), were also imprisoned. 
All three began a hunger strike on 4 July 2019.
Esmail BAKHASHI, secretary of the Haft Tappeh Workers' Union in the southwestern province 
of Khuzestan, who had been released after being brutally tortured was arrested again three 
weeks after his release for publishing a story of the torture he suffered in prison. He 
joined in prison Sepideh GHOLIAN, the student journalist who had covered protests by Haft 
Tappeh workers.

Finally our companion Soheil Arabi, a 34-year-old blogger, anarcho-syndicalist political 
prisoner, is still in prison, as well as his mother who was arrested on July 22 and held 
incommunicado to try to intimidate her while she was protesting. silently in the street 
for several months in the manner of the mothers of the May Square in Argentina.

If you wish to express your solidarity, you can contact us by Private Message.

(according to a statement from the Anarchists of Iran and Afghanistan)

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Message: 8





We gave an interview to re: volt Magazine! Just read: ---- The German-speaking anarchist 
movement is fragmented and imperceptible. At least that's what the activists of the 
platform think. They now want to create a more binding organization of German-speaking 
anarchism and carry out a nationwide information tour for this purpose. Reason enough to 
give the comrades the opportunity to present their concept. ---- Jan[re: volt]: Hello dear 
comrades. Just imagine what your new project is about. Why do you think an anarchist 
movement in Germany has to reorganize? Why should this happen with the concept of the 
platform[1]and what criticism is behind contemporary anarchism?
The platform: Hello Jan, first of all many thanks for the possibility of the interview. In 
our opinion, the anarchist movement in the German-speaking world needs to reorganize, 
since despite the growing interest in anarchism in the population, there is no significant 
strengthening of organized anarchism in particular. In parallel there are, in comparison 
to recent years, social movements that bring the masses on the road. Fides for Future, the 
fighting for the Hambach forest and generally against the lignite mining, against the new 
police laws, for a pier to Europe, against the shift to the right, against gentrification 
and repression, or even the feminist strike on 8 March are just a few examples. 
Nevertheless, the anarchist movement is very inadequate to be a noticeable part in most of 
these struggles. In our opinion, this is not only due to our numerical weakness, but also 
to many inadequacies in the movement itself. On the one hand, it is still a widespread 
phenomenon that large numbers of people who call themselves "anarchists" do not want to 
organize themselves permanently, or even reject formal organization in general. In 
addition to this problematic attitude, more erroneous concepts dominate, such as a 
misunderstood concept of autonomy, an attitude towards society characterized by isolation 
and not by a struggle within society, and by the revolution, which is more of a general 
task than that Confidence in the power of our ideas. From all these aspects, there follows 
a general lack of strategy, arbitrariness and lack of profile, unreliability and 
widespread public invisibility, such as poor visibility. You can find more about it in our 
policy paper.

It is not our intention to ignore the positive development in German-speaking anarchism 
that has been going on for many years. The anarcho-syndicalist Union of Independent 
Workers has grown, has sharpened its trade union profile and manages to wage small labor 
disputes and in part to win them. The Federation of German-speaking Anarchists has 
collected scattered small groups of anarchists and created a supraregional space of 
exchange. This has led, among other things, to the fact that anarchist group projects now 
exist significantly longer-lived, and to work continuously at a low level. In recent 
years, new anarchist locations have emerged nationwide, which usually claim to be open 
spaces for the district in which they are located.

Jan[re: volt]: For some years now, the autonomous left has also come to the self-critical 
conclusion that subculture must be part of social debate. This tendency underlines it with 
the orientation towards a reorganization in the German-speaking anarchism yes now also. 
How do you explain that despite the self-criticism, the radical left is still struggling 
to reconfigure?

The platform: Of course, there are many reasons and causes and, as you have already 
indicated, many exciting texts, analyzes and appeals have been published in recent years. 
A key point is certainly that the radical left has established itself in a kind of "scene 
reality" and made it comfortable. It's incredibly difficult to get out of it. Being, after 
all, determines the consciousness. So, if significant parts of the Left spend most of 
their time in scene space, have been politicized and still moving through subculture; if 
they continue to be quite young and student-shaped, it is of course difficult to achieve 
fundamental changes. In addition, large sections of the left continue to struggle to "get 
their hands dirty." Yes,

But we only reach the social revolution with a large part of society. We can only reach 
them if we fight for every meter, as, for example, the radical left in France does in the 
heterogeneous "yellow-west" movement, which can certainly be seen as controversial. 
Whether the interference in a social movement is successful then remains the question of 
constant analysis. Also within the platform this will be discussed again and again. It 
remains necessary to repeatedly ask and evaluate the question of the composition and goals 
of a "movement". In any case, social intervention in movements is one of the core 
strategies of our initiative. We consider it as a suitable means of getting out of our 
current weakness. The stated goal is

Jan[re: volt]: Historically, in the anarchist movement, the platformism of Nestor Machnow, 
which you refer to as anarchist movement, was repeatedly defamed by leading theoreticians 
of the movement as "anarcho-bolshevism." In Germany, the concept in form is now also 
something new, because apart from the anarcho-syndicalist FAU, there were always very 
limited anarchist organizing tendencies. Many anarchists find and found themselves more 
inautonomous small groups or house projects together. How are the feedback from the 
movement on your initiative in the current debate?

The platform: Due to the historical but also current defamation against the platformism, 
we have actually expected significantly more headwinds. Of course we get some criticism, 
but most of it is of a solidary nature. In general, our approach in the anarchist movement 
is drawing wide circles. We suspected that in advance. Because of the rather controversial 
proposal, but also because we had announced it very ambitious and big and bring in the 
debate. So it is all the more gratifying that, in addition to the many solidary criticisms 
that are very important to us, we also receive a great deal of popularity. The vast 
majority agree with our criticism of the movement, even though they may not draw the same 
conclusions as we do. We have the impression that a not to be underestimated part of the 
movement has just come up with such a serious approach as we propose. We are already 
causing a broad discussion within the movement, and some comrades who have not organized 
themselves before, or who have been frustrated by past experiences, are now regaining 
hope. It's a really great experience for us to experience it and be part of a new departure.

Jan[re: volt]: To spread your idea, you're doing a nationwide information tour. So far, do 
you have the impression that your idea is also off the beaten track of conventional 
anarchist groups, such as post-autonomous Antifa groups? If not, how do you explain this?

The platform: Unfortunately, this effect is currently still quite limited. In the run-up, 
we have already thought that our approach is also interesting for frustrated communists, 
for example, who want to renounce authoritarian organization but have not seen any 
alternative in their own right. This has not happened yet. The discussion is going on for 
the most part in the anarchist movement, which is also reflected in the participants of 
the events. Why is that? Perhaps simply in general terms, that other parts of the left 
often ignore or even fail to hear discussions and suggestions coming from the anarchist 
movement. We will see what the future holds for this issue as we become more present bit 
by bit. A start is perhaps this interview?

Jan[re: volt]: You operate a very sharp demarcation to other parts of the left. Exemplary 
if you speak of "authoritarian organizations". Since it would be difficult for a broader 
left, or even "frustrated communists" to find their way back to you. Why such a sharp 
demarcation? Do you not perhaps unnecessarily hurdle hurdles in possible alliance politics 
or possible interests?

The platform: First, we have to say that the platform is not designed as a mass 
organization. We are aware that significant parts of the anarchist movement and even 
larger sections of the other Left will not find their place again; but only a certain 
part, which we consciously want to reach and address. Above all, these are people who see 
themselves in the content, strategic, organizational and practical lines we have set up. 
We pull these "hurdles" because we think that a consistent approach within an organization 
works above all through shared principles and shared ideas. The broader an approach is in 
terms of content and at all other levels, the harder it will be to pursue a shared line or 
principle. Or the collective principle finally turns out to be so spongy and arbitrary 
that everyone can somehow come to terms with it, but no one really wants to stand up for 
it. We also think that having a clear profile on our part is more of a strength in working 
with other organizations and movements. Those who feel friendly with us know what they are 
with us. Conversely, we can communicate clear frameworks and ideas for cooperation. Those 
who feel friendly with us know what they are with us. Conversely, we can communicate clear 
frameworks and ideas for cooperation. Those who feel friendly with us know what they are 
with us. Conversely, we can communicate clear frameworks and ideas for cooperation.

But as far as for our own understanding of organization. But what about alliance politics? 
In the future, we will find our allies, especially outside the anarchist movement, above 
all in practical combat. Our motivation to sit flat in any left-wing unity alliances and 
then at some point to reach a totally diluted minimum consensus for all sides is 
relatively small. Rather, with all the non-authoritarian approaches we encounter in the 
social movements, we will be honest and on equal terms. From such practical connections of 
the fight, then certainly more can also arise. But those who act in social movements to 
increase the "herd of sheep" of their respective party or organization, The attempt to 
influence or even to take over social movement in an authoritarian way applies our fierce 
resistance. This applies regardless of the world view. Unfortunately, the left-wing 
spectrum reveals a multitude of groupings and parties that are not interested in the 
self-organization of the masses within society and social movements, but in their 
subordination to an often obscure program of domination. So we do not have much interest 
in classic alliance work. We want to fight for our common interests as a wage-dependent 
class - within social movements, and across differences. Unfortunately, the left-wing 
spectrum reveals a multitude of groupings and parties that are not interested in the 
self-organization of the masses within society and social movements, but in their 
subordination to an often obscure program of domination. So we do not have much interest 
in classic alliance work. We want to fight for our common interests as a wage-dependent 
class - within social movements, and across differences. Unfortunately, the left-wing 
spectrum reveals a multitude of groupings and parties that are not interested in the 
self-organization of the masses within society and social movements, but in their 
subordination to an often obscure program of domination. So we do not have much interest 
in classic alliance work. We want to fight for our common interests as a wage-dependent 
class - within social movements, and across differences. So we do not have much interest 
in classic alliance work. We want to fight for our common interests as a wage-dependent 
class - within social movements, and across differences. So we do not have much interest 
in classic alliance work. We want to fight for our common interests as a wage-dependent 
class - within social movements, and across differences.

Jan[re: volt]: Your initiative is now based on the background of stricter social 
conditions. In your founding document, you have dedicated your own chapter to the shift of 
social law. In it, among other things growing social problems, an activated racism on the 
basis of the refugee question and also a growing loss of legitimacy of the political 
system as a possible main causes. What practical consequences do you draw from this?

The platform: On the one hand, we formulate a clear and concrete analysis of political 
economy, which includes an analysis of world market competition and the resulting economic 
inequality. We will try to bring this analysis to an ever wider "audience" in order to 
gain awareness of the false "now" and class, that is, class consciousness. This is one of 
the basic prerequisites for social change. The rampant racism is in our view as similar to 
treat. Those who have class consciousness are less receptive to misanthropic ideologies. 
Individuals who are aware of basic systematics are more immune to racist delusion, to the 
search for "scapegoats" in the form of allegedly "strangers" or "others."

In our opinion, the aspect of increasing loss of confidence in the existing situation 
raises the central question: is this reactionary or progressive? The first turn is to 
fight, the latter is to support. This includes, for example, the support of concrete 
social struggles. From the neighborhood over the district, from the city, to the world. 
Specifically, these are the struggles of wage workers, tenants, those threatened or 
affected by poverty, or even people affected by misanthropic ideologies, such as racism or 
anti-Semitism. In short: "We want to be there, where it burns!"
Notes:

An anarchist tendency referring to the text "Organizational Platform of the General 
Anarchist Union", published in 1926 by a group of Russian anarchists in exile. In view of 
the lack of assertiveness and organizational weakness of the anarchist movement, this 
approach wanted to achieve a new, binding organization of the movement. The basis for this 
should be theoretical and practical unity, collective responsibility and a supporting 
structure.

[2]The term comes from the Especifismo. a sense of anarchism with a focus on a "specific, 
anarchist organization". It was created in 1956 in the "Federación Anarquista Uruguaya" 
and is today a widespread organizational model of the anarchist movement in Latin America. 
It is similar to platypormism in many ways. Its central tactic is social interference, the 
open participation of anarchists in broad social movements and class struggles. In 
contrast, for example, to Trotskyist entrism, it is not about taking an avant-garde or 
leadership role, but, in contrast, communicating revolutionary positions transparently and 
serving as antibodies to movements against authoritarian appropriation.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31496

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