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zaterdag 3 augustus 2019

Anarchic update news all over the world - 3.08.2019


Today's Topics:

   

1.  ucl-saguenay, Collectif Emma Goldman: Rwanda and Burundi,
      1894-1990: the colonialist origins of genocide (fr, it,
      pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

2.  Belarus, pramen: Who are the extremists? Poll on the streets
      of Minsk (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

3.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL - UCL release, Steve Maia
      Caniço, died for dancing (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

4.  France, Manifesto of the Union Communist Libertaire UCL -
      Carry an alternative society project (fr, it, pt)[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

5.  alas barricadas: [Chile] The Anarchist Federation of
      Santiago is born (ca, it) [machine translation] 

     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  

 6.  afed.cz: A3: Too much anti-communism... [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





Translation by us of an article by Tony Sullivan published on Libcom.org: A history of 
Rwanda and Burundi, two African countries ruled by the Western imperialist powers until 
independence in 1961. Burundi has for its part become an independent state in 1962. ---- 
The genocide in Rwanda in 1994, in which militias of the Hutu majority murdered 500,000 to 
1 million people of the Tutsi minority, is well known. The complicity and even help given 
to the Hutu government by the United Nations and the French government are, however, less 
well known. ---- Knowledge of the antecedents of Western imperialist intervention that led 
to the events that culminated in genocide is essential to understanding how they occurred. 
  ---- Hutus and Tutsis: a tribal war? ---- The 1994 genocide targeted mainly the Tutsi 
population, a minority in Rwanda. Its perpetrators came from the Hutu majority. In the 
Western media, the massacres were presented as hostilities between tribes.

But Tutsis and Hutus are not "tribes". They belong to the same Banyarwanda people. They 
share the same languages, religions and clan and kinship systems.

Prior to white colonial rule, Tutsis were simply a privileged social stratum, accounting 
for about 15 percent of the population who controlled livestock and weapons. Hutus were 
farmers. Most of the land was under the control of a Tutsi king, although some Hutu areas 
were independent.

The Legacy of European Domination

The Germans arrived in what would become Rwanda in 1894 and, like other Western 
imperialists, began by intensifying local divisions to reinforce their own stranglehold. 
They led through the Tutsi king and made the previously independent Hutu areas under the 
control of the central administration.

The northern and western borders of Rwanda were essentially decided between the colonial 
powers in 1910. The borders with Tanzania and Burundi began as internal administrative 
divisions in East German Africa. Colony whose territory included the three current countries].

Before their departure in 1916, the Germans had crushed a rebellion and established coffee 
as the great commercial crop of the colony.

After the First World War, Rwanda fell under Belgian control. The Belgians continued to 
rule through the Tutsi king, although in the 1920s they overthrew a king who had 
obstructed their plans and chose their own candidate to replace him, ignoring the lineage 
of succession.

The Belgian colonial regime was explicitly racist. Early in its mandate, the Belgian 
government declared: "The government should seek to maintain and consolidate the 
traditional frameworks of the Tutsi ruling class because of its important qualities, its 
undeniable intellectual superiority and its potential for domination." Belgians only 
educated Tutsi men. ( Frank Smyth, The Australian 10.6.94 )

In the 1930s, Belgium introduced a system of identity cards similar to that of the 
Apartheid system. in South Africa and South West Africa (now Namibia)], which identified 
its bearers and bearers as Tutsi, Hutu or Twa (Pygmy). Their efforts to establish a racial 
basis for dividing Tutsis and Hutus through physical characteristics such as skin color, 
nose and head size have led to nothing; instead, they established the division of economic 
reality and defined Tutsis as owners of more than 10 cattle. Nevertheless, the division 
was now rigorously applied: it was no longer possible for Hutus and Tutsis to change their 
status.

After the Second World War, the Belgians continued to lead the economy to their advantage. 
The goods were exported via the Belgian colonies on the Atlantic coast, although the route 
to the ports of the Indian Ocean was far shorter and made much more sense in terms of 
future economic development. But neither Belgium nor the other Western powers have planned 
to develop Rwanda.

Repression and revolt

The Hutu resistance was brutally crushed. Amputations and other mutilations were common 
punishments ordered by the Belgian authorities and administered by Tutsis. Until the 
1940s, thousands of Hutu fled to Uganda. But in the 1950s, a powerful Hutu opposition 
movement developed from an agrarian crisis, caused mainly by the scale of coffee 
monocultures as a cash crop and by the King's cancellation of the custom of the exchange 
of labor for land - a custom that gave Hutus a small chance to acquire land.

The Belgian authorities were at the time concerned by the rise of radical nationalist 
sentiments among the middle class urban Tutsi.

A rebellion of Hutu agricultural workers broke out in the late 1950s. The colonialists 
decided to reach an agreement with the latter by granting independence in 1961 and 
allowing free elections.

At the same time, with astonishing hypocrisy, the colonialists encouraged the development 
of an atmosphere of anti-Tutsi violence to deflect Hutu rage towards them.

The elections were won by the Hutu Emancipation Movement Party, also known as Parmehutu. 
He immediately began to persecute the Tutsi.

Burundi separated from Rwanda in 1962 and remained under the control of Tutsis. The 
following year, Tutsi refugees in Burundi invaded Rwanda and attempted to take over its 
capital, Kigali.

In response, the Parmehutu government crushed their movement and unleashed a wave of 
deadly reprisals against Tutsi civilians in Rwanda, described by philosopher Bertrand 
Russell as "the most horrific and systematic massacre we have seen since extermination of 
Jews and Jews by the Nazis. ( Smyth, The Australian 10.6.94)

In 1973, General Juvenal Habyarimana took power and became president. He established a 
highly centralized authoritarian regime. He formed the National Revolutionary Movement for 
Development (MRND), which became the only legal political party in Rwanda. He created 
groups of campaign co-operatives led by MRND loyalists. He co-opted the Catholic Church 
and ironically controlled the small labor movement in the country.

At the same time, racist policies of the past were intensified: Tutsis were banned from 
the armed forces and marriage between Tutsis and Hutus was prohibited.

Despite these policies, a growing number of Hutus opposed the regime.

Free market paralyzes Rwanda

The proportion of Rwandan workers involved in agriculture was the highest in the world. In 
1994, agriculture employed 93% of the workforce (compared to 94% in 1965). Industry 
contributed only 20% of the gross domestic product and this was largely limited to the 
processing of agricultural products.

The dependence on inefficient agriculture left Rwanda praying in drought in 1989. 
Environmental damage was also one of the causes. Formerly well wooded, Rwanda has only 3% 
of its territory covered with forest. Erosion is endemic and destroys both natural 
vegetation and food and cash crops, despite tree planting programs. Under these 
conditions, disease and famine spread.

Thanks to its colonial heritage, 60 to 85% of Rwanda's external income depended on coffee 
exports.

The consequence of this was an external debt of $ 90 per person, in a country where the 
total wealth per person was only $ 320. The average calorie consumption of the population 
was only 81% of the required intake. Less than 10% of children reached high school and one 
in five babies was dying before the age of one.

In 1990, in a gesture of desperation, the Habyarimana government adopted the Structural 
Adjustment Program of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in exchange for credit and 
foreign aid. Massive cuts in the already meager public investments followed.

The regime has prepared for resistance by intensifying the repression of political 
opponents, whether they be Hutus or Tutsis. But he has also started a new campaign to 
overthrow Tutsis accusing them of being responsible for the economic crisis. Government 
radio was relentlessly propagating hate propaganda and, in the context, the regime began 
to organize death squad militias.

It is in this context of economic crisis that the genocide of Tutsis took place.

Tony Sullivan
Anarchist Collective Blog Emma Goldman

Other sources not cited throughout the text:
Economist Intelligence Unit, Zaire / Rwanda / Burundi, 1991-2; Europa Year Book 1993; 
Socialist Worker 10 June 1994; Rwanda, Randall Fegley; Socialist Review 178, September 1994

Collectif Emma Goldman

http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2019/07/rwanda-et-burundi-1894-1990-les.html

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Message: 2





Our comrade Mikola Dziadok conveyed a poll on the streets of Minsk, asking people about 
extremists: are there any in Belarus and what people think about them and the new 
anti-extremist laws adopted by our government.
Some of the results are pretty surprising!
Do not forget to turn on subtitles!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=3&v=nXVltg5hMt0

https://pramen.io/en/2019/07/who-are-the-extremists-poll-on-the-streets-of-minsk/

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Message: 3





Where is Steve ? More than a month this issue is everywhere, except from the government 
and the authorities. More than a month for them to engage in real research in the Loire. 
This Tuesday, July 30, we can say: the police assassinated Steve Maia Caniço, for nothing. 
---- On the night of June 21 in Nantes, around 4:30 am during the Music Festival, the 
police carried out a charge of incredible violence against a few hundred young people came 
to enjoy the sound system installed along the Loire, as every year. LBD shots, tear gas, 
desencclement grenades and beating. Accumulated, 14 people fall in the Loire. A fifteenth 
missing call is Steve, a young 24-year-old host just came to dance. ---- This Tuesday, 
July 30, the autopsy of the body found in the Loire on Monday 29 confirms that it is 
indeed that of Steve. Unsurprisingly, no relief. There remains rage and revolt.

We can not ignore the fact that Steve's death comes in a particularly repressive context, 
where state violence has been raging for months. The death of Steve is not a news item, it 
is the consequence of a political choice. That of charging violently and facing the Loire 
young people come to dance. That of fiercely repressing everything that exceeds and is not 
perfectly controlled. The internal police report obtained by Médiapart reveals that "  the 
prefecture was perfectly aware of the risks "So in 2017, in a similar situation, the 
police decided not to intervene given the dangerous nature of the place. The town hall was 
also well aware that this place was not secure but that each year the sound system was 
held in peace, posing no problem.

This death has its leaders and we must mention: Claude Harcourt, prefect of 
Loire-Atlantique ; Cristophe Castaner Minister of the Interior, Grégoire Chassaing, 
commissioner in charge of the operation on the evening of June 21st. And beyond the 
contractors, on the spot, the police officers of the departmental intervention company, 
sadly known of the demonstrations in Nantes, who despite the warnings of those present, 
continued to strike, gas and charge.

The power and its supporters will now do everything to try not to question the violence of 
the state and its leaders. We will speak of "tragic accident", "light on the facts", 
"clashes with the police", "vague circumstances" ... So many embarrassed formulas that we 
have already heard about the death of Zineb Redouane, in Marseille, in December. So many 
formulas that aim to confuse the tracks, and that these crimes go unpunished.

Only our mobilization will be able to obtain justice and honor their memory.
The Libertarian Communist Union extends its condolences to Steve's family and loved ones, 
and calls for a massive mass of rallies in his memory.

Justice and truth for Steve and all the victims of the police.
Libertarian Communist Union , July 30, 2019

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Steve-Maia-Canico-mort-pour-avoir-danse

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Message: 4





Utopia can have a decisive impact on social movements. By stimulating collective 
imagination, it fuels immediate struggles, both in their forms and in their objectives, 
and it can give strength and credit to our struggles by exploring the possibilities of an 
alternative society. The imaginary is necessary to transform the realities. ---- During 
the movement against the Labor Law, March 2016. ---- Vincent Nakash / UCL Saint-Denis
We are revolutionary, that is, partisan of a radical transformation of society. Our 
political action aims at matching our social project and the means to achieve it: the 
balance sheet of social democracy has shown that we can not fight effectively against 
capitalism by conquering power by electoral means and by gradually reforming.

Nor does it mean passively waiting for an "ineluctable" rupture: the future is not written 
anywhere, it will be what we will do, and in each historical situation the field of 
possibilities is largely open. There is no reason for history to reach its ultimate stage: 
capitalism will not be the last form of human society. Systems of racist and patriarchal 
domination are not inevitable.

But self-management socialism and egalitarian social relations will not emerge 
mechanically at the end of a "final crisis" with only one possible outcome. They will 
arise from the conscious and determined action of the exploited masses. Materialists, and 
educated by historical experience, we know that a true popular movement is never "pure". 
It can be populated by contradictory forces, progressive as retrograde, each of which 
tries to make prevail its political project. Revolutionaries can not be content to 
distribute good and bad points externally. It is in the struggles that they and they can 
hope to influence the events.

Against isolated armed action
Revolutionary, we are not in favor of a violent solution. The essential thing in a process 
of transformation is in the constructive work, which requires a self-defense of the 
population to preserve the gains. But the degree of violence of a revolution is first 
chosen and imposed by the overthrowing ruling classes. This violence may therefore be 
necessary. We must then be vigilant, to guard against excesses and the danger of 
militarization.

Except in situations of dictatorship or military or colonial occupation, we are opposed to 
armed minority action by groups cut off from the population and the social movement. Armed 
action, conducted under these conditions, leads to dangerous confrontation with the state 
; it leads to the reinforcement of the latter and the isolation of those who practice it.

Obviously, we do not confuse armed minority action with the hard forms taken by the 
struggles of workers and the population in defense of their achievements and their 
struggles. The legitimacy of the action of the revolutionaries is not fixed in terms of 
respect for a legality imposed by the state but evolves according to the conscience of the 
masses.

Imagine to transform reality
A revolutionary project is necessary, alternative to state socialism and liberalism. A 
project that aims to implement a libertarian communism at the level of the whole society, 
on the economic level (socialization of the means of production and products of collective 
work), political (libertarian federalism as an alternative to any centralization of power 
political) and social (social equality between individuals regardless of gender, sexual 
orientation, origin, physical or psychological abilities ...).

The development of a revolutionary project is based on historical and contemporary 
experiences of struggles, taking into account the difficulties encountered. The 
revolutionary project therefore requires regular reassessment, integrating new social 
struggles and changes in society.

Utopia can have a decisive impact on social movements. By stimulating collective 
imagination, it fuels immediate struggles, both in their forms and in their objectives, 
and it can give strength and credit to our struggles by exploring the possibilities of an 
alternative society. The imaginary is necessary to transform the realities.

If it seems necessary to us that our current carries such a project, it does not pretend 
to predict the future, nor to foresee everything, nor to be a set of promises, nor to be 
the plan any ready of a socialism to build as it is.

It is through their experiences that workers will find their answers to many social 
issues. But in this elaboration, our proposals can have value of contributions and 
incitement, influencing the debate of ideas and practices in the most libertarian sense, 
the most self-managing possible.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Porter-un-projet-de-societe-alternatif

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Message: 5





We are part of the last 20 years of recomposition of social and organized anarchism, a 
time that has been marked by the understanding of the need for a political organization 
and the importance of insertion in the different struggles of the dominated class. ---- 
The creation of this Federation seeks, from humility, but with great conviction, to 
demonstrate that the specific anarchism in the Chilean region has not died and that today 
more than ever, our political project must be positioned as an alternative against this 
system of capitalist domination and patriarchal. That is why, for us and us today is a 
historic day, since we feel that we are an expression of organized anarchism more than 
from the end of the 19th century until today, to seek to contribute to the most felt 
struggles of the peoples with The influence of your ideas and practices.

We live a historical period marked by a social and ecological crisis caused by the 
exacerbation of extractivism, the dispossession of the territories and the control of the 
bodies by the system of domination. This scenario poses new challenges for anarchism.

Understanding the system of domination and relations of domination to expand the fields of 
insertion in popular struggles, becomes a key point. If there are different areas of 
domination, any class expression of struggle against this is a fertile field for anarchism 
and this is essential to get out of the idea that raises privileged places for 
organization over others. This system, which exerts power and coercion through relations 
of domination, for us and us has two fundamental pillars: patriarchal domination and 
capitalist domination and the effects of its overlap are those that are currently 
manifested in society.

Under this analysis we think of our strategy of rupture, being clear that there is no 
domination over another, but that they operate depending on the historical context in 
which they are framed, in a perspective that prioritizes the non-fragmentation of 
oppressions. In this way racism, (hetero) sexism and classism are oppressions that operate 
simultaneously, coexist and are consubstantial, overlap.

Faced with this, we propose strategic elements such as de-patriarization, decolonization, 
federalism and revolutionary self-management as an alternative for the destruction of the 
patriarchal-capitalist system of domination and its colonial strategy and the construction 
of a revolutionary, federal self-managed society that eliminates classes social, gender 
mandates and racial divisions, where the community, the ecological and feminist will be 
our horizon of life.

The current political situation, marked by a repressive context expressed, for example, in 
the migrant law, safe classroom, reformulation of the anti-terrorism law, militarization 
and implementation of states of exception, this added to the severance of social rights, 
with the reform of pensions, tax reform (which seeks to maintain profit rates in the 
context of economic crisis), the progress of the neoliberal offensive in health, housing, 
education and the easing of environmental legislation. In economic terms, the 
precariousness of life becomes of strategic importance in the perspective of the 
patriarchy / capital-life conflict, with an extreme liberalization marked by the signing 
of treaties such as TPP 11-TLC - APEC, hyperdebtedness (falling wages real) and the 
economic slowdown. In the social,

LONG LIVE SOCIAL AND ORGANIZED ANARCHISM!

TO STRENGTHEN THE LATIN AMERICAN SPECIFIC STRATEGY!

UP THOSE AND THOSE WHO FIGHT!!

SANTIAGO ANARCHIST FEDERATION

http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/41916

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Message: 6






The imagined suffering conceals the real and the old scarecrows conceal the iniquities of 
today. Download, print and distribute the July issue of the A3 wall paper! ---- ... And 
too little anti-capitalism. A more concise slogan for the past thirty years of local 
political-power manipulation would hardly be found. Tragicomically, she completed this 
year's holiday media theme - Mrs. Sosnarová's false gulag victim. ---- This lady decided 
in 2002 to give lectures on how she had been imprisoned in a Soviet camp for almost twenty 
years since the end of the war. Her drastic narrative was also given a book form, and it 
is going to be sold by the inmate inmates of the local bourgeois democracy of all ages. 
But anti-Communist history experts from an institution that shapes public opinion with 
well-chosen topics from the past have a problem: they find that this lady has never been 
to the gulag. It is great that they are moving to the horrors of communist repression, but 
they also mind that he is lying like printing.

They seek appropriate justifications for her behavior. On the one hand, they compare it to 
the false victims of the Holocaust, who have sincerely become the victims of childhood 
traumas, which would be right for Mrs. Sosnarová, because Russia's mother passed through 
the Czech Republic as an authentic criminal in the wars. she was a Gestapo confident, but 
after the war she preferred to leave with her children to her native country. On the other 
hand, there is a less excusable explanation: since 2002 it has been possible to claim 
compensation for Communist injustice and Mrs Sosnarová would be entitled to three million 
crowns.

It doesn't really matter if the lady is out of herself or is beneficial. Her "cause" only 
grotesquely completes three decades of compulsory anti-communism. And the model and 
prototype of this attitude is flexible Andrej Babiš, who bluntly said that before 1989 he 
joined the Communist Party because it paid off. Just under communism he was a communist 
and under capitalism he was a capitalist and an anti-communist. So now he adds that this 
party should have been banned after '89.

Why? Well, because communism has been responsible for everything for thirty years. Even 
for the fact that today people do not have a chance to decent and affordable housing, 
quality food, or perhaps a longer journey by train.

The Bolshevik regime was worth two things and committed many atrocities. But inventing 
false stories of suffering will not lead to anything other than the fact that even the 
real ones will ultimately not be trusted. Nor can a group of people make themselves or 
their ancestors suffer a defensive shield against any criticism and justification for 
their policies, however disgusting and causing suffering to others. One example is the 
state of Israel, which exploits the suffering of the Jews during the Nazi rampage to 
eliminate any criticism of its racist colonial-settler policy against the indigenous 
people of Palestine.

In our country, anti-communism, as an uncritical ideological mantra, has become a shield 
for the "building" of real capitalism, a system where only those who have sharper elbows, 
more flexible spines, and a stomach that spends almost everything. For so long, we were 
waving a scarecrow of communism until we wore ourselves to the point where hundreds of 
thousands of people, including children, were held by bailiffs and hundreds of thousands 
of others were struggling to fall into poverty. We wandered to a time when social 
differences were so enormous that billionaires were "buying" the prolongation of their 
power plants at the expense of the health of others, or at the expense of nature turning 
rapeseed mines into their growing profits. And people work hard and work hard and none of 
it. At the anti-Sabbath demonstrations, they learn nonsense that the Communists are still 
responsible for their condition today. From open and hidden fascists à la Vandas, Okamura, 
Klaus, Zeman and Foldyna will then learn another nonsense that their problems are caused 
by refugees, gypsies, unemployed, feminists and more.

But will we continue to feed nonsense, or will we see how things really are? Then we will 
see that the Communists are long pasture and that the poorest people really don't take 
anything from our pockets. Then we will see that the social wealth in which we work has 
been happily flowing into the pockets of billionaires in tax havens for decades.

Would it not help a bit of anti-capitalism that would make it clear that alternating the 
same creatures in power would not solve anything?

A3 (July 2019) for download HERE . http://www.afed.cz/A3/A3-2019-07.pdf

https://www.afed.cz/text/7008/a3-prilis-mnoho-antikomunismu

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