Anarchic update news all over the world - 8.08.2019

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement AWSM: Gilets Jaunes
      gather for third "Assembly of Assemblies" (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  France, Manifesto of the Union Communist Libertaire UCL -
      Destroy patriarchy (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  AFED Organise magazine - Greece, APO, Dissinios Ippos: IFA
      #1 - Against the relocation of nuclear weapons to the Araxos
      airport base (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  bxl.communisteslibertaires: Once a month Alternative
      Libertaire Bruxelles invite you to it's Café Libertaire.(fr, nl)
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Poland, WORKERS' INITIATIVE: Warsaw Uprising under a black
      and red banner [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 6.  FAO, Slovenia & Croatia masari: Conflict culture as heir to
      "protest culture" [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  ait-russia: Athens: Protest against the release of a
      murderous policeman [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






At their third assembly since January, Gilets Jaunes from all over France gathered to 
discuss ways of moving forward, strongly believing that their future is local. ---- This 
article was written by Mathilde Goanec and originally published by Mediapart.fr on July 1, 
2019. ---- Translated from French by Joshua Richeson. ---- The text has been minimally 
edited. ---- Last month some 650 Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests) gathered for a meeting in 
Montceau-les-Mines, in the heartland of France. Although the movement has struggled to 
unify and has fewer participants than before, the strength of its local mobilizations and 
its slow progression toward municipalism were on display. ---- In the streets of 
Montceau-les-Mines, dozens of cars with license plates from out of town were parked bumper 
to bumper and spilling onto the sidewalks: Gilets Jaunes from all over France had come to 
the department of Saone-et-Loire to participate in their third "Assembly of Assemblies" on 
June 29-30, after the first one in Commercy in January and the second one in Saint-Nazaire 
in April.

Although the police, too, made rounds in the neighborhood Saturday morning, they kept 
their distance from the Pouloux Sports Complex where the event was being held. The night 
before, the prefect himself had come down to inspect preparations and found nothing amiss.

A huge concrete block, a few posters about the RIC (referendum d'initiative citoyenne, or 
Citizens' Initiative Referendum) and two yellow flags waving at the end of the street were 
seemingly the only signs to guide visitors. But from the open windows of the gym where the 
first general assembly of the day was taking place, you could hear the familiar chant - 
"We are here, we are here!" - that for seven months of massive protests people have 
started singing at the drop of a hat in defiance of Emmanuel Macron.

DWINDLING NUMBERS ON THE STREETS
The 650 participants were delegates mandated by 250 roundabouts or assemblies to 
participate in the debates. Some delegates, including two from the hills of the Diois 
region in the Drôme, had started driving as early as 3 or 4 a.m. to get there on time. 
"We're fighting for the climate and purchasing power, but then, as Gilets Jaunes, we're 
burning a ton of gas!" one delegate, Françoise, joked.

The size of the assembly was the same as it was in Saint-Nazaire two months earlier. This 
movement, which has been pronounced dead dozens of times, has not died. In the streets, 
one Saturday after another, in smaller numbers, or during local actions covered rarely or 
not at all, the Gilets Jaunes have been tending the fire they lit last November and 
continued to do so under the early summer sun at this national meeting. With a humble 
recognition: "We call for departmental or regional assemblies, because here, we still only 
represent a minority of the movement, and that's too bad," one of the participants said 
during the plenary session.

Nor did anyone contest the fact that the roundabouts have dwindled just like the number of 
active Gilets Jaunes. "You must take into account the police pressure we experienced, the 
wounds, the fines, and for some, prison," Thérèse Bénétreau, delegate from Eymoutiers, in 
the Limousin, warned. "We've been losing an insane amount of energy for six months now 
trying to get around repressive laws."

In the neighboring city of Limoges there had still been a roundabout until recently. "It 
was destroyed. Our friends set up their trailer in a parking lot, and the police called 
for a bulldozer. Our friends had started a little community garden in a median flower bed 
that served no one, and the police crushed their beans, their tomatoes, their salads..."

In Eymoutiers, haymaking season has kept others busy working full-time, Bénétreau pointed 
out to explain the reduction of troops. Françoise added that in the equally agricultural 
Diois region, seasonal workers have also gone back to work. "Last week, during the demo, 
there were 50 of us, and we're used to having 200 march. I came back home feeling 
hopeless. Seeing that we are still here, numerous, in Montceau-les-Mines, gives me hope 
again."

The "Magny" group, the organizers of this assembly named for the site of their occupation 
in Montceau-les-Mines, are among the most resistant. Each week, several dozens of Gilets 
Jaunes meet up in a general assembly, which has so far been spared the wrath of local 
authorities. "The mayor's office is buying social peace by pretty much leaving us alone," 
Pierre-Gaël Laveder, one of the pillars of the group, laughed. The organization, 
therefore, was on point; no one entered the site without being registered as either a 
delegate, observer or journalist.

Solidarity food trucks, book buses and large tents to host workshop discussions formed a 
kind of mini political summer camp surrounded by farmland. A burning sun bore down on 
everything, pushing folks to cluster together under the trees in search of a little shade. 
At the back, a few tents were planted in the grass, but most participants were staying 
with local Gilets Jaunes who made their beds or back yards available, or put up a hammock 
in the trees, for the night. "We're getting the royal treatment at Rosa's place," 
Bénétreau assured, swiping on her phone to show photos of her host's house.

And despite the "wish tree," brought from Commercy, and the stage set up for the evening 
concert, the atmosphere was serious and the unrelenting discussion continued into the 
night as groups reworked their proposals, shared contact information and built regional 
networks by exchanging numbers and email addresses.

The Gilets Jaunes had two days to reflect on five topics in workshops before voting in a 
general assembly. "In Lyon, we marched for the climate and found ourselves walking with 
people who are pro-Macron," one delegate recounted, during the discussion about possible 
convergences. "That went over terribly. For a hundred of them, however, there were a 
thousand of us, and that strengthened the movement. We can't abandon our label, we come as 
we are, with our demands."

One woman, aware of a drop in morale, pointed out:

We were born in the shit, we've had our noses rubbed in it, and we'll die in it. The 
‘degrowth' pushed by some is something we're already subjected to, and there is a kind of 
beauty to it... But we're all heading more or less quickly towards collapse, and it will 
be more or less painful depending on what you have to lose. Those are the people that we 
need to try to find, to touch. It won't necessarily be in the streets but rather in your 
networks, depending on your approach and your interest. We're not forcing anyone.

NOT ELVES, BUT REVOLUTIONARIES!
One delegate from northern France, Alain, spoke up from the other side of the circle to 
explain that convergence has already been practiced in his region for months, with civil 
disobedience now in view. "We are open to all actions for the climate, and I think that 
the Gilets Jaunes are contributing to the radicalization of activists on this issue." 
Which did not stop another Gilet Jaune from Pau from complaining: "We go to the young 
folks' climate demos Friday, but nobody does the same for us Saturday. So that's really 
getting old..." Yet another delegate made a similar observation: "Our problem is that we 
feel isolated." In Coutras, not far from Bordeaux, the Gilets Jaunes seek "the right tool" 
for getting involved in related struggles without stretching themselves too thin.

The relationship with the media, on site, was similarly ambivalent. Although journalists 
were invited, they were not quite welcomed. Not even the "yellow autonomedia" teams who 
were covering the event and took to the microphone in a general assembly to complain about 
not being able to film or record the debates.

As one participant from Paris explained, after yet another discussion about the media's 
presence in a workshop, "The rules of the game, with the Gilets Jaunes, are that each 
assembly is sovereign, and just because the organizers told you ‘yes,' this doesn't mean 
that the Gilets Jaunes in attendance accept your presence here." Afraid of being tracked 
and monitored by the government, and deeply angry with the dominant news organizations, 
the delegates exhibited a mistrust that rivaled what they suffered last winter and this 
spring, when the movement was regularly pounded by the majority of the media.

A similar ambivalence was apparent when the discussion turned to the subject of the RIP 
(referendum d'initiative partage, or shared initiative referendum) - a proposal by the 
government on how to decide on the privatization of Paris airports. During a workshop on 
the issue, one participant lamented:

This movement is becoming a headache. We've got to deal with Macron, a nitwit who doesn't 
want to listen to us. We can take power by force, storm the place with bayonets, but we 
don't want to. It's the politicians who want the RIP and the risk for manipulation is 
real, but at this point, it's an opportunity for us.

Though not the RIC, which is still stubbornly championed by many Gilets Jaunes, the RIP is 
better than nothing, and the possibility of fighting against privatizations with an 
embryonic form of direct democracy is appealing. During the general assembly, the idea of 
lending support as a movement by helping to collect signatures and promote the referendum 
was adopted without difficulty.

Other debates were markedly more heated, such as the one about the fight against 
capitalism, which raised the tension and tried the patience of facilitators who wore 
themselves out at the microphone asking for silence and trying to let speakers speak in 
turn. The statement elaborated in the workshop was judged too soft by some, while others, 
a particularly small minority, still believed there should be mention of a potentially 
"virtuous capitalism."

Then, Fabien, from the Var, lost his temper and declared, "We don't have time to make 
improvements! This is an emergency! We're facing the sixth mass extinction of species! The 
Gilets Jaunes aren't a bunch of Keebler elves, we're a fucking revolutionary movement!" 
Cheers and applause erupted across the assembly.

Unable to agree on a detailed text, the 650 delegates committed to voting yes, with a 
large majority, in response to the question, "Must we exit capitalism?" Likewise, the 
answer to the question of inviting "movement figures" to the next meeting was affirmative, 
on the condition that they be mandated by a group. So far, the meeting of rather 
compatible, nationally known characters like Priscillia Ludosky, Maxime Nicolle and 
Francois Boulo has not happened, as the latter two have haughtily snubbed the assembly 
process.

Similar scuffles had already taken place in Saint-Nazaire and Commercy. There, observers 
had noted a rather large presence of veteran activists from the radical left, which was 
troubling at the time for an assembly that was still quite politically diverse. In 
Montceau-les-Mines, it was less clear-cut, but the "roundaboutists" seemed to have 
regained the upper hand over the more opportunistic "assembliests."

Above all, as it shrinks, the whole movement has shifted. Luc Gwiazdzinski, along with 
Bernard Floris and the Gilets Jaunes of the Crolles roundabout, near Grenoble, 
collectively wrote a very moving book, Sur la vague jaune (On the Yellow Wave). "The 
movement matured quickly," he assured. "In six months, we saw debates go from a gas tax to 
unimaginable topics! The roundabout folks and the activists forged ties, from below, at 
the base. Ecology, the climate, the defense of public services - these are all now common 
positions."

LIBERTARIAN MUNICIPALISM AS HORIZON
Although there has been improvement in the speaking process and in the exercise of direct 
democracy, even on the larger scale of 650, numerous delegates were worried that they have 
been going in circles. Two calls had already been diffused after Commercy then 
Saint-Nazaire. A third would come out for validation by local groups at the end of the 
weekend. "We warned of the risk of bureaucratization during the previous assemblies of 
assemblies," one Gilet Jaune shouted out from the bleachers of the gymnasium, reminding 
the assembly that at its core, the movement was built by local and autonomous groups.

Conversely, Laveder of the Magny group, who had never hidden his affiliation with La 
France insoumise, was close to losing hope: "If at the end of the third assembly what we 
propose doesn't get presented to someone at the top of government, I don't know if I'll be 
able to keep doing this."

One glimmer of hope may be "municipalism." The subject was tackled at Montceau-les-Mines 
during a reflection on "local citizen assemblies" and could very well feature at the 
center of the fourth assembly of assemblies this fall. Many Gilets Jaunes are thinking 
about local government, ready to "leave the vest behind," as Elisabeth, delegate from 
Commercy, where the Gilets Jaunes have already been experimenting in that direction, 
explained.

The type of municipalism being discussed by the Gilets Jaunes is the one developed for 
example in Saillans, in the Drôme, but also under consideration, albeit with some caution, 
is Murray Bookchin's libertarian municipalism and anarchist modes of organizing. A young 
delegate from Montpellier named Daniel participated in the Indignados movement in 
Barcelona before leaving for Greece and then Mexico to study communalism. 
"Hyper-presidentialism is ancient history. What we want to try to defend is the idea of 
fighting where you live, hyper-local, in the most diversified way possible. And that idea 
is very gilet jaune."

In the Gresivaudan valley, where a series of roundabouts were still valiantly resisting, 
as Gwiazdzinski pointed out, the Gilets Jaunes of Crolles have been testing out, day after 
day, "a metropolitan site" that siphons off the population around Grenoble. "It's on a 
manageable scale, that's the whole thing with working at the local level. But it's not 
enough. I myself, for example, could be interested in national office..."

And so the Gilets Jaunes move to and fro. In Crolles, they fight alongside the unions and 
even the Grenoble mayor's office against the privatization of dams. Elsewhere, they invade 
a supermarket, or a fast food restaurant, before the eyes of a dumbfounded clientele.

Others "go underground" and as a group of 150 climb Mont Gargan, in the Limousin, to ring 
the bell in the ruins of a chapel. Some have taken back the tollbooths, like in Toulouse 
and Avignon on June 22. Some are seriously planning to disrupt the next G7 in Biarritz, to 
meet near Beaumont-sur-Oise near Paris in support of poor neighborhoods, or to break up 
the Tour de France this summer.

In Paris, Gilets Jaunes can be found supporting the undocumented Gilets Noirs (Black 
Vests), the Blouses Blanches (White Coats) on strike or the Stylos Rouges (Red Pens), a 
teacher's movement. Scattered, often invisible, but everywhere.

Author's note: I spent two days in Montceau-les-Mines and I was able to sit in on several 
workshops as well as the general assemblies, apart from those in which future "actions" 
were being decided.

Most of the Gilets Jaunes refuse to give their last name, which explains why they are 
rarely mentioned.

Mediapart is an independent French online investigative and opinion journal created in 
2008 by Edwy Plenel, former editor-in-chief of Le Monde. Mediapart is published in French, 
English and Spanish.

https://awsm.nz/?p=3281

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Message: 2





The fight for emancipation and equality between women and men is one of the essential 
themes of libertarian struggle. Our goal is the abolition of patriarchy as a system of 
domination, civil and social equality between men and women, and the freedom of women to 
have their bodies, their reproductive capacity and their sexuality. private and domestic 
space as in the public space. ---- cc Yann Lévy ---- We reject all discrimination based on 
sex, gender and sexual orientation. Indeed we consider transphobia, homophobia, biphobia, 
lesbophobia and discrimination of intersex people as manifestations of patriarchy. They 
are based, in particular, on the existence of only two distinct sex categories, leading to 
the mutilation of intersex people, and the imposition of a dominant heterosexual model. We 
are fighting these oppressions by recognizing the junction and specifics of LGBTI struggles.

Patriarchy is a political and economic system based on the gendered division of labor that 
results in the domestic exploitation still suffered by women all over the world. It 
produces sexist culture, solidified in a system of us and customs, laws and social codes.

Sexism is the set of prejudices that attribute "innate" qualities or defects to each 
genre. The "natural qualities" attributed to sexist prejudices lead to a hierarchy between 
the group of men and that of women. Patriarchy relies on gender - which is a social 
construct - to justify the existence of male and female categories and the inequalities 
between them, violence against women, assignment to certain roles according to gender, and 
to impose a heterosexual and family norm. Its intersection with other relationships of 
domination based on social class, skin color, sexual orientation, real or perceived 
beliefs, age, administrative status, etc. generates other forms of domination.

Domination is at once ideological, cultural, social, economic and political, relegating 
women to subordinate roles and dispossessing them of their life, their bodies, and their 
sexuality. It is also physical through domestic violence, harassment, sexual violence that 
impedes women's lives both by their reality and by the constant threat they pose.

Assets constantly questioned
Over the decades, the feminist and anti-patriarchal struggle has brought real advances in 
consciousness and in life. But no acquis is ever definitive ; we must defend them, and 
enlarge them still further.

Wherever ground has been won - equal rights, professional equality, abortion and 
contraception - reactionary movements exert a counter pressure to maintain the system of 
patriarchal domination.

A specific struggle is necessary
The struggle against patriarchy is a specific struggle that can not be reduced to the 
struggle against capitalism, although both feed on each other. Capitalism takes advantage 
of the free labor still largely done by women in the reproduction of the labor force: to 
bring up, raise and educate children, to do domestic work and care. He takes advantage of 
the patriarchal system to overexploit women in jobs that are largely undervalued and 
underpaid.

But patriarchy does not only serve the capitalist class. Even within our social camp, men 
benefit from women's free work and are freed from a number of tasks that women 
spontaneously undertake, driven by the various mechanisms that maintain and reinforce this 
relationship of domination.

More constrained by imposed partial times, unemployment, precariousness, they serve as an 
adjustment variable for employers according to their labor needs. Conversely, the domestic 
tasks assigned to women (care of persons, household ...) determine in turn the sexual 
division of labor (gendered and hierarchical distribution of tasks and occupations).

Religions and the state are also active supporters of patriarchy by imposing a moral order 
and a heteronormed and hierarchical family model, and by subjecting women and sexual 
minorities to institutional and police violence. Rather than the patriarchal family, we 
defend all forms of family and sexual associations without hierarchy, based on consent and 
that take into account the rights of children, LGBTI people also victims of violence and 
oppression.

Inclusive and egalitarian practices
Revolutionary organizations are composed of persons who are members of a society at a 
given moment, and in this, bear the prejudices, modes of operation, conditioning and 
habits unconsciously acquired by their education, despite their desire to create a more 
egalitarian society. . That is why it is up to us to fight against patriarchy also within 
our organization with all the tools within our reach:

work to make the organization welcoming to women and gender minorities through its practices ;
organize in a non-sexist way (in the distribution of tasks avoid "men to politics, women 
to logistics") ;
to promote the empowerment of women and gender minorities at the local and federal levels 
by training men not to take up all the space ;
cope with sexual and gender-based violence through the vigilance and insecurity of the 
aggressors, which will not be tolerated within the UCL, nor in our circles ;
promote single-sex discussion forums to free speech ;
question our own habits and reflexes to ensure that household and emotional tasks are not 
automatically attributed to women in the organization ;
develop tools that promote the most shy and untrained of the spoken word.
We reject the traditional conception of the revolutionary militant whose availability for 
the cause is based on the domestic confinement of his spouse. We seek to develop a new, 
alternative form of militancy that does not reproduce within the movement of emancipation, 
patriarchal relations and domestic alienations.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Detruire-le-patriarcat

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Message: 3






"The generalized crisis of the world of the State and the Bosses leads with mathematical 
accuracy to one direction, unless a wide and international front of struggle and 
resistance is created. To war societies, to the generalization and intensification of 
geopolitical antagonisms and war conflicts till the verge of a great war and the 
establishment of the state of emergency as the iron fence of control and repression on 
every aspect of social activity." ---- "War and Fascism, this is the system's ‘answer' to 
its generalized and profound crisis, to its own controversies, caused by the incurable 
conflict imposed by its basic principle, the exploitation and repression on one human 
being by another." ---- Abstracts from the declaration of the 2nd Congress of the 
Anarchist Political Organization, 2016

The Greek Prime Minister's recent visit to the US sealed in the most characteristic way 
the renewed Greece-US defense agreement signed on August 29, 2017. Besides from the Greek 
government's commitment on improving the F-16 airplanes that cost 2 billion euros, the 
upgrading of the NATO's naval base in Souda and its role in the wider region, as well as 
the transportation of "special weapons" (in war terminology), basically nuclear warheads, 
in the Araxos airbase was also verified. The last few months, the preparations for the 
base's upgrading have already started, through refurbishing the iron fencing and repairing 
its interior. Also, recently, a classified document- a letter sent by the NATO congress in 
Brussels to the Greek Ministry of National Defense, which explicitly defined the 
preparations of Araxos airbase to receive nuclear weapons, leaked, while aerial photos, 
which have been published in the media of the base, also confirm the preparations.

For almost fifty years, the Araxos airbase has been used as a temporary storage of US's 
nuclear weapons, while the wider region of Western Greece (the military airport bases of 
Araxos, Andravida and Aktion, and the ports of Patra and Igoumenitsa) has been functioning 
as the operating base for the American and NATO military forces in their war expeditions 
in the Balkans and the Middle East. After long-term struggles of the anti-war movement, 
the nuclear weapons were removed from Araxos through a secret operation organized by NATO 
in 2001, and were initially transferred to Italy and then to an unknown location. Today, 
the relocation of B61 nuclear bombs from Incirlik in Turkey to Araxos, is intensively 
discussed. After all, the base has always been standing ready to receive aircrafts 
suitable to load these bombs, according to NATO, while, from time to time, there have been 
trial operation exercises of its underground nuclear storage facilities.

Moreover, the discussion that took place between Trump and Tsipras during their meeting 
also included the extension of the agreement on the use of Souda naval base, as well as 
the possibility of establishing a new military base in southern Crete. The official agenda 
of this meeting (similar to the one of Obama's visit a year ago in Athens) outlines its 
real implications for the field of authoritarian administration, imposition and 
antagonism: geopolitical balance of power, the refugees' issue, the economy, the energy 
resources.

The deterioration of the US-Turkish relations, after the recent shift of the Turkish 
government in a series of sectors towards Russia and Iran, has led to the reinforcement of 
Greece's role in the wider region. This becomes quite evident from the planned relocation 
of war equipment from the Turkish base of Incirlik to Souda in Crete, but also from 
Greece's active role in the regional developments and the promotion of collaborations with 
a series of neighboring countries. The trilateral (Greece-Cyprus-Israel, 
Greece-Cyprus-Egypt) and quadrilateral summits (Greece-Serbia-Bulgaria-Romania), as well 
as, the common military exercises in the Cypriot EEZ are a clear proof of it.

It is an unquestionable fact that at a global level the political and economic bosses have 
unleashed a relentless attack towards the people and the regions of the capitalist 
periphery. An attack which involves war operations, the imposition of dictatorships and 
theocratic regimes and the overthrowing of others, the instigation of civil conflicts, the 
destruction of productive forces, the control of resources, the economic draining of whole 
populations, the environmental destruction of entire regions and a huge number of lives 
lost. This condition creates endless deserted areas, ready to be plundered and 
"reconstructed" in order to control the populations and regions, to increase profits and 
expand the economic activities of the global elites and to rearrange the geopolitical 
balance of power within the context of inter-state antagonisms, between global, peripheral 
and local powers.

The upgrading of military bases (in Greece and elsewhere) and the reinforcement of Frontex 
and NATO's roles is part of the preparation for a generalized war. A war declared by the 
domination and expressed mostly in the areas where the antagonisms between the most 
powerful blocs of authority take place, the Middle East and the Southeastern 
Mediterranean, while the bleak prospect of a global conflict is remerging in the forefront 
and the plans of the military-political staff.

In this context, the US is the leading power of the Western bloc, being at the forefront 
of the campaign to impose modern totalitarianism internationally. In the same direction, 
the powerful "defensive" bloc, NATO, which is led by the US - using as an ideological 
vehicle the "war against terrorism"- has attempted to expand its power and to extend its 
"vital space" setting constantly regional "powder kegs" on fire. The two wars in Iraq, the 
war in Yugoslavia and Afghanistan but also the creation of the state of modern apartheid, 
Israel, are a few characteristic examples.

The war expeditions in the capitalist periphery, as well as the deepening of repression in 
the interior of the Western societies, the aggravated plundering of the social majority 
and the destruction of the natural world are the results of the diachronic goals - and the 
insoluble controversies which emerge from- the state-capitalist system.

In this attempt of the authoritarian brutality to colonize every aspect of the social 
life, the US has played for many decades a leading role. It has been central in empowering 
the global restructuring processes of the state-capitalist world through the creation and 
upgrading of the supra-national repressive mechanisms, functioning as a "archetype" 
repressive laboratory. The ‘anti'-terrorist crusades which have led to thousands of deaths 
and massive expulsions of large populations, the mass murders of Black Americans, the 
institutional ‘fortification' of the regime through special legislation, prisons and 
militarized repression squads, are the articulations of the generalized war, which the US, 
as the avant-garde of global domination, have declared both within its territory and 
internationally. Attacking the poor and the outcasts is its response to the system's 
generalized crisis.

An attack which is intensively conducted by the international political and economic 
elites, with the Greek state as a part of them. The common ground of this uneven alliance 
is the maintenance of the authoritarian organization of societies, the intensification of 
the conditions of modern slavery, the dissolution and the repression of social and class 
resistances, as well as, the preservation of the primacy of the Western bloc of domination 
and the growth of its power in the field of international geopolitical antagonism. The 
military, political, economic and cultural expansionism of the Western authoritarian bloc 
attempts to draw legitimization and consent by the destitution it is producing globally. 
War, expulsions, poverty, social cannibalism are both the products of the state and 
capitalist system and the ‘scarecrows' against the impoverished masses. The ideological 
aspect of this expansionism incorporates the projection of the state-capitalist world as 
an inescapable reality in which only democratic pseudo-dilemmas of managing the 
generalized authoritarian decay can exist.

The Greek State, as a member of the European Union and NATO, is steadily aligned with the 
aims of the dominant political-economic elite. Today's government (as all the previous 
ones) fulfilled and continues to fulfill its mission, which is no other than the endless 
effort for the unrestricted imposition of the modern dictatorship of the State and the 
Capital, of Modern Totalitarianism. This common pursuit, which links the Greek state and 
the US, is the basis of every authoritarian alliance.

The convergence of direction between the international and the local economic and 
political elites outlines the bleak reality of the repressed: poverty and impoverishment, 
constant trivialization of human life, either as a ‘silent' suicidal death in the 
apartments of the metropolis, or as a ‘loud' drowning in the Aegean Sea or inside the 
concentration camps, unemployment or unpaid slavery for some, exhausting ill-paid slavery 
for the rest.

Under this condition, we have the duty to organize our resistance. To put up barricades to 
block the plans of the global domination that promises only death, poverty, wars, misery 
and impoverishment. Picking the thread from and inspired by the antiwar mobilizations of 
the previous years, we have to build a strong internationalist movement from below against 
war, against modern totalitarianism. Towards the direction of building this movement, the 
resistance against the installation of nuclear weapons in Araxos, as well as, against the 
wider effort to upgrade the role of the Greek state in the international war setting, is 
another important battle we must give.

This is the time to connect with the comrades and the people of the struggle globally, in 
order to face this common attack, we are receiving. Along with the exploited and the 
repressed of this world, we have to resist to the murderous plans of the State and the 
Capital. We have to build a wide and international front of struggle and resistance 
against war, poverty, impoverishment, racism and state and parastatal terrorism.

Against the attack of the decayed authoritarian world, we juxtapose the solidarity of our 
common struggles. Against the dystopia of modern totalitarianism, in which the social 
majority is impoverished and submitted, we put forward the libertarian society, organized 
through federal communes "for the Freedom of each-one and for the Equality of all".

AGAINST STATE AND CAPITALIST BRUTALITY
THE LOCAL AND SUPRANATIONAL BOSSES
ORGANIZATION AND INTERNATIONALIST STRUGGLES
AGAINST WAR AND MODERN TOTALITARIANISM
FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
FOR ANARCHY AND LIBERTARIAN COMMUNISM ?

Anarchist Collective "Dissinios Ippos" - member of the Anarchist Political 
Organization-Federation of Collectives (Greece)

http://organisemagazine.org.uk/2019/08/05/against-the-relocation-of-nuclear-weapons-to-the-araxos-airport-base-ifa

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Message: 4






The Café Libertaire is a time to meet our group and to spend a convivial moment with other 
militants. You can also get updates on struggles' actuality and ongoing campaigns and/or 
to become involved in our activities. It is also the occasion to get stickers, flyers, 
posters, ... Or you can simply get a drink after classes or work in a militant, feminist 
and libertarian place.
  Practical information:
  When? Friday August 30, 2019 from 6pm to 10pm
  Where? Local Sacco & Vanzetti - 54 Chaussée de Forest, 1060 Saint Gilles

https://bxl.communisteslibertaires.org/events/cafe-libertaire-daout

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Message: 5




Graphics inspired by the banner of the Polish Syndicalist Company ---- On the anniversary 
of the outbreak of the Warsaw Uprising, it is almost exclusively reminiscent of the Home 
Army, as if it were the only formation associating insurgents. Meanwhile, groups existed 
to the left of the Home Army, which also took an active part in the uprising. Among them 
were syndicalists and anarchosyndicalists. Excluded by PRL historiography for being 
critical of communism and then discrediting all leftist movements of the Third Polish 
Republic, they were almost completely forgotten. ---- "Syndicalism is the liberation 
movement of the working masses with the help of their own forces and organizations. 
Syndicalism was always criticized for all democratic and parliamentary activities of 
political parties, knowing from experience not only Polish, but Western democratic 
countries, that by the struggle of the parties in parliaments no vital cause of the 
working people can be realized. No worker could expect anything from any parliament, it 
was also syndicalism that recognized only the path of direct economic struggle, ie strike, 
sabotage and general strike, as the only path leading to the goal. (...) The task of 
his[syndicalism]it was not only to unite the workers' forces to fight, but also to bring 
up the masses and prepare them to conduct their own affairs without the care of political 
parties " (" Syndykalista "No. 12, 20 September 1944)

The genesis of the Polish syndicalist movement dates back to the 20th anniversary of the 
inter-war period. At that time, the Trade Union Union was established, which with time 
became more and more bold for the ideas of Georges Sorel and Stanislaw Brzozowski. He 
gathered the most numerous Pilsudskis syndicalists, initially enthusiastically referring 
to the rule of sanacja, placing their hopes in them to reform in the syndicalist spirit of 
the social and economic life of the country. Disappointed by the total lack of interest in 
this idea by the ruling elites of the Second Polish Republic, they switched to the more 
radical positions of the syndicalist idea and began to refer to power critically. At the 
same time, the radical anarcho-syndicalism, popular in Western Europe, was cut off. 
However, his Polish supporters associated with the anarchist movement began to penetrate 
into the structures of ZZZ, and in time to gain more and more influence in the 
organization and give it a tone - until September 1939. Along with the occupation, 
supporters of both currents of syndicalism decided to immediately create their underground 
structures. The Association of Polish Syndicalists associates the "classical" 
syndicalists, while the Syndicalist Organization "Freedom" focused those on anarchist 
tendencies. During the occupation, the groups undertook various activities - from 
publishing numerous press titles to direct actions. When the Warsaw Uprising broke out on 
1 August 1944, a syndicalist and anarcho-syndicalist conspiracy also stood to fight 
against the Nazi occupiers. Anarchists scattered in various insurgent units,

Initially, the company is composed of several dozen people, with time this number 
increases to several hundred. Of course, not all are declared syndicalists, many go to the 
104th Company by accident because they did not arrive on time in their branches. The black 
and red formation is characterized by efficient organization, independence and social 
sensitivity towards civilians. As the syndicalists are the only ones in this region to 
have their own food transport, bakery and stored food, they feed not only themselves but 
also the residents of the Old Town, setting up a civilian food portioning committee. They 
publish the "Iskra" information magazine on an ongoing basis, organize a field hospital 
and a grenade production plant. In the heat of battle they did not forget about 
entertainment and education. So a cabaret evening was organized, on which Hitler's 
speeches were parodied, as well as Churchill, and the lectures were taught how to operate 
the weapon from the discharges and captured on the Germans. The way the company operates 
is clearly permeated with the ideals of syndicalism: independence, self-sufficiency, 
education and sensitivity towards others. The insurgents of the 104th Company were also 
distinguished by black and red armbands. They are colors drawn from anarcho-syndicalists. 
Meanwhile, there are further frictions: the captain of the Home Army gendarmerie, 
Wlodzimierz Kozakiewicz "Barry" from the National Armed Forces, orders the change of the 
current name to the 104th Army Company and the abandonment of syndicalist colors. 
Insurgents refuse to resign from their ideological identity, refusing to carry out the 
order. The captain was handed over, explaining to him what true democracy is all about.

As syndicalists, we primarily set ourselves the goal of not letting the widest masses of 
people again cheat. That is why we underline today that democracy without solving social 
issues in the spirit of equality and freedom has always been a deception. ("Syndykalista", 
No. 11, 19 September 1944)

The real drama began with the collapse of the uprising in the Old Town. Exhausted by 
fighting and embittered by the number of civilian casualties, the inhabitants of the Old 
Town cursed and cursed the insurgents. When the time came to evacuate the sewers to 
Sródmiescie, the syndicalists were given the task of defending the barricades and keeping 
the Germans at a distance. Despite the predetermined order of the descent of individual 
departments to the channels, 104. The ZSP company was pushed last in the order at the last 
moment. Thus, it had the task of protecting the evacuation of all groups, becoming the 
same "one-time use" branch.

However, the district was allowed to leave the wounded and paramedics earlier. 
Unfortunately, it was not without problems here. When it was the turn of the Syndicalist 
unit, Captain "Barry" played out for previous disobedience to him and omitted the 
Syndicalists by passing other units. Informed by the commander of the 104th Company, they 
began to argue about taking action. Eventually, the syndicalists imposed a gun at the 
gendarme who guarded the sewers, threatening to shoot in the event of further refusal to 
evacuate. Only major Stanislaw Blaszczak "Róg" resolved the conflict.

"... the first task of syndicalism with the liberation of Warsaw will be to expand the 
professional movement and create the basis for its uniformity. The trade unions created on 
these principles will organize work, take over the leadership of the reconstruction of the 
country, at the same time securing the rights of the working people to free life and 
prosperity. " (Syndykalista, No. 13, 21 September 1944)

After many perturbations, on the 2nd of September, about 80 syndicalists managed to 
evacuate from the Old Town. Their fates were different. Some came to the branches of the 
Home Army "Parasol" and "Boncza" others fought in Czerniakow, some managed to get to 
Prague, where they joined Berling's army. The other syndicalists who got into the city 
center along with the anarchists formed the Syndicalist Uprising Arrangement and the 
Syndicalist Brigade under its jurisdiction. It took the building at ul. Marszalkowska 56, 
on which she suspended the black and red banner. Despite the concentration in the brigade 
of about 250 people (including Hungarian and Greek Jews liberated from the Warsaw 
concentration camp, the so-called "Gesiówki"), she no longer took part in the insurgent 
fights. The SPP itself printed a new news body called "Syndykalista" in the pages of which 
the views and ideas of formation were presented and the future of syndicalist Poland was 
drawn. Also, civilians evacuating from the northern part of Sródmiescie were also fed from 
the food they gained. A marketplace was also organized at the back of the quarters where 
food was exchanged. There was even a violin concerto. When the moment of capitulation 
came, some of the syndicalists - above all the Jews - took refuge in one of the cellars, 
thus resolved to wait until the liberation of Warsaw, the others left the city together 
with the civil population on October 5. Thus, the history of the Polish syndicalist 
movement, which after the liberation, the new authorities did not let themselves be 
reborn, ended. Rafal Chwedoruk, historian of Polish syndicalism, stated: the views and 
ideas of formation were presented and the future of syndicalist Poland was drawn. Also, 
civilians evacuating from the northern part of Sródmiescie were also fed from the food 
they gained. A marketplace was also organized at the back of the quarters where food was 
exchanged. There was even a violin concerto. When the moment of capitulation came, some of 
the syndicalists - above all the Jews - took refuge in one of the cellars, thus resolved 
to wait until the liberation of Warsaw, the others left the city together with the civil 
population on October 5. Thus, the history of the Polish syndicalist movement, which after 
the liberation, the new authorities did not let themselves be reborn, ended. Rafal 
Chwedoruk, historian of Polish syndicalism, stated: the views and ideas of formation were 
presented and the future of syndicalist Poland was drawn. Also, civilians evacuating from 
the northern part of Sródmiescie were also fed from the food they gained. A marketplace 
was also organized at the back of the quarters where food was exchanged. There was even a 
violin concerto. When the moment of capitulation came, some of the syndicalists - above 
all the Jews - took refuge in one of the cellars, thus resolved to wait until the 
liberation of Warsaw, the others left the city together with the civil population on 
October 5. Thus, the history of the Polish syndicalist movement, which after the 
liberation, the new authorities did not let themselves be reborn, ended. Rafal Chwedoruk, 
historian of Polish syndicalism, stated: Also, civilians evacuating from the northern part 
of Sródmiescie were also fed from the food they gained. A marketplace was also organized 
at the back of the quarters where food was exchanged. There was even a violin concerto. 
When the moment of capitulation came, some of the syndicalists - above all the Jews - took 
refuge in one of the cellars, thus resolved to wait until the liberation of Warsaw, the 
others left the city together with the civil population on October 5. Thus, the history of 
the Polish syndicalist movement, which after the liberation, the new authorities did not 
let themselves be reborn, ended. Rafal Chwedoruk, historian of Polish syndicalism, stated: 
Also, civilians evacuating from the northern part of Sródmiescie were also fed from the 
food they gained. A marketplace was also organized at the back of the quarters where food 
was exchanged. There was even a violin concerto. When the moment of capitulation came, 
some of the syndicalists - above all the Jews - took refuge in one of the cellars, thus 
resolved to wait until the liberation of Warsaw, the others left the city together with 
the civil population on October 5. Thus, the history of the Polish syndicalist movement, 
which after the liberation, the new authorities did not let themselves be reborn, ended. 
Rafal Chwedoruk, historian of Polish syndicalism, stated: some of the syndicalists - above 
all the Jews - took refuge in one of the cellars, deciding in this way to wait for the 
liberation of Warsaw, the others left the city together with the civilian population on 
October 5. Thus, the history of the Polish syndicalist movement, which after the 
liberation, the new authorities did not let themselves be reborn, ended. Rafal Chwedoruk, 
historian of Polish syndicalism, stated: some of the syndicalists - above all the Jews - 
took refuge in one of the cellars, deciding in this way to wait for the liberation of 
Warsaw, the others left the city together with the civilian population on October 5. Thus, 
the history of the Polish syndicalist movement, which after the liberation, the new 
authorities did not let themselves be reborn, ended. Rafal Chwedoruk, historian of Polish 
syndicalism, stated:"Polish syndicalists were probably the largest armed conspiracy of 
this ideological provenance in Europe. They should be mentioned here next to the defenders 
of the Spanish Republic, continuing the fight after its collapse, French and Spanish 
anti-fascists in the resistance movement in France, or Italian and Bulgarian similar 
ideational provenance. Nowhere, however, on such a scale in 1939-1945 were not fought 
under black and red banners. "

Jeremi Galdamez / Warsaw Environmental Commission

labels

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/publicystyka/historia/item/2508-powstanie-warszawskie-pod-czarno-czerwonym-sztandarem

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Message: 6





We have seen various protests, strikes, arrests, solidarization, injunctions against 
strikes, prosecutions of activists, censorship of journalists in the last decade of social 
upheaval, but somehow it seems that all actors have come to the wall of repression - where 
the vast majority of them have stopped in disbelief as well. further, some have adapted 
the discourse to be harmless, less noticeable, ie. in permissible parameters or in 
constant fear of consequences. Left-wing politicians from the margins have started talking 
about a "culture of protest" as something we collectively managed to achieve, or a belief 
that protests make sense, so it would be political suicide for anarchists to stop at a 
"culture of resistance and solidarity" that they have been persistently propagating for 
the last decade. Why? Because we need to be one step away from acceptable solutions in 
election games,

The question is, what after a culture of protest? The answer won't be overly popular, but 
what lies ahead is a culture of conflict. A culture of conflict regardless of price with 
the belief that they will serve, regardless of the outcome, of learning how to fight and 
inspire others to take similar and further actions. So what if they brought you in, are 
you wrong about that? So what if there was a court injunction to strike, does that mean 
that strikes are unnecessary? So what if you were being dragged to court for organizing a 
protest or a written word, does that mean you should cover your ears? We are not talking 
about paid activism, which goes through the sieve and the grid of various EU and state 
funds, but about blood and meat resistance with real consequences for the lives of 
unemployed activists, black lists, existential problems, etc. The distinction between a 
culture of protest and a culture of conflict continues in the aftermath of repression. The 
culture of protest tends to stop after experiencing repression and retreat back into 
legalistic contexts, while the culture of conflict continues to resist even after the 
border has been drawn through state repression.

Can we be more specific? We can, we believe, face a period of minor and major conflicts 
over a mosaic of topics regarding the existential problems of the majority; from salaries, 
jobs, utilities, housing, environmental issues, access to public goods, health care and 
education, etc. A series of conflicts will be developed that should be supported, 
networked and kept as far as possible within non-institutional frameworks, reminding 
actors of alternative solutions in methods of struggle such as direct action and direct 
democracy. These conflicts already exist, but they are regularly sucked into institutional 
solutions and bureaucratic impasse, stripping rebel collectives of power and restoring 
emphasis on legal and party frameworks of action, putting apathy and disorganization on 
the menu of our social environment.

We do not have to agree with our associates ideologically, nor require the masses to be 
anarchist, but what is a minimal requirement is a requirement about methodology, which is 
to be decided by those directly concerned (direct democracy), and to rely on their own 
forces and direct problem solving more effectively than legalist tapes and political 
representatives, whether party or union (direct action). With values in mind, solidarity 
is better than watching your work, and mutual aid is better than throwing your pistons 
under your feet.

What's left? Not losing hope in the face of problems, running away from conflict, finding 
new associates, maintaining old relationships and regrouping as often as necessary. It is 
important to remember that we always have more associates than enemies. Our agenda is 
simple, the associate is a work colleague, not the boss, the neighbor, not the politician, 
the refugee, not the banker. Forward! Always onward!

https://masari.noblogs.org/kultura-sukoba-kao-nasljednica-kulture-prosvjedovanja/

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Message: 7






About 1,000 people gathered on the night of August 1 at the intersection of Tsavela and 
Mesolongiu streets in the Exarchia district of Athens, where in 2008 the anarchist youth 
Alex Grigoropoulos was killed by policemen. They protested against the release of his 
killer from prison. The protest has escalated into street battles with the police. ---- 
The decision to release the former police officer E. Korkoneas was taken on the eve of the 
appeal court. Bourgeois judges reduced his term of imprisonment from a life sentence of 13 
years, and since he had already served a third of his term, the murderer could be 
released. ---- After a protest demonstration, dozens of hooded anarchists engaged in 
battle with riot police forces stationed in front of the PASOK party office in the area. 
The protesters threw police officers with Molotov cocktails, stones, and tables and chairs 
from a nearby cafe. It is reported that 2 people were arrested.

Source: 
https://www.jungewelt.de/loginFailed.php?ref=/artikel/360033.griechenland-n%C3%A4chste-runde.html;
http://www.ekathimerini.com/243192/article/ekathimerini/news/protest-rally-against-grigoropoulos-killers-release-marred-by-violence

https://aitrus.info/node/5303

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