Today's Topics:
1. Poland, INICJATYWA PRACOWNICZA - WORKERS' INITIATIVE:
Climate strikes and social strike: working-class ecology and
social reproduction (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. [Spain] CNT requires all means for maritime rescue By ANA
(pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. (A)N(A)RKISt(A)N: Three Months of Insurrection -- An
Anarchist Collective in Hong Kong Appraises the Achievements and
Limits of the Revolt (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, Thessaloniki Libertarian Initiative: Concentration
of solidarity on a persecuted military denialist - PREPARATION
20/9 [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. federacion anarquista uruguaya FAU: LATIN AMERICAN SITUATION
ANALYSIS (ca, it) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Ostroleka Power Station (source: Wikimedia Commons) ---- Are climate strikes "real"
strikes? The answer to this question depends on our definition of what a strike is, which
is in turn determined by our political goals. In the text below, I argue that climate
strikes, like the women's strike, are part of a wider process that we call a social
strike. ---- This thesis is based on two assumptions: ---- - a broader understanding of
the work and composition of the working class ---- - the concept of working-class
interests, which covers both production (production of goods) and reproduction (production
of life)[1] ---- A strike occurs when employees refrain from working to push private
entrepreneurs or the state to make concessions. If we understand work only as wage labor,
then the strike only occurs when employees and wage workers hold back production in the
workplace. However, if we adopt a broader definition of work, covering all activities -
paid and unpaid, productive and reproductive - which are obviously or implicitly
subordinated to the logic of capital accumulation by generating profits, then work is not
limited only to the workplace, but is distributed throughout the society . It takes place
in households and local communities (think for a moment about cooking, cleaning and
caring, which we call reproductive work); by means of communication (data production,
emotions, entertainment, ideas that are captured and sold for profit by internet giants);
in schools (creating a workforce adequate to the needs of the economy); etc. Social strike
means withdrawing all kinds of work, including work in the most socially dispersed forms.
A common mistake in talking about a social strike is the accusation that by giving the
unpaid and reproductive labor force the same "dignity" that is traditionally attributed to
employees and wage workers, all aspirations for class struggle in the workplace are
abandoned. On the contrary, there is no reason why we should not seek a social strike that
covers the entire spectrum of work. Disputes about the primacy of this or that form of
work for many of us seem pointless, and their only effect is a further division of the
working class. After all, work in capitalism is not a matter of dignity but of forced
profit generation and social control, and as such is a disgrace. Dignity is maintained by
employees through open or hidden resistance against life-destroying work.
Another accusation sometimes raised against the theory of social reproduction is that it
seeks to transfer Marxist categories to a world they no longer adhere to, by attempting to
relate non-class entities and struggles to class analysis. The first answer to this
criticism can be simple - "Look around you!", Look how our lives are shaped by huge social
inequalities, economic crises and restructuring, and more importantly, the very amount of
time we spend working; not only as employees and employees, but also in many other areas.
Moreover, although from our perspective, reproductive work should be seen as based on
exploitative relationships, we can gain a lot by expanding the understanding of the
working class, not only outside of wage labor, but also beyond exploitation. This can be
done in a meaningful way, basing our understanding of class relations on the notion of
expropriation, not exploitation. At that time, employees are all and all who have been
deprived of ownership and control over a significant amount of capital. As Simon Clarke
wrote, "all expropriated are potential employees of capital and in this sense they are
members of the working class"[2]. The threshold of this expropriation is of course
practically impossible to determine in a strict way and leaves room for an extensive "gray
area", a middle class, for which class relations are at the individual level.
Quantification, however, is not a problem here. At that time, employees are all and all
who have been deprived of ownership and control over a significant amount of capital. As
Simon Clarke wrote, "all expropriated are potential employees of capital and in this sense
they are members of the working class"[2]. The threshold of this expropriation is of
course practically impossible to determine in a strict way and leaves room for an
extensive "gray area", a middle class, for which class relations are at the individual
level. Quantification, however, is not a problem here. At that time, employees are all and
all who have been deprived of ownership and control over a significant amount of capital.
As Simon Clarke wrote, "all expropriated are potential employees of capital and in this
sense they are members of the working class"[2]. The threshold of this expropriation is of
course practically impossible to determine in a strict way and leaves room for an
extensive "gray area", a middle class, for which class relations are at the individual
level. Quantification, however, is not a problem here. The threshold of this expropriation
is of course practically impossible to determine in a strict way and leaves room for an
extensive "gray area", a middle class, for which class relations are at the individual
level. Quantification, however, is not a problem here. The threshold of this expropriation
is of course practically impossible to determine in a strict way and leaves room for an
extensive "gray area", a middle class, for which class relations are at the individual
level. Quantification, however, is not a problem here.
A class can be defined in many ways and these definitions cannot be proved or challenged
through empirical data. Therefore, different class concepts should be judged on the basis
of their political effectiveness, and for this purpose the fetishism of the factory and
pay are of little use, because the social relations based on them do not deserve their
splendor. A useful class definition must point to a set of potentially common interests
that can result in a specific political strategy. The expropriation condition common to
all employees indicates the potential interest in democratizing ownership and control over
the means of production[3]. This does not mean that the interests of all employees can be
reduced to their expropriation, there is of course a wide range of interests, which
applies to the entire class based on gender and racial hierarchies, and the different
levels of exploitation. It only means that even if the expropriated and expropriated are
divided and divided in many respects, they can find common ground in overcoming their
expropriation, and the key condition for this to happen is the empowerment of employees
and employees who are lowest in the hierarchy, which is determined by paid employment ,
race and sex[4].
The basic argument for a class definition based on exploitative influence is the
bargaining power of exploited workers. By striking, they can stop the valorisation of
capital. This is not controversial. However, employees around the world have proved that
they are able to stop the creation of value also outside the formal workplace, e.g.
through road blocks and other forms of disturbance. We will lose a lot by excluding these
forms of struggle from our concept of class struggle. Class struggle is therefore a much
broader phenomenon than the collective mobilization of class-conscious workers and manual
workers in their factories. It applies to all disputed activities - individual or
collective, in and out of the workplace, class conscious or not.
When it comes to work and the environment, the stereotypical view driven by the media is
that ecologically regressive employees defend the polluting industry against middle class
activists and activists who and who can afford to protest for clean air because they no
longer have more reasons to worry. In this sense, social protest is treated as completely
unrelated to class issues, as if members of the community affected by ecological injustice
mysteriously did not have to work to survive. This kind of discourse is usually based on a
narrow definition of the working class as employees or industrial employees - and an even
narrower concept of working class interests based solely on wages and working conditions.
It is assumed, therefore, that employees and employees somehow disappear after leaving the
factory gates, do not have homes and communities to which they could return, do not enjoy
free time enjoying the surrounding nature, and finally that they do not breathe air
outside the walls of the plants work.
If we consider the interests of the working class only those directly related to the
workplace of employees and employees, then it is difficult for us to avoid the dilemma
between the rights of employees and employees and the ecology and the idea of "blackmail"
which employees face before choosing between resignation from the protection of health and
the environment of which they are part or loss of income. On the contrary, employees'
interests relate not only to production conditions, but also to reproduction conditions.
As Stefania Barca and Emanuel Leonardi argue, "working-class ecology is a form of activism
that combines production with reproduction"[5]. Class struggle is not only in the sphere
of production, but also reproduction, and our strategic goal should be to combine these
two elements to destroy the system,
One can imagine that my suggestion is that climate strikes, like women's strikes, are the
most real strikes. Until now, however, climate strikes were treated mainly as withdrawal
of work by the "labor force during formation", ie students and people (often their
parents) who, due to working conditions, can take a day off without the support of a trade
union. The fact that such people are mostly white due to the racist division of labor is
probably not without significance, since the composition of the climate strikes has
hitherto been dominated by the white population. However, these restrictions have already
been recognized by the environmental movement and are one of the main reasons
Environmental degradation in our society is systemic in nature, because the current system
subordinates the production of value in use to the production of exchange value, and the
reproduction of life to the production of profit. The costs of such environmental
destruction are unevenly distributed because we are differently deprived of ownership and
control of the means of production, and therefore we cannot make democratic decisions
about what and how it is produced in a way that will meet our needs and the needs of the
environment in which we live and on which our reproduction depends. Therefore, climate
struggles do not have to be reconciled with class struggles, because in fact climate
struggles are already class struggles and vice versa. What we need is politics,
Lorenzo Feltrin (collective Plan C)
Translation: Pawel Nowozycki / Factory Commission of the Museum of Modern Art
footnotes:
[1]- More specifically, production refers to the direct production of goods that have both
use and exchange value in capitalism. It covers employment in commercial agriculture,
industry and services. Reproduction refers to the production of life, which in capitalism
is also a labor force. The most important examples are raising children, homework, public
health, education, etc.
[2]- Simon Clarke; "Class Struggle and the Working Class: The Problem of Commodity
Fetishism";[in:]ed. Ana C. Dinerstein, Michael Neary; "The Labor Debate: An Investigation
into the Theory and Reality of Capitalist Work"; Ashgate Publishing Company; 2002.
[3]- The very notion of what is in the interest of someone, as opposed to the actually
expressed preferences, is not an empirical description but a political proposition and,
when considered as such, is an attempt to convince, not an accusation of false consciousness.
[4]- In addition, I agree with those who are very skeptical that such overcoming of class
will necessarily be accompanied by the automatic abolition of other forms of oppression
that must be resolved on their own terms and in relation to the class.
[5]- Stefania Barca, Emanuel Leonardi; "Working-class ecology and union politics: a
conceptual topology"; Globalizations; 15 (4); pp. 487-503.
[6]- See John Halloway; We Are the Crisis of Capital, PM Press, 2019.
http://ozzip.pl/teksty/publicystyka/strategie-zwiazkowe/item/2516-strajki-klimatyczne-i-strajk-spoleczny-ekologizm-klasy-pracujacej-i-reprodukcja-spoleczna
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Message: 2
We require all means available for rescue, regardless of administrative and political
conditions. We believe it is urgent to generalize the culture of welcome. We need to
extend class empathy, in the neighborhood, at work, to make the union a common home for
new arrivals. ---- The recent case of the Open Arms and Ocean Viking rescue boat brought
the humanitarian emergency on the Mediterranean map back to the media. The example serves
as a new point of attention, a new direct SOS, of something that no longer occurs only
preferably at summer time, and which is often no longer a matter of prime importance.
Simultaneously, a boat with 63 people was drifting in the Alborán area, eleven others,
seven women and two children among them, abandoned a boat and sought assistance near an
islet in front of Morocco. Even on the same shore as Lampedusa, days before the boat
docked two volunteers near the same number of people could be evacuated after another wreck.
This daily tragedy has now officially translated into more than 30,000 deaths, without
being able to determine the true number of people drowned on the various routes to Europe.
No state or political institution has ever taken an honest position with the least human
quality about it. We have been able to prove it these past few days. The elusive and petty
attitude of the PSOE[Spanish Socialist Party]government, which plays with the times and
messages thinking solely of its own benefit, Malta's negatives, or Salvini's
institutionalized racism that is sufficiently backed by other EU states to ignore the
justice of their own country.
A very limited and partial judicial measures, which, above all, question the role of
solidarity people. The accusation against social organizations is gross manipulation, the
only collusion with human trafficking being those who close the borders and need the
journey to remain illegal and dangerous.
Rescue and welcome, count on the union
We require all means available for rescue, regardless of administrative and political
conditions. Strengthen asylum procedures by all conditions and advance the goal of
ensuring a safe passage for migrant people.
Because we feel committed to those fleeing violence, and also responsible for the unequal
division of wealth we have caused on this side of the world. We believe it is urgent to
generalize a culture of welcome as soon as possible. Our towns and cities from where we
live so close have the ability to do so, and to be an example of solidarity over unjust laws.
We must extend class empathy, not let them dehumanize us, not confront us with street
vendors or temporary workers. In the neighborhood, at work, in the union, these are the
places where we want to meet, and fight together for all we have in common beyond nationality.
CNT Comarcal Sur - Madrid
Source: http://fcs-villaverde.cnt.es/cnt-exige-all-medios-para-el-salvamento-maritimo/
Translation> Sol de Abril
anarchist news agency-ana
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Message: 3
Adventure Analysis Current Events ---- In the following timeline and interview, an
anarchist collective in Hong Kong presents a complete overview of the months-long
uprising, reviewing its achievements, identifying its limits, celebrating the inspiring
moments of mutual aid and defiance, and critiquing the ways that it has yet to pass beyond
a framework based in the appeal to authority and the outrage of the citizen. This is a
follow-up to the interview we published with the same group in June. ---- The struggle in
Hong Kong has been polarizing on an international level. Some conspiracy theorists are
determined to read any form of protest against the Chinese government merely as the
machinations of the US state department, as if it were impossible for protesters to set
their own agenda apart from state oversight. Others cheerlead for the movement without
concern about the nationalist and neoliberal myths that still hold sway within it.
The events in Hong Kong show how a movement can actively reject the legitimacy of one
government and its laws and police while still retaining a naïve faith in other
governments, other laws, other police. As long as this faith remains in some form, the
cycle is bound to repeat. Yet the past months of insurrection in Hong Kong can help us to
imagine what a worldwide struggle against all forms of capitalism, nationalism, and the
state might look like-and help us identify the obstacles that still remain to the
emergence of such a struggle.
Graffiti on the wall of the Bank of China headquarters, central Hong Kong. >From a set of
photos by kjbb, ttbb, hybb of tclc.
Timeline of Events
You can find a more detailed timeline here. If you are already familiar with the events of
the past three months, skip directly to the interview below.
June 2019
In spring 2019, the government of Hong Kong introduced a bill allowing for people to be
extradited from Hong Kong to other countries, including mainland China.
A massive peaceful demonstration against the extradition bill took place on June 9,
attended by millions of people. During the following week, some people on the online forum
LIHKG proposed that the movement utilize economic protest tactics-for example, the
comprehensive withdrawal of cash from savings accounts and general strikes. This did not
occur on a visible scale until much later.
On June 12, when a meeting was scheduled in the legislative council about the extradition
bill, protesters and police clashed around the government headquarters and the CITIC
Tower. The meeting was adjourned. Police fired over 150 tear gas canisters and rubber
bullets at protesters, injuring many people; they arrested five people, charging them with
rioting.
Although the government announced on June 15 that the extradition bill would be suspended,
a protester fell to his death later that day. In the will that he left, he called for the
"complete withdrawal of the extradition bill, the retraction of the riot charge, the
unconditional release of injured students; the resignation of Carrie Lam." >From that point
on, most of these were counted among the demands of the struggle. Two million people
participated in street protests the following day, on June 16.
Late June to July 1
On June 21, protesters carried out the first experiments in "guerrilla" action, moving
from the government headquarters to the police headquarters, the Revenue Tower, and the
Immigration Tower in the adjacent district, blocking entrances and temporarily closing the
respective departments. Some went back to the Revenue Tower the next day, June 22, to
apologize to users for the inconvenience.
A crowd-funded global advertising campaign calling for G20 leaders to act on the Hong Kong
crisis on June 26 generated no discernible response. Two more protesters committed suicide
at the end of the month. Desperation intensified, leading many to propose that the
struggle was facing an "endgame" situation with the approach of July 1.
That day, July 1, protesters broke into the Legislative Council (LegCo) building. Pacifist
demonstrators privately voiced concerns about this action, but ultimately chose not to
condemn those who engaged in it. Four protesters who entered the council chambers refused
to leave when the riot police arrived, and a dozen protesters went back in to "rescue"
them. From that point on, the resolutions "not to split" into factions (???) and "to come
(arrive at the demonstration) and go (escape from the riot police) together" defined the
collective ethos of the struggle.
Graffiti reading "Revolution will make way for an even more beautiful form of love." From
a set of photos by kjbb, ttbb, hybb of tclc.
Early July: The Conflict Spreads
During the Umbrella Movement of 2014, demonstrators had invented the Lennon Wall, an
impromptu and unauthorized public bulletin board, as a way for "conscientious citizens" to
"peacefully petition the government for redress" in a widely visible way. During June
2019, this model had transcended its strictly pacifist origins to take on the functions of
disseminating information and coordinating strategy. On June 30, the police destroyed the
Lennon Wall that protesters had set up at the government headquarters. In response, Lennon
Walls began to appear in every major district, staffed and guarded around the clock.
Although no one was arrested on July 1, many people feared that there would be subsequent
police reprisals. Some fled to other countries. Necessity compelled everyone in the
struggle to memorize, by rote, what they should say-and not say-when captured by the
police. The phrase "I have the right to remain silent" became a popular meme, and the
repetition of this mantra began to be used as a way to upvote posts on the LIHKG message
board.
On July 7, the first rally occurred outside the main protest areas on Hong Kong Island,
with slogans and leaflets directed at the Mainland tourists frequenting the area. Protests
spread to a variety of other districts over the following weeks, notably occurring in
Shatin on July 14. People from the neighborhood showed support by throwing swimming boards
out of their windows to protesters, to be used as shields, and yelling at the police who
entered their housing estates. Police charged into a shopping mall for the first time,
leaving the floor of the Shatin New Town Mall bloody. The train to Shatin was suspended on
police orders, while self-organized carpool teams formed to facilitate protesters' escapes.
On July 17, after a few severe clashes, thousands of senior citizens marched to show their
support for young protesters, declaring that they were not conservative knaves like so
many of their generation, like the apathetic and apolitical ones young people call "old
rubbish."
July 21
A march to the Liaison Office of China-the official PR outlet of the Chinese Communist
Party in Hong Kong-saw the national emblem of China smeared with a thick coat of ink. For
the first time, people chanted the slogan "Restore Hong Kong to Glory, Revolution of Our
Times" en masse. Police fired tear gas, rubber bullets, and sponge grenades
1
without prior notice.
Meanwhile, at Yuen Long station, white-shirted triads
2
assaulted protesters and civilians on the train. Some believe that pro-Beijing legislator
Junius Ho was behind this attack. The assaults took place with the assistance of the
police, who sat idly by. Few of the perpetrators were arrested and none were charged. This
incident aroused deep popular rage against the police.
Graffiti reading "In the beginning, there was no such thing as the police." From a set of
photos by kjbb, ttbb, hybb of tclc.
Late July to Early August: Escalation
For the first time in popular memory, the police refused to issue a permit for the march
that was to take place in Yuen Long on July 27, a week after the triad attack. Thousands
took defiantly to the street regardless. Marching without permission has since become the
norm. A misunderstanding occurred between the protesters on the "agreed" departure time,
resulting in long discussions on LIHKG and calls for better communication between the
frontlines and the rows of partisans behind them.
On July 28, 49 partisans were arrested; most were charged with rioting. From that day
until early August, the protests became more spontaneous and ephemeral, with protesters
traveling to different stations via the Hong Kong metro, MTR (Mass Transit Railway),
chiefly targeting police stations. For the first time, people began hurling Molotovs and
bricks at police stations, as well as using slingshots. More and more people from the
neighborhood came out to support the struggle, yelling at the police and driving them back
into their stations. Police repeatedly deployed tear gas in residential areas and around
homes for the elderly.
People blocked the Cross-Harbor Tunnel on August 3. On August 5, a squad of male officers
carried away a female protester in Tin Shui Wai, deliberately lifting her skirt and
exposing her. At the same time, reports began to circulate about sexual assault in police
stations.
On August 5, thousands participated in a "general strike" in different districts. People
blocked the doors of train cars on the MTR early that morning, stopping almost every line
of the MTR. (This had been "rehearsed" on July 30, when one station was shut down early in
the morning, followed by short and periodic blockages at various important interchange
stations on Hong Kong island in the afternoon.) In many districts, the clashes around
police stations lasted all day. That night, pro-government gangs dressed in blue or white
shirts attacked protesters with iron poles and knives.
Graffiti reading "General strike, August 5." From a set of photos by kjbb, ttbb, hybb of tclc.
Mid-August: An Eye for an Eye
In response to the police arresting a young man for owning 10 laser pointers, describing
them as "dangerous weapons," people created their own harbor-front light show with laser
pointers outside the Hong Kong Space Museum on August 7. That same day, the first press
conference took place on behalf of the struggle, organized by a group of protesters as a
counterpart to the daily police press conferences.
Flash-mob blockades appeared in multiple districts the weekend of August 10. On August 11,
protesters from Sham Shui Po moved to Tsim Sha Tsui, where the police ruptured the right
eye of a female first-aider using beanbag rounds. "An eye for an eye" became a viral meme,
and the "Eye for Hong Kong Campaign" started by Kim Ui-Seong, a well-known South Korean
actor, spread around the world later in August.
A meme about the woman who lost her eye in the demonstrations. The hashtags read "Blasted
out a girl's eye," "Hong Kong awakening," "It's only a beanbag round," and "Being a good
person brings peace to the world." The first refers to the HKPF blinding her; the second
is a general slogan of the movement; the third is a quote from the chief of HKPF press
conference on the incident; and the fourth is a quote from the chief executive, Carrie
Lam, at the beginning of the movement, trying to justify the bill: "If you're a good
person, you have nothing to worry about."
On the same day, police fired tear gas inside an enclosed space at Kwai Fong station and
shot at protesters from close range, pushing them down an already crowded escalator at Tai
Koo station. Undercover cops dressed as protesters made arrests without prior notice. This
sowed distrust among protesters.
The next day, August 12, thousands gathered at the airport to condemn police brutality,
causing hundreds of flights to be cancelled. Rumors that riot squads were about to arrive
spread all afternoon; many left early, before 6 pm. Afterwards, feeling deceived, angry
protesters returned to the airport on August 13 and actively blocked passengers from
boarding. The atmosphere became tenser later in the evening when protesters identified two
men disguised as protesters-one a mainland security officer, the other a journalist from
Global Times who had close ties with the mainland security department. Both were tied up
and beaten by protesters. The incident was widely reported in the mainland, stirring
strong opposition to the movement. Disputes raged afterward among protesters regarding how
to treat infiltrators, leading to a public show of contrition on August 14. Despite the
disagreements, a sense of "unity" persisted, a unity that protesters swore would survive a
nuclear explosion (?????).
Defaced MTR ticket machines. From a set of photos by kjbb, ttbb, hybb of tclc.
The End of August
Millions of peaceful protesters attended a march on August 18 despite heavy rain. On
August 23, the "Hong Kong Way" action took place across the city. Aviation staff and
Cathay Pacific union leaders who assisted the airport blockades or showed sympathy to the
movement on social media were fired under pressure from Beijing. Multiple reports
circulated about detainees being badly beaten and sexually assaulted, even raped. A
#ProtestToo gathering against sexual violence took place on August 28.
On August 24, the MTR closed down several stations and stopped train service at the
related districts immediately before a demonstration in Kwun Tong. From that day on,
protesters began to refer to the MTR as the "Party Train" (??); it became a target of
vandalism. At the Kwun Tong protest, protesters presented what have become known as "the
five demands": full withdrawal of the bill, revocation of "riot" charges, unconditional
release of all arrestees, establishment of an independent inquiry into the crimes of the
police, and universal suffrage. Some also cut down the "smart lampposts" installed in the
district, RFID-equipped streetlights that are set to be upgraded with facial recognition
technology. They sawed the posts down, disassembled the circuitry, and identified where
the component pieces were manufactured.
On August 31, despite the arrests of high-profile activists and councilors, thousands
still took to the street. Water cannons had been tested for the first time on August 25;
now they were used at full strength to douse the crowd with blue pepper liquid. Protesters
set fire to roadblocks around the police headquarters; they also identified and surrounded
an undercover policeman.
Later, in Prince Edward station, police indiscriminately beat and pepper-sprayed
protesters and commuters in a train cabin. Seven people were seriously injured. At least
three people are still unaccounted for at the time of writing; many believe that police
murdered them. There has been no response to popular demands for the MTR to release the
CCTV footage. After this, hatred against the police and the MTR reached new heights, and
people circulated various methods to evade train fares.
Police using water cannons to douse protesters with blue pepper liquid.
Early September
On September 1, thousands gathered at the bus station and on the main road towards the
airport, the airport building itself being off-limits since the high court passed a
restraining order on protesters following the airport blockades. This action effectively
paralyzed traffic towards the airport throughout the afternoon. Universities and secondary
school students went on strike on September 2, with many facing assaults from police and
supporters of the government in front of their schools. Students and alumni formed
multi-school human chains in various districts throughout the week.
Finally, on September 4, the chief executive announced the withdrawal process of the
extradition bill-a process that will begin after the end of Parliamentary Recess in
October. Yet the movement continues to insist that the government must grant all five
demands. As of this writing, vandalism in MTR stations continues, along with inquests
regarding the whereabouts of the "disappeared" and demands for the release of the CCTV
footage from August 31.
Stencil graffiti on a wall in Hong Kong island: "Four demands unanswered." >From a set of
photos by kjbb, ttbb, hybb of tclc.
https://www.facebook.com/ANARKISTAN/posts/1092779320916410
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Message: 4
On June 5, 2017, Dimitris Dimitsiadis, an anarchist totalitarian conscript, is arrested.
This arrest was one of four that he has suffered for his political choice not to serve the
Greek war machine, that is, not to serve the interests of the state and of the capital
which he has long been tasked with defending. In each new arrest, the partner is also
charged a new administrative fine of € 6,000, with the total fine now reaching € 24,000.
Also at each arrest, the partner is required to go through the marking process again. His
refusal to undergo the marking process when he was arrested on 5/6/2017 results in the
offense of "infidelity", an offense for which he was acquitted a few days later, on 8/6/2017.
And once the matter is closed, Dimitris Dimsiadis, a total conscientious objector, is
again being tried on the same charge of apostasy, for which he has already been acquitted,
due to a "bureaucratic error" in the transcript.
The partner's case is not an isolated Kafic nightmare. It is the reality for all who show
their explicit refusal to fight for the interests of their bosses and their aversion to
the idea of raising a weapon against anyone oppressed, of any nationality, by choosing the
path of total denial of service. in the army in any "alternative way"). According to Greek
justice, the "crime" of disobedience is considered "lasting" (so you are not prosecuted
only once for performing it, but as many times as every soldier wants). And the Greek
state apparatus has made sure to pay you dearly if you dare and challenge the basis on
which its very existence is based: the gathering of the people around a national idea,
always intended to conceal class exploitation. Obviously she does not particularly care
about military power if she loses a rookie from her ranks: what she does not tolerate is
her very existence as a right-handed mechanism and the right-hand of the state and capital.
As anarchists we are not going to fight on behalf of the bosses. We are not going to turn
our guns on our class brothers, who are only artificially separated from us, and on the
borderlines, nations, and religions, in order to reinforce their disorientation from below
by political oppression. and the economic exploitation that exists and divides themselves
apart from the community of their material interests. The only war we are involved in is
the endless social and class war,
As the partner states in his statement of refusal to join:
"We recognize ourselves as part of the struggling community of the exploited and oppressed
class that, like the rulers, has no specific background and speaks all the languages of
the world. We count as our dead all the oppressed who were thrown into the forefront of
death-threatening battles, all those who die around the world from the miserable
conditions of world domination and even more from those who were killed by their fighters.
social and class war. Our own story is the world story of uprisings and revolutions that
raised black and red flags, our anthem being the International. For these dead, for this
story, but especially for them and those who are alive and well today,
In this context, the trial of Comrade Dimitris Dimitsiadis is not just a judicial matter
of an individual with the armed forces, but a purely political issue, part of our class
struggle with the deep state and the rotten institutions that embody it.
We express our full solidarity with our partner and with all the military denialists
targeted by judicial, military and state institutions. Their struggle is a struggle of our
whole class.
PAUSE ALL IN prosecution OLIKOUS ARNITES STRATEFSIS
SOLIDARITY IN PARTNER DIMITRI Dimtsiadis
NOT GOING TO FIGHT FOR INTERESTS OF OUR BOSSES
OR NATIONAL - OR RELIGIOUS,
The CODE OUR WAR IS CLASS
SOLIDARITY CONCENTRATION IN THE TOTAL REJECTED DIMITRI DIMITSIADI:
PARASKEVI 20/9, 09:00, THESSALONIKI COURTS
Thessaloniki Freedom Initiative - member of the Anarchist Federation
lib_thess@hotmail.com
libertasalonica.wordpress.com
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Message: 5
Latin America, an untamed and rebellious land, heiress of centuries of struggles and
resistance, where magic invades realism, where we are going through a critical situation
in ecological, humanitarian and social terms. Today we are attending a turning point,
where threats to our bodies and territories are increasingly concrete, which is why
indecision and half measures must be fought with positions and proposals. It is our
historical duty, as anarchists, to generate spaces for debate and criticism, where we
prefigure the days of struggle that lie ahead. In turn, it is necessary to propose new
categories of analysis in order to point much more accurately to those who submit us today.
During the last decades, our territories have served as a space for the geopolitical
struggles of imperialisms; China, the United States, Russia, Turkey, among others, plot
their interests on the spaces we inhabit, due to this, it is necessary to break with the
old analysis in the key of the cold war, where the interests of the US were deployed on
the continent without no counterweight Today there are many actors in this geopolitical
struggle. We can not fall into myopia and direct all our criticism only to the US, of
course, today in that geopolitical struggle tries to secure this area as its "backyard"
that always intended it to be, but despite having high levels of responsibility in misery
in vast territories, they are not the only ones who carry out an imperial policy.
We are facing a strong advance of the right and extreme right throughout Latin
America. Phenomenon of world scale, since various parties of these orientations have been
growing electorally in Europe for three decades now, in countries of the former Eastern
bloc has been reborn with unusual vigor, and in the rest of the continent various
expressions of this sign gain space. In the US, Donald Trump is a sample of the same
phenomenon, with the particularity that has effects on his imperial policy for the Latin
American area and the world.
Already under the Obama administration, the US supported and organized the coup in
Honduras in 2009, initiating this gradual turn to greater control over what they call
their "backyard." This coup had its continuity in the coup in Paraguay in 2012 and the
"soft coup" in Brazil in 2016. This environment facilitated the electoral rise in
Argentina of Macri in 2015 and Duke in Colombia in 2017. In the only country where the
"Progressiveism" was in Mexico, and this is very relative.
The right has organized its "return" to the front of governments. In each country
they have developed a strong campaign against "progressivities", they have made an axis in
corruption - in which all the political sectors are involved, as it has become clear in
Brazil with the Lava Jato - but they have also organized at the Latin American level,
always counting on imperial support.
These governments - Macri and Bolsonaro - have added support to the Lima Group, to
that set of recalcitrant governments that shout "democracy" outward but apply anti-popular
and repressive policies inside. And particularly in the case of Bolsonaro already speaking
directly against bourgeois democracy, installing the idea of dictatorial governments
directly. It is this group of countries that has served as Latin American coverage for the
coup attempts of the Venezuelan right supported by the US. They openly handle the
possibility of an open-minded US invasion, as in the old era, using the mechanisms of the
OAS and the TIAR.
This continental turn to the right is not minor. The capitalist system, after a
fierce application of neoliberalism, allowed certain popular "changes", some improvements,
some "loosening" to improve domination and constant looting to those below. In the period
called "progressive" there were certain social policies to contain poverty, of varying
degrees according to each country. They had as common denominator to allow some
improvement in the life of the poorest sectors of society, but managing poverty, no real
work policies were generated, the poor were left in the place of welfare, or at most, at
the hands of outsourced and precarious work, where it is the State itself that outsources
tasks, enriching companies or NGOs and generating a much more precarious and rights-free
working class,
Extractivism, both of the progressive governments of different signatures and of the
liberal ones, as a neocolonial regime and dynamic prevailing throughout Latin America, has
only deepened the unequal exchange between territories and the international division of
labor as historical expressions of the class struggle, intensifying the exploitation of
large volumes of nature (commodities) towards export. The geopolitical rearrangements have
outlined new strategies to increase the circulation of goods to the industrial centers,
opening routes in places never before thought, such as the IIRSA-COSIPLAN series of
projects; new designs of free trade agreements such as TPP-11(which includes Mexico, Peru
and Chile as Latin American countries); disputing the last natural-community goods of the
planet. Its consequences have brought questions inherent to this dynamic of exploitation
of nature, opening important processes of deterritorialization through local and global
migrations; the loss of biodiversity; the increase in violence against feminized and
racialized bodies (women and other sexualities - not binary and trans-), including the
hired killer, and finally the cases of corruption that we have seen with the Odebrecht
Case, which involves a network between different States.
It should be mentioned that the hegemony of progressivities in the 2000s intensified
the looting and plundering of our territories, since their programs "with social emphasis"
were based on the extraction of natural goods and their sale to industrialized countries,
In this sense, progressive governments redistributed crumbs from a time of bonanza, of
growth in the international price of commodities. They managed some salary improvements
and social policies, but the fundamentals of the system were not touched. These policies
had as a common denominator to raise the living conditions of the poorest sectors of
society, which played simultaneously as an element of social containment, while building
state apparatus plagued by an affluent and parasitic political caste,
At the same time, the Latin American ruling classes multiplied their profits and the
gap between rich and poor increased. But the rich did not want to lose the administrative
control of the State. It is their State, part of their class power lies there and is
condensed in their institutions. They were not willing to allow "upstarts" to take control
of it for a long time. A few years they could stand, while fixing the house after the
looting of the '90s. But they were getting impatient.
Does this mean that "progressive" governments are the necessary exit and that they
are the antithesis of the right? NO. First, in addition to allowing a historical
enrichment of the local and multinational bourgeoisie, progressive governments
redistributed few resources at a time of growth in the international price of raw
materials. After that boom, economic difficulties and the crisis returned. But they did
not use this "bonanza period" to invest in the generation of work at the industrial level,
nor was there any Agrarian Reform or radical transformation of services to the population,
etc. The progressive governments allowed a large-scale extraction of natural goods
extraction projects in the continent: large mining, oil, soybean and forest plantation
projects, hydroelectric... all for the benefit of multinational capital, especially
Chinese in recent times. All this within the framework of the IIRSA Plan, a looting plan
designed from the USA. The general lines of the system were not modified, they simply
adapted to the new stage, which now having a certain popular consensus, was easier to
fully implement the looting policy.
The redistribution of wealth was concise. But as we said, the fundamentals of the
system were not touched: private property, nor the redistribution of wealth or power
relations. Even so, the bourgeoisie and the more conservative sectors were not willing to
tolerate Lula, the Kirchners or whoever does not come from their kidney. A clear hatred of
class travels the continent and distills its poison on the villages.
But also in this period there have been two processes that have their peculiarities
in this framework: the Venezuelan and the Bolivian. In Venezuela, driven by Chávez at the
time, multiple "communes" have been developed, which some press releases say, nowadays
have a negligible volume of people involved and some development in economic, cultural and
social activities, without linking Some with the State. There has been a break there
compared to the previous period, where even the military, bureaucrats and bolirricos
wanted to control this process and take full hands of the money that had been invested in
this experience.
In Bolivia, a "plurinational state" halfway but where the indigenous and peasant
movement has influence, the same one that starred in 2000 and 2003 the insurrections of
the "gas war" and "the water war", knocking down governments and putting a stop to
neoliberalism. It is that mobilization that prints a different character to the historical
processes that the peoples live. Recall that in the previous period, the continent was
shaken by broad popular mobilizations that caused more than one government to fall.
The situation in Colombia deserves a special chapter, where after the "peace
agreements" have been signed, more than 570 social militants have been killed. A sector of
the FARC has returned to the armed struggle, which shows that there is no guarantee or
possibility of pacification in the country. The paramilitaries, drug trafficking groups
and the Army continue to articulate increasing violence towards those below. Colombia
lives in constant war; However, the media shows its government as "democratic," being the
Latin American country that receives the most military support from the US, and that is
vital to its interests. Even in the possibility of an escalation or conflict on the border
with Venezuela.
In recent years the Colombian popular movement has been leading important struggles,
especially peasant and indigenous organizations, where the processes of land seizures and
recovery have been more than relevant along with agricultural strikes.
Today the right attacks with everything directly against life. Proof of this is the
fires in the Amazon, where governments such as Bolsonaro give "white card" to prey on
nature and promote indigenous genocide for the benefit of large agricultural capital. It
is an expression of an aggressive proto-fascism to an extreme degree, which does not
repair the means to expand the deployment of the capitalist system. It is the
neoliberalism imposed with total aggressiveness and applying the maximum of the British
Empire, "shitting on all the consequences."
A strong nut setting
The Latin American bourgeoisie needs to resume the helm of the government throughout
the continent. He needs it to impose a major adjustment, a hard adjustment like the one
that Macri has imposed since 2015. But let's think that that right already had strong
bases of support: in Peru they have not lost the government at any time, including all
corruption scandals possible; in Colombia the ultra right controls the government with
Iván Duque (governs the uribismo) and in Chile the already dissolved "Concertación" has
ruled under the pinochetista and neoliberal logic. Launch platform nothing negligible.
Many of the turns came from progressivism itself or its allies. Lenin Moreno in
Ecuador was Rafael Correa's successor and took an important turn at the political level
both internally and in the region. Michel Temer gave a parliamentary "soft coup" being the
Vice President of the government of Dilma Roussef.
In Uruguay, various referents of the Frente Amplio are now separated from Venezuela
and qualify the government of that country as a "dictatorship", in line with the Lima
Group and the OAS. Some of them like José Mujica, who until yesterday received money at
the hands of Venezuela, today shows himself as what he is: an opportunist who changes
position according to how the wind comes. Now Venezuela does not send more money due to
the economic blockade and the crisis in the country, generated and deepened among other
organizations by the OAS, whose Secretary General Luis Almagro, was placed there with
great help from Mujica himself. It can be said that among the "progressives" are
characters from all over the world, worthy of a chronicle of humanity's greatest infamies.
In Uruguay there are elections in October-November, as in Argentina. The dispute is
the degree of adjustment and stick: if the Broad Front achieves its fourth government
there will be an adjustment and turn to the right of a lesser degree than if the
opposition wins, but the discussion is the degree of adjustment. And it will be
accompanied by repression; this is already being seen in the mobilizations against the
installation of the third pastera in the country, where the police go out to defend the
interests of multinational capital under a progressive government. The right plain and
simple, comes with the hard and pure neoliberal libretto.
The alliances woven in many cases by these "progressive parties" are characteristic
of a horror film: the PT allied itself with the most rancid and reactionary right in order
to have the votes in parliament ... buying them with money as well, as It has been
demonstrated in both frames of both Mensalao and Lava Jato.
But it is here that the right puts to full operation mechanisms of the system that at
other times did not charge this relevance: the judicial system has been used as a device
of power pointing per se corrupt, and several judges are the new "crossed" by austerity
and justice. Right now it has been shown that the plot of corruption is broader than we
can imagine and that the game on the right to remove anyone from the road does not repair
the mechanisms to be used.
The right wants total political control. And retake the negotiated that allows the
conduction of the State: tenders, bribes, purchases, various businesses, of which he was
never absent, but his voracity has no limits. There is a kind of "genetics" that tells you
that no matter how much "progressive governments" govern for them, they protect their
businesses and their class interests, that they contain the poor and reinforce the
repressive apparatus, those "progress" do not come from their crib, they are not bourgeois
of pure strain. For the bourgeoisie, they are not trustworthy, although they have done
their homework very well. There is a class instinct that this Latin American
industrial-rural-financial-commercial bourgeoisie expresses there; a clear hatred of class
have thrown into the streets with unusual force. They do not want to lose or pinch their
power. They are not even willing to tolerate palliative measures, let alone talk about
reforms of a certain depth, as happened in past decades with populism or developmental or
liberal-reformist governments. They are neoliberal of pure strain; in his blood the hatred
of those below and the constant thirst to turn the world into a business circulates.
And for that business to work for them, more and more state terror is necessary. The
attacks come from all sides, with labor and pension reforms, budget cuts in education, a
blind eye for burns, deforestation and killings of indigenous and poor people. On the
other hand, the electoral left continues with its institutionalist and demobilizing
discourse of the bases. In Brazil, trade union centrals call one-day strikes of "general
strike" and do not seem to be able to dissociate themselves from the so-called "free
Lula." However, our efforts continue to promote the organization from the base and support
struggles with direct action, such as sit-ins of indigenous people in the Special
Secretariat of Indigenous Health (SESAI), against mass layoffs in that public health body
and sit-ins in universities,
While the palaces are formulating laws and crisis projects, more economic
liberalization, less rights for the people and more profits for the exploiters, the
repression in the streets of the cities represses the discontented and tries to keep the
people in the silence of the bullet.
In the countryside and forests, the root of a Latin America that has not enjoyed the
bonanza of the "left" in the government, not only the burning and the ecocidal advance of
the landowners make victims, but also the systematic genocide of the rural towns and
native populations, whose bodies continue to accumulate as a direct result of the
advancement of the extreme right in the continent.
Argentina: Take care of their governance or defend our salary
The numbers thrown in the last elections showed nothing other than what has been
living in the street, in the neighborhoods, in the workplace. Even in this legitimizing
instance of the system - such as representative democracy - the desperation of the popular
masses has been expressed in the face of the scrapping of the country. We can start by
arguing that the miscalculation - as much of the consultants as of the political class -
of the electoral result, is related to their low level of knowledge of what is lived in
the bottom, of the rejection of the popular sectors to the chilling policies of hunger,
unemployment and exclusion of Macri and the IMF. The social, economic and political
landscape, which the oppressed have been experiencing, is increasingly complex and
pressing. In a recessive context, in the middle of an inflationary spiral and
unprecedented indebtedness, the peso devalued immediately after the elections by 25%. This
was immediately transferred to the price of the basic basket and fuels, in a deliberate
period of time granted by the national government, before launching 10 measures as an
incentive, in an attempt to engulf the popular classes again. The result: a resounding
salary reduction. But, it is not our intention to extend too much in the numbers, to
describe the proportion of the damage done in the last speculative move of the financial
sectors and the Government. in a deliberate period of time granted by the national
government, before launching 10 measures as an incentive, in an attempt to engulf the
popular classes again. The result: a resounding salary reduction. But, it is not our
intention to extend too much in the numbers, to describe the proportion of the damage done
in the last speculative move of the financial sectors and the Government. in a deliberate
period of time granted by the national government, before launching 10 measures as an
incentive, in an attempt to engulf the popular classes again. The result: a resounding
salary reduction. But, it is not our intention to extend too much in the numbers, to
describe the proportion of the damage done in the last speculative move of the financial
sectors and the Government.
But this period of adjustment that has been going on for almost a decade, deepened by
macroism at huge levels, we know is going to exceed the "end of cycle" of Change. Among
the candidates, in the background, adjustment modalities are discussed. That is why
Alberto Fernández's endorsement of bringing the dollar to $ 60 is consistent. Nor should
we ignore that we are already in a context of crude advanced neoliberal throughout the
region, in a continent where US imperialism tries to regain hegemonic control.
In this dramatic scenario, we must analyze that two specific institutional exits are
clearly explained immediately. One is the one proposed by the leaders of the Frente de
Todos, which consists specifically in doing nothing, waiting until seated until December,
taking care of the flow of votes and safeguarding governability (as this implies banking
the Macri anti-popular measures). As we have been arguing, the social crisis caused by the
advanced neoliberal, was directly proportional to the crisis of lack of political
participation of the oppressed class for a long period. Recall that we come from decades
of restriction above the popular participation, through mechanisms of cooptation,
patronage and bureaucratization, when not delegitimization and repression of social
protest. This "Non-participation paradigm", It could be seen there at the beginning of
2016, when in full conflict over layoffs in the public sector and in Red Ridge, the
Kirchnerist dome called to kill in the squares (the "resisting with endurance"). In short,
this exacerbated call to "not cacerolear" - even trying to stop the force measures from
the guilds - does not hide anything other than the care of the electoral percentage, to
the detriment of preventing higher levels of poverty and unemployment for the people.
The other exit to this blow against the pocket of those below, has to do with what is
proposed from the combative sectors of the labor movement and popular organizations, such
as the possibility of organized resistance from the street. As soon as the devaluation
happened, we could see the response of some of these sectors, such as the mobilization of
ATE Capital and the unemployment of the Metrodelegates in CABA, as well as the cuts of
Commerce Employees in Rosario. The plan of extended struggle of the state in Chubut,
without a doubt, is an example of organized resistance to the government's scythe. Social
movements, urged by hunger in the neighborhoods, also came out with popular pots
throughout the country, within the framework of a large-scale police operation.
From organized anarchism we are aware that there is no widespread climate of popular
effervescence, much less deep rebellion. There is struggle, discontent and high
expressions of rejection of the social situation, but we know well that we are far from a
"let all go away", and that trade unions and social movements lack a representative class
program. However, it becomes clear that social humor does not have the same times as the
electoral calendar. It is clear that the political class as a whole is more afraid of the
idea of a social outbreak than that of 10% more poor. Even before the imminent triumph of
Alberto Fernández, the Kirchnerist leadership prefers a triumph with little margin and
social disbelief to a popular overflow with pressure on the streets. At this point we must
be cautious. Knowing that there are popular sectors that have placed hopes in the vote and
in progressive electoral proposals - and who long for us as a society without exploitation
- it is necessary to challenge them and urge immediate resistance through popular
mobilization. Overflowing and transcending the "solution from above" approach is a vital
issue to restore confidence in the strength and organization of those below, so that this
resistance that shows being there is vigorously expressed. The popular response to the
plundering of the Government and financial capital cannot be expected. Given the dilemma
of taking care of their governance or defending our salary, we will always go for the
second one and ensuring that the methods that strengthen those below are present. so that
resistance is expressed vigorously that shows to be there. The popular response to the
plundering of the Government and financial capital cannot be expected. Given the dilemma
of taking care of their governance or defending our salary, we will always go for the
second one and ensuring that the methods that strengthen those below are present. so that
resistance is expressed vigorously that shows to be there. The popular response to the
plundering of the Government and financial capital cannot be expected. Given the dilemma
of taking care of their governance or defending our salary, we will always go for the
second one and ensuring that the methods that strengthen those below are present.
Chile: the neoliberal "model" works ... for those above
In the Chilean region the system of domination managed by the dominant bloc has
intensified and deepened its neoliberal policy. In these two years of Piñera's government,
the little and nothing of social rights that the dominated class possessed has been
dismantled, and in turn it has intensified its repression against the sectors in struggle.
In the world of wage labor, labor flexibility instruments have been strengthened,
expressing this: the Youth Labor Statute, and the Law Initiative that has sought to
increase the precariousness of work under the false discourse of reduction of hours of
exploitation, canceling the possibility of collective bargaining with employers and making
work conditions more flexible. On the other hand, the Tax Reform ensures the safeguarding
of the profit rates for local and transnational entrepreneurs, in a context of crisis and
economic slowdown, considerably damaging the dominated classes.
In the territories, the Law of Social Integration has consolidated the monopoly of land
access to the real estate world, eradicating the production and management communities of
the city and its territories, making it impossible to carry out self-managed and
participatory projects. Extractivism and the commodification of land and water, today our
territories have a serious ecological situation, with an increasingly complex water
crisis, expanding the areas of sacrifice and the alteration of ecosystems, as happened
with the pollution of the drinking water in Osorno, where the commodification of water
sources is visible through health companies; the situation of Puchuncaví-Quintero that has
not been resolved; the death of rural life, flora and fauna in areas devastated by drought,
We are currently attending a resurgence of the repressive apparatus and the
criminalization of social protest. Safe classroom law, Short Terrorism Agenda, Migrant
Law, are clear signs that the state apparatus updates and deepens its control and
discipline tool. Hitting the oppressed class strongly: street vendors, horticulturalists,
migrants, Mapuche communities in resistance and secondary students. In addition to the
above, the murder of fighters and social fighters such as: Macarena Valdés, Camilo
Catrillanca, Alejandro Castro, and the increasingly frequent feminicides in public spaces,
homo-lesbo-transphobia and racism, shows us the State of Permanent exception in which we live.
A new period of struggle and resistance opens
Nobody has given anything to the people. All times are of struggle, all periods are
complex. Now that the right and ultra-right has retaken control of governments and
"progressivities" turn in that direction to a greater or lesser degree (case of the
Peronist re-articulation in Argentina or an eventual triumph of the FA with a
parliamentary minority in Uruguay, for example) , opens a new stage of struggles, of
varied and complex resistances. Because all governments will come for the rights cut, for
some degree or adjustment plan. There is no longer growth to distribute, only misery and
stick. Therefore, governments and the ruling classes will graduate the levels of
adjustment and repression: there will be more intense, others softer, and others blatantly
of extreme class violence.
That is why the levels of popular struggle will intensify. Neoliberalism brings
resistance. They know it, so they strongly bet on the milicade. But peoples also know,
intuit and yearn for a different society. The people know that a brake must have so much
dispossession, that there is to stop so much arbitrariness. There is a history of
struggles of our indigenous peoples, black quilombolas, the workers of the city and the
countryside, the students, the different expressions and levels of direct action that have
taken place in the continent. Heroic gestures that mark a path; current, recent struggles,
which summon broad sectors of the people, to continue down the streets, to occupy and
recover land, to defend life.
These coming times require politically organized anarchist militants to intensify the
militant effort and try to provide the necessary tools to the popular camp to resist and
advance in a long-term perspective.
A long process of struggle summons us. A long road of yearnings and hopes, of shared
experiences, of pains but also of victories, of advances. Specific Anarchism has much to
say and a role to play in the construction of that different society. In our organizations
and militant spaces there is room and space for all those who seek higher levels of
militancy and commitment, for all those who put their best at the service of the cause of
those below.
It is at that bottom that Socialism will find its militants and builders. We can say
that the only alternative to this world of barbarism is Socialism, and that Socialism will
be Libertarian or it will not be!!!
FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF POPULAR POWER!!!
STRENGTHEN THE RESISTANCE!!
UP THOSE WHO FIGHT!!
URUGUAYA ANARCHIST FEDERATION (FAU)
BRAZILIAN ANARCHIST COORDINATION (CAB)
ROSARIO ANARCHIST FEDERATION (FAR) -ARGENTINA
SANTIAGO ANARCHIST FEDERATION (FAS) - CHILE
LIBERARY GROUP VÍA LIBRE -COLOMBIA
RED AND BLACK ANARCHIST POLITICAL ORGANIZATION (RYN OPA) -BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA
http://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/3693-2
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