SPREAD THE INFORMATION
Any information or special reports about various countries may be published with photos/videos on the world blog with bold legit source. All languages are welcome. Mail to lucschrijvers@hotmail.com.
Autobiography Luc Schrijvers Ebook €5 - Amazon
Search for an article in this Worldwide information blog
zaterdag 3 augustus 2019
Anarchic update news all over the world - 3.08.2019
Today's Topics:
1. ucl-saguenay, Collectif Emma Goldman: Rwanda and Burundi,
1894-1990: the colonialist origins of genocide (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Belarus, pramen: Who are the extremists? Poll on the streets
of Minsk (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - UCL release, Steve Maia
Caniço, died for dancing (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Manifesto of the Union Communist Libertaire UCL -
Carry an alternative society project (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. alas barricadas: [Chile] The Anarchist Federation of
Santiago is born (ca, it) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. afed.cz: A3: Too much anti-communism... [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Translation by us of an article by Tony Sullivan published on Libcom.org: A history of
Rwanda and Burundi, two African countries ruled by the Western imperialist powers until
independence in 1961. Burundi has for its part become an independent state in 1962. ----
The genocide in Rwanda in 1994, in which militias of the Hutu majority murdered 500,000 to
1 million people of the Tutsi minority, is well known. The complicity and even help given
to the Hutu government by the United Nations and the French government are, however, less
well known. ---- Knowledge of the antecedents of Western imperialist intervention that led
to the events that culminated in genocide is essential to understanding how they occurred.
---- Hutus and Tutsis: a tribal war? ---- The 1994 genocide targeted mainly the Tutsi
population, a minority in Rwanda. Its perpetrators came from the Hutu majority. In the
Western media, the massacres were presented as hostilities between tribes.
But Tutsis and Hutus are not "tribes". They belong to the same Banyarwanda people. They
share the same languages, religions and clan and kinship systems.
Prior to white colonial rule, Tutsis were simply a privileged social stratum, accounting
for about 15 percent of the population who controlled livestock and weapons. Hutus were
farmers. Most of the land was under the control of a Tutsi king, although some Hutu areas
were independent.
The Legacy of European Domination
The Germans arrived in what would become Rwanda in 1894 and, like other Western
imperialists, began by intensifying local divisions to reinforce their own stranglehold.
They led through the Tutsi king and made the previously independent Hutu areas under the
control of the central administration.
The northern and western borders of Rwanda were essentially decided between the colonial
powers in 1910. The borders with Tanzania and Burundi began as internal administrative
divisions in East German Africa. Colony whose territory included the three current countries].
Before their departure in 1916, the Germans had crushed a rebellion and established coffee
as the great commercial crop of the colony.
After the First World War, Rwanda fell under Belgian control. The Belgians continued to
rule through the Tutsi king, although in the 1920s they overthrew a king who had
obstructed their plans and chose their own candidate to replace him, ignoring the lineage
of succession.
The Belgian colonial regime was explicitly racist. Early in its mandate, the Belgian
government declared: "The government should seek to maintain and consolidate the
traditional frameworks of the Tutsi ruling class because of its important qualities, its
undeniable intellectual superiority and its potential for domination." Belgians only
educated Tutsi men. ( Frank Smyth, The Australian 10.6.94 )
In the 1930s, Belgium introduced a system of identity cards similar to that of the
Apartheid system. in South Africa and South West Africa (now Namibia)], which identified
its bearers and bearers as Tutsi, Hutu or Twa (Pygmy). Their efforts to establish a racial
basis for dividing Tutsis and Hutus through physical characteristics such as skin color,
nose and head size have led to nothing; instead, they established the division of economic
reality and defined Tutsis as owners of more than 10 cattle. Nevertheless, the division
was now rigorously applied: it was no longer possible for Hutus and Tutsis to change their
status.
After the Second World War, the Belgians continued to lead the economy to their advantage.
The goods were exported via the Belgian colonies on the Atlantic coast, although the route
to the ports of the Indian Ocean was far shorter and made much more sense in terms of
future economic development. But neither Belgium nor the other Western powers have planned
to develop Rwanda.
Repression and revolt
The Hutu resistance was brutally crushed. Amputations and other mutilations were common
punishments ordered by the Belgian authorities and administered by Tutsis. Until the
1940s, thousands of Hutu fled to Uganda. But in the 1950s, a powerful Hutu opposition
movement developed from an agrarian crisis, caused mainly by the scale of coffee
monocultures as a cash crop and by the King's cancellation of the custom of the exchange
of labor for land - a custom that gave Hutus a small chance to acquire land.
The Belgian authorities were at the time concerned by the rise of radical nationalist
sentiments among the middle class urban Tutsi.
A rebellion of Hutu agricultural workers broke out in the late 1950s. The colonialists
decided to reach an agreement with the latter by granting independence in 1961 and
allowing free elections.
At the same time, with astonishing hypocrisy, the colonialists encouraged the development
of an atmosphere of anti-Tutsi violence to deflect Hutu rage towards them.
The elections were won by the Hutu Emancipation Movement Party, also known as Parmehutu.
He immediately began to persecute the Tutsi.
Burundi separated from Rwanda in 1962 and remained under the control of Tutsis. The
following year, Tutsi refugees in Burundi invaded Rwanda and attempted to take over its
capital, Kigali.
In response, the Parmehutu government crushed their movement and unleashed a wave of
deadly reprisals against Tutsi civilians in Rwanda, described by philosopher Bertrand
Russell as "the most horrific and systematic massacre we have seen since extermination of
Jews and Jews by the Nazis. ( Smyth, The Australian 10.6.94)
In 1973, General Juvenal Habyarimana took power and became president. He established a
highly centralized authoritarian regime. He formed the National Revolutionary Movement for
Development (MRND), which became the only legal political party in Rwanda. He created
groups of campaign co-operatives led by MRND loyalists. He co-opted the Catholic Church
and ironically controlled the small labor movement in the country.
At the same time, racist policies of the past were intensified: Tutsis were banned from
the armed forces and marriage between Tutsis and Hutus was prohibited.
Despite these policies, a growing number of Hutus opposed the regime.
Free market paralyzes Rwanda
The proportion of Rwandan workers involved in agriculture was the highest in the world. In
1994, agriculture employed 93% of the workforce (compared to 94% in 1965). Industry
contributed only 20% of the gross domestic product and this was largely limited to the
processing of agricultural products.
The dependence on inefficient agriculture left Rwanda praying in drought in 1989.
Environmental damage was also one of the causes. Formerly well wooded, Rwanda has only 3%
of its territory covered with forest. Erosion is endemic and destroys both natural
vegetation and food and cash crops, despite tree planting programs. Under these
conditions, disease and famine spread.
Thanks to its colonial heritage, 60 to 85% of Rwanda's external income depended on coffee
exports.
The consequence of this was an external debt of $ 90 per person, in a country where the
total wealth per person was only $ 320. The average calorie consumption of the population
was only 81% of the required intake. Less than 10% of children reached high school and one
in five babies was dying before the age of one.
In 1990, in a gesture of desperation, the Habyarimana government adopted the Structural
Adjustment Program of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in exchange for credit and
foreign aid. Massive cuts in the already meager public investments followed.
The regime has prepared for resistance by intensifying the repression of political
opponents, whether they be Hutus or Tutsis. But he has also started a new campaign to
overthrow Tutsis accusing them of being responsible for the economic crisis. Government
radio was relentlessly propagating hate propaganda and, in the context, the regime began
to organize death squad militias.
It is in this context of economic crisis that the genocide of Tutsis took place.
Tony Sullivan
Anarchist Collective Blog Emma Goldman
Other sources not cited throughout the text:
Economist Intelligence Unit, Zaire / Rwanda / Burundi, 1991-2; Europa Year Book 1993;
Socialist Worker 10 June 1994; Rwanda, Randall Fegley; Socialist Review 178, September 1994
Collectif Emma Goldman
http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2019/07/rwanda-et-burundi-1894-1990-les.html
------------------------------
Message: 2
Our comrade Mikola Dziadok conveyed a poll on the streets of Minsk, asking people about
extremists: are there any in Belarus and what people think about them and the new
anti-extremist laws adopted by our government.
Some of the results are pretty surprising!
Do not forget to turn on subtitles!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=3&v=nXVltg5hMt0
https://pramen.io/en/2019/07/who-are-the-extremists-poll-on-the-streets-of-minsk/
------------------------------
Message: 3
Where is Steve ? More than a month this issue is everywhere, except from the government
and the authorities. More than a month for them to engage in real research in the Loire.
This Tuesday, July 30, we can say: the police assassinated Steve Maia Caniço, for nothing.
---- On the night of June 21 in Nantes, around 4:30 am during the Music Festival, the
police carried out a charge of incredible violence against a few hundred young people came
to enjoy the sound system installed along the Loire, as every year. LBD shots, tear gas,
desencclement grenades and beating. Accumulated, 14 people fall in the Loire. A fifteenth
missing call is Steve, a young 24-year-old host just came to dance. ---- This Tuesday,
July 30, the autopsy of the body found in the Loire on Monday 29 confirms that it is
indeed that of Steve. Unsurprisingly, no relief. There remains rage and revolt.
We can not ignore the fact that Steve's death comes in a particularly repressive context,
where state violence has been raging for months. The death of Steve is not a news item, it
is the consequence of a political choice. That of charging violently and facing the Loire
young people come to dance. That of fiercely repressing everything that exceeds and is not
perfectly controlled. The internal police report obtained by Médiapart reveals that " the
prefecture was perfectly aware of the risks "So in 2017, in a similar situation, the
police decided not to intervene given the dangerous nature of the place. The town hall was
also well aware that this place was not secure but that each year the sound system was
held in peace, posing no problem.
This death has its leaders and we must mention: Claude Harcourt, prefect of
Loire-Atlantique ; Cristophe Castaner Minister of the Interior, Grégoire Chassaing,
commissioner in charge of the operation on the evening of June 21st. And beyond the
contractors, on the spot, the police officers of the departmental intervention company,
sadly known of the demonstrations in Nantes, who despite the warnings of those present,
continued to strike, gas and charge.
The power and its supporters will now do everything to try not to question the violence of
the state and its leaders. We will speak of "tragic accident", "light on the facts",
"clashes with the police", "vague circumstances" ... So many embarrassed formulas that we
have already heard about the death of Zineb Redouane, in Marseille, in December. So many
formulas that aim to confuse the tracks, and that these crimes go unpunished.
Only our mobilization will be able to obtain justice and honor their memory.
The Libertarian Communist Union extends its condolences to Steve's family and loved ones,
and calls for a massive mass of rallies in his memory.
Justice and truth for Steve and all the victims of the police.
Libertarian Communist Union , July 30, 2019
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Steve-Maia-Canico-mort-pour-avoir-danse
------------------------------
Message: 4
Utopia can have a decisive impact on social movements. By stimulating collective
imagination, it fuels immediate struggles, both in their forms and in their objectives,
and it can give strength and credit to our struggles by exploring the possibilities of an
alternative society. The imaginary is necessary to transform the realities. ---- During
the movement against the Labor Law, March 2016. ---- Vincent Nakash / UCL Saint-Denis
We are revolutionary, that is, partisan of a radical transformation of society. Our
political action aims at matching our social project and the means to achieve it: the
balance sheet of social democracy has shown that we can not fight effectively against
capitalism by conquering power by electoral means and by gradually reforming.
Nor does it mean passively waiting for an "ineluctable" rupture: the future is not written
anywhere, it will be what we will do, and in each historical situation the field of
possibilities is largely open. There is no reason for history to reach its ultimate stage:
capitalism will not be the last form of human society. Systems of racist and patriarchal
domination are not inevitable.
But self-management socialism and egalitarian social relations will not emerge
mechanically at the end of a "final crisis" with only one possible outcome. They will
arise from the conscious and determined action of the exploited masses. Materialists, and
educated by historical experience, we know that a true popular movement is never "pure".
It can be populated by contradictory forces, progressive as retrograde, each of which
tries to make prevail its political project. Revolutionaries can not be content to
distribute good and bad points externally. It is in the struggles that they and they can
hope to influence the events.
Against isolated armed action
Revolutionary, we are not in favor of a violent solution. The essential thing in a process
of transformation is in the constructive work, which requires a self-defense of the
population to preserve the gains. But the degree of violence of a revolution is first
chosen and imposed by the overthrowing ruling classes. This violence may therefore be
necessary. We must then be vigilant, to guard against excesses and the danger of
militarization.
Except in situations of dictatorship or military or colonial occupation, we are opposed to
armed minority action by groups cut off from the population and the social movement. Armed
action, conducted under these conditions, leads to dangerous confrontation with the state
; it leads to the reinforcement of the latter and the isolation of those who practice it.
Obviously, we do not confuse armed minority action with the hard forms taken by the
struggles of workers and the population in defense of their achievements and their
struggles. The legitimacy of the action of the revolutionaries is not fixed in terms of
respect for a legality imposed by the state but evolves according to the conscience of the
masses.
Imagine to transform reality
A revolutionary project is necessary, alternative to state socialism and liberalism. A
project that aims to implement a libertarian communism at the level of the whole society,
on the economic level (socialization of the means of production and products of collective
work), political (libertarian federalism as an alternative to any centralization of power
political) and social (social equality between individuals regardless of gender, sexual
orientation, origin, physical or psychological abilities ...).
The development of a revolutionary project is based on historical and contemporary
experiences of struggles, taking into account the difficulties encountered. The
revolutionary project therefore requires regular reassessment, integrating new social
struggles and changes in society.
Utopia can have a decisive impact on social movements. By stimulating collective
imagination, it fuels immediate struggles, both in their forms and in their objectives,
and it can give strength and credit to our struggles by exploring the possibilities of an
alternative society. The imaginary is necessary to transform the realities.
If it seems necessary to us that our current carries such a project, it does not pretend
to predict the future, nor to foresee everything, nor to be a set of promises, nor to be
the plan any ready of a socialism to build as it is.
It is through their experiences that workers will find their answers to many social
issues. But in this elaboration, our proposals can have value of contributions and
incitement, influencing the debate of ideas and practices in the most libertarian sense,
the most self-managing possible.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Porter-un-projet-de-societe-alternatif
------------------------------
Message: 5
We are part of the last 20 years of recomposition of social and organized anarchism, a
time that has been marked by the understanding of the need for a political organization
and the importance of insertion in the different struggles of the dominated class. ----
The creation of this Federation seeks, from humility, but with great conviction, to
demonstrate that the specific anarchism in the Chilean region has not died and that today
more than ever, our political project must be positioned as an alternative against this
system of capitalist domination and patriarchal. That is why, for us and us today is a
historic day, since we feel that we are an expression of organized anarchism more than
from the end of the 19th century until today, to seek to contribute to the most felt
struggles of the peoples with The influence of your ideas and practices.
We live a historical period marked by a social and ecological crisis caused by the
exacerbation of extractivism, the dispossession of the territories and the control of the
bodies by the system of domination. This scenario poses new challenges for anarchism.
Understanding the system of domination and relations of domination to expand the fields of
insertion in popular struggles, becomes a key point. If there are different areas of
domination, any class expression of struggle against this is a fertile field for anarchism
and this is essential to get out of the idea that raises privileged places for
organization over others. This system, which exerts power and coercion through relations
of domination, for us and us has two fundamental pillars: patriarchal domination and
capitalist domination and the effects of its overlap are those that are currently
manifested in society.
Under this analysis we think of our strategy of rupture, being clear that there is no
domination over another, but that they operate depending on the historical context in
which they are framed, in a perspective that prioritizes the non-fragmentation of
oppressions. In this way racism, (hetero) sexism and classism are oppressions that operate
simultaneously, coexist and are consubstantial, overlap.
Faced with this, we propose strategic elements such as de-patriarization, decolonization,
federalism and revolutionary self-management as an alternative for the destruction of the
patriarchal-capitalist system of domination and its colonial strategy and the construction
of a revolutionary, federal self-managed society that eliminates classes social, gender
mandates and racial divisions, where the community, the ecological and feminist will be
our horizon of life.
The current political situation, marked by a repressive context expressed, for example, in
the migrant law, safe classroom, reformulation of the anti-terrorism law, militarization
and implementation of states of exception, this added to the severance of social rights,
with the reform of pensions, tax reform (which seeks to maintain profit rates in the
context of economic crisis), the progress of the neoliberal offensive in health, housing,
education and the easing of environmental legislation. In economic terms, the
precariousness of life becomes of strategic importance in the perspective of the
patriarchy / capital-life conflict, with an extreme liberalization marked by the signing
of treaties such as TPP 11-TLC - APEC, hyperdebtedness (falling wages real) and the
economic slowdown. In the social,
LONG LIVE SOCIAL AND ORGANIZED ANARCHISM!
TO STRENGTHEN THE LATIN AMERICAN SPECIFIC STRATEGY!
UP THOSE AND THOSE WHO FIGHT!!
SANTIAGO ANARCHIST FEDERATION
http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/41916
------------------------------
Message: 6
The imagined suffering conceals the real and the old scarecrows conceal the iniquities of
today. Download, print and distribute the July issue of the A3 wall paper! ---- ... And
too little anti-capitalism. A more concise slogan for the past thirty years of local
political-power manipulation would hardly be found. Tragicomically, she completed this
year's holiday media theme - Mrs. Sosnarová's false gulag victim. ---- This lady decided
in 2002 to give lectures on how she had been imprisoned in a Soviet camp for almost twenty
years since the end of the war. Her drastic narrative was also given a book form, and it
is going to be sold by the inmate inmates of the local bourgeois democracy of all ages.
But anti-Communist history experts from an institution that shapes public opinion with
well-chosen topics from the past have a problem: they find that this lady has never been
to the gulag. It is great that they are moving to the horrors of communist repression, but
they also mind that he is lying like printing.
They seek appropriate justifications for her behavior. On the one hand, they compare it to
the false victims of the Holocaust, who have sincerely become the victims of childhood
traumas, which would be right for Mrs. Sosnarová, because Russia's mother passed through
the Czech Republic as an authentic criminal in the wars. she was a Gestapo confident, but
after the war she preferred to leave with her children to her native country. On the other
hand, there is a less excusable explanation: since 2002 it has been possible to claim
compensation for Communist injustice and Mrs Sosnarová would be entitled to three million
crowns.
It doesn't really matter if the lady is out of herself or is beneficial. Her "cause" only
grotesquely completes three decades of compulsory anti-communism. And the model and
prototype of this attitude is flexible Andrej Babiš, who bluntly said that before 1989 he
joined the Communist Party because it paid off. Just under communism he was a communist
and under capitalism he was a capitalist and an anti-communist. So now he adds that this
party should have been banned after '89.
Why? Well, because communism has been responsible for everything for thirty years. Even
for the fact that today people do not have a chance to decent and affordable housing,
quality food, or perhaps a longer journey by train.
The Bolshevik regime was worth two things and committed many atrocities. But inventing
false stories of suffering will not lead to anything other than the fact that even the
real ones will ultimately not be trusted. Nor can a group of people make themselves or
their ancestors suffer a defensive shield against any criticism and justification for
their policies, however disgusting and causing suffering to others. One example is the
state of Israel, which exploits the suffering of the Jews during the Nazi rampage to
eliminate any criticism of its racist colonial-settler policy against the indigenous
people of Palestine.
In our country, anti-communism, as an uncritical ideological mantra, has become a shield
for the "building" of real capitalism, a system where only those who have sharper elbows,
more flexible spines, and a stomach that spends almost everything. For so long, we were
waving a scarecrow of communism until we wore ourselves to the point where hundreds of
thousands of people, including children, were held by bailiffs and hundreds of thousands
of others were struggling to fall into poverty. We wandered to a time when social
differences were so enormous that billionaires were "buying" the prolongation of their
power plants at the expense of the health of others, or at the expense of nature turning
rapeseed mines into their growing profits. And people work hard and work hard and none of
it. At the anti-Sabbath demonstrations, they learn nonsense that the Communists are still
responsible for their condition today. From open and hidden fascists à la Vandas, Okamura,
Klaus, Zeman and Foldyna will then learn another nonsense that their problems are caused
by refugees, gypsies, unemployed, feminists and more.
But will we continue to feed nonsense, or will we see how things really are? Then we will
see that the Communists are long pasture and that the poorest people really don't take
anything from our pockets. Then we will see that the social wealth in which we work has
been happily flowing into the pockets of billionaires in tax havens for decades.
Would it not help a bit of anti-capitalism that would make it clear that alternating the
same creatures in power would not solve anything?
A3 (July 2019) for download HERE . http://www.afed.cz/A3/A3-2019-07.pdf
https://www.afed.cz/text/7008/a3-prilis-mnoho-antikomunismu
------------------------------
Abonneren op:
Reacties posten (Atom)
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten