Today's Topics:
1. Britain, freedom news: London: anarchists to hold protest in
solidarity with Iranian political prisoners Soheil Arabi and Haj
Jaffar Kashani (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #297 - Essay:
Repression, the state faces political challenges (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Greece, APO calls for strike on 2 October in Athens,
Thessaloniki and Patras, By APO -October 1, 2019087
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, anarchist 'malevolent horse' APO: VEGETABLE
CONCENTRATION: TUESDAY 2 OCTOBER, 10 am in ANNEX [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Slovakia, priama akcia: Interview: "We want to develop a
culture of self-activity and self-organization" [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
On Wednesday 2nd October, anarchists will hold protest in solidarity with Iranian
political prisoners Soheil Arabi and Haj Jaffar Kashani. ---- Soheil Arabi and Haj Jaffar
Kashani are both held in the infamous Evin prison, located north of Tehran. On Friday 20th
September, they began a hunger strike to protest continued detention and situation of
Arabi's mother Farangis Mazloum. ---- Farangis Mazloum was arrested on July 2019 and is
currently held at the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence's detention centre in Evin Prison.
Her only "crime" seems to be publicly defending her son. To protest her detention, on 16th
August 2019 she started a hunger strike. ---- Soheil Arabi, an Iranian trade unionist,
anarcho-syndicalist, blogger and photojournalist, was arrested by the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) agents at his home in Tehran on November 2013. He was
subsequently charged with insulting the Prophet Mohammad in his postings on social media
about Atena Daemi: a human rights activist and another political prisoner in Iran. In
August 2014, Arabi was sentenced to death. Additionally, in September 2014, Arabi was
sentenced to three years on charges of "insulting the Islamic Republic's Supreme Leader,"
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and "propaganda against the state" in his postings on Facebook.
Later, Arabi's sentences were commuted to seven and a half-year imprisonment, as well as
hand-copying thirteen Shi'a textbooks and studying Shi'ism.
During his detention, Soheil had experienced prison torture. Most recently, he was
summoned, interrogated and severely beaten for his connection with the letter he wrote
from the Greater Tehran Prison about the condition of the prisoners in Fashafoyeh "Greater
Tehran" Prison. In result, he has suffered an injury to his testicular area. Following the
hospital visit, he was returned to prison without treatment. He was also denied access to
a telephone and visitors.
Haj Jaffar Kashani, who is a civil rights activist and football referee, has been in
prison since 2018 and has been under difficult conditions since his arrest.
In a letter announcing their hunger strike, Arabi and Kashani wrote:
"Hear the sound of our protest. We heard your protests from inside this prison. We don't
want a tyrannical regime. By going on hunger strike, we political prisoners incarcerated
in Evin prison will join the opponents of the dictators and we demand the overthrow of
this tyrannical regime. Wherever we look, we see poverty, economic divide, and tyranny.
Silence is complicity with the tyrants."
The London protest in solidarity with Iranian political prisoners, organised by the
Anarchist Communist Group, will be held on Wednesday 2nd October at the Iranian Embassy,
16 Princes Gate. London. SW7 1PT, from 12 noon to 2 pm October 2nd.
https://freedomnews.org.uk/london-anarchists-to-hold-protest-in-solidarity-with-iranian-political-prisoners-soheil-arabi-and-haj-jaffar-kashani/
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Message: 2
Zadists, trade unionists, students, launchers and whistleblowers, environmental activists,
yellow vests, refugees, journalists, anti-capitalist, or simple protesters are more and
more frequently and severely affected by repression. Not a day goes by without those who
challenge the established order face repression, whether police, judicial or
administrative. ---- Beyond this observation, Vanessa Codaccioni's Repression, The State
in the Face of Political Challenges , provides a better understanding of the forms that
this criminalization of protest can take and examines the logic that is at work in this
strategy. government has accelerated since 2016 and the Labor Law. Through five short and
lively chapters, the author poses irrevocable conclusions. A double mechanism is
reinforced with the stacking of repressive laws, the last one being the one of March 12
and aiming to "maintain order during the demonstrations" .
On the one hand, the State delegitimizes the struggles, depoliticizing them, that is to
say by denying the political nature of these actions, particularly (but not only) when
they are "violent": the activists become then delinquents or terrorists. The political
offense becomes a common law offense, participation in a prohibited event becomes
participation in a group to commit violence against property and people. It is thus easier
for the state to repress hard not protesters but thugs ... especially since he knows to
rely on the mainstream media to relay and maintain this depoliticization.
And in this logic, it is the arsenal police and legal anticriminal and antiterrorist is
mobilized, especially in terms of intelligence, surveillance and preventive repression. If
the prohibition of demonstrations is the most egregious example, the massive use of
anti-crime brigades and brigades of research and intervention - and even the army - in the
operations of "policing" is the most concrete translation ... and the most brutal.
Vanessa Codaccioni logically ends her book on the need to fight to make recognize the
political motivations of repressed people, pointing nevertheless the risks, in the period,
to lead to a "regime of exception" and a specific and no less severe repression ... And -
it may be less consensual in some militant circles - she does not forget to point out the
dangers of differentiation-prioritization (politics and others) that would stand out from
the other victims of the violence of the State, and especially the working class and
racialized youth.
FB (UCL Montreuil)
Vanessa Codaccioni, Repression, The State in the face of political challenges , textual
editions, April 2019, 96 pages, 12.90 euros.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Essai-Repression-l-Etat-face-aux-contestations-politiques
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Message: 3
AGAINST GOVERNMENT AND CAPITAL BARBARACY ... LET THE FIRE OF SOCIAL-CLASS WAR ---- The
neo-liberal New Democracy government that emerged after the July elections, pressing on
the path already taken by SYRIZA's political administration, continues to deepen the
conditions of exploitation and oppression in even more expansive sections of the
population in full harmony. targets of the ruling class, the local and international elite
and supranational mechanisms. ---- The propaganda of capitalist development and
profitability can mean nothing more today than the intensification of exploitation,
repression, social and class exclusion, the depreciation of labor, the cultivation of
social cannibalism and the looting of nature. The new "development" bill that is being
passed in the coming days comes as a "roller coaster" on the already burdensome reality of
the working galleon, to bring about wage reductions, further intervention and stranglehold
control of the operation and collective processes of the unions, further striking the
right to strike, creating special economic zones where all the necessary facilities are
provided in the capital for unleashing workers.
At the same time, the state launches a widespread repressive operation against the
anarchist movement and socio-class resistances, solidarity structures and spaces of
struggle to subvert those pieces that are practically disputing its barbarism and passing
on its message of subjugation. the rest. From the earliest days of this political
management, immigrants and refugees, anarchists, militants and workers have been targeted.
They are the main goals of repression as disabling them will help in the smooth
implementation of the state's anti-social plans. The overwhelming attack is complemented
by a set of anti-labor bills and offensive policies. In all this,
In the face of the onslaught of the bankrupt world of state and capitalism that imposes
poverty, destitution, individualization and fake separation between people in our class,
we choose to fight from the bottom all together, locals, immigrants, students, workers,
students . The only real prospect of living with dignity is the organized social and class
counterattack of the oppressed and exploited to overthrow the world of power, through
collective struggles, with the compass of building a society of equality, solidarity and
freedom. workers of the base to claim that we belong, away from the trade union elites who
have a complementary role in employment.
BASIC ORGANIZATION - SOCIAL AND CLASSICAL IMPLICATION
ON SOCIAL REVOLUTION, ANARITY AND FREEDOM COMMUNISM
VEGETABLE CONCENTRATIONS ON OCTOBER 2
ATHENS: CAST 11.00 (APO Athens Local Coordination)
THESSALONIKI: KAMARA 11.00 (Thessaloniki Local Coordination of APO)
PATRAS: ANNEX 10.00 (Anarchist group "mischievous horse" / AP member)
Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collections
apo.squathost.com | anpolorg@gmail.com
http://apo.squathost.com
------------------------------
Message: 4
The new neoliberal, far-right government of New Democracy , pressing on the road that
SYRIZA opened - on the one hand with the implementation, planning and implementation of
all anti-social counter-measures, and on the other, with the illusions it cultivated to
better manage the system. integration, denervation movements and where this was not
enough, by hitting and smashing the social and class antistaseon-, continues to deepen
the terms of exploitation to even more extensive sections of the population crew in line
with the recommendations of the bourgeoisie, the local and international elites and
transnational mechanisms. ---- Workplace accidents, inadequate security measures, the
constant extortion of unemployment with armies of the unemployed and underemployed living
in poverty and social exclusion, layoffs, the abolition of collective bargaining, lower
wages and pensions, low wages and salaries Hunger wages, the abolition of Sunday holidays,
excruciating working conditions, and excruciating hours are factors that make up today's
working reality. A reality complemented by the overt infringement of any labor and social
acquis. The frenzied attack on any form of organization and claim contributes to this.
The new 'development' bill comes as a 'pavilion' to the already burdened reality of
working galleys that we are experiencing. On the one hand it provides all the necessary
facilities to capital, registers "entrepreneurship without bureaucratic hurdles",
continues the sale of public property, dissolves sectoral contracts (generously sharing
business exemptions from the application of collective agreements - so-called "social
finance companies" "non-profit" legal entities, companies facing "serious financial
problems" -), resilient work, legislate sanctions on employers who have uninsured workers,
on the other hand, are hard on workers' struggles, the right to strike (forming a
suffocating framework in which it becomes difficult to preach) and criminalize
unionization and all forms of action.
Specifically, the workers 'dossier is regulated by the creation of a General Register of
Workers' Trade Unions which will keep records such as statutes, number of members,
composition of management bodies, even financial statements or sources of funding for
unions, while promoting online voting for union decisions. declaring a strike. This
arrangement comes to a close in Achtsioglou's law, which imposed 50% + 1 of members on
strike. Essential targeting is the state control of the unions, turning them into tools
useful for employing and stripping them of any racing logic of organization, resistance,
contention, conflict and discipline in the bosses' plans.
In the current context, the government is announcing the transition to the period of
coveted "development" and the return to the "regularity" of the state-capitalist way of
life. The modern working age is once again baptized with "development" and "modernization"
in the "new language" of modern totalitarianism. In reality, however, "development" marks
a new round of antisocial attack on the part of the state and bosses. Now, the memorandum
measures of previous years and their applicable laws are permanent and permanent laws of
the state. The political and economic elites continue to favor the country. Their
agreement with the Greek state to further exacerbate decades of state and capitalist
aggression, the continuation of the committee by supranational mechanisms, and the
commitment to meeting high economic goals herald the transition to this new phase of
social robbery and abolition. the increasingly violent poverty of the social base and the
endless destruction of the natural world.
At the same time, the state launches a widespread repressive operation against the
anarchist movement and socio-class resistances, solidarity structures and spaces of
struggle to subdue those pieces that are practically disputing its barbarism and passing
on its message of subjugation. the rest. From the earliest days of this political
management, immigrants and refugees, anarchists, militants and workers have been targeted.
They are the main goals of repression as disabling them will help in the smooth
implementation of the state's anti-social plans.
In the face of the strike of the strike's acquis communautaire, the criminalization of
trade unionism and every form of struggle, in the effort to depreciate and disarm the
strike so that the strike becomes a weapon again in the hands of the workers. In the face
of the depreciation of trade unionism as a form of struggle, to fight to make it dangerous
again. In the face of widespread terrorism and repression, in conditions of slavery and
misery imposed by the state and bosses at work, there is another way. The road of worker
organization, resistance, contention and socio-class struggle. The workers themselves, the
unemployed, the youth, the locals and the immigrants, knowing our real needs, have to take
our lives in our hands, organize and fight, With class unions and workers' initiatives to
shape the militant trade unionism of the base and to claim that it belongs to us, far from
the trade union elites who have a complementary role in employment.
Although this option may seem difficult, especially in today's circumstances, it is the
only one that can give perspective to our struggles and make them victorious, breaking the
wider climate of employer arbitrariness and dishonesty. Connect and reinvigorate
individual social and class resistances for permanent and stable work, for better pay and
better working conditions, for access to the social goods of housing, care, education, for
the protection of labor and social rights, for protection of nature, with the overall and
timely social and political demand for the overthrow of the world of power and the free
transformation of society.
AGAINST STATE-CAPITAL CRUISE, EMPLOYEE TERRORISM AND TRADE UNION Bureaucrats
CLASS SOLIDARITY AND LACK OF WORKERS 'WEAPON
ORGANIZE SOCIAL AND CLASSICAL IMPLICATION
ENERGY CONCENTRATION:
WEDNESDAY 2 OCTOBER, 10am in ANNEX
Strike-in coffee shop to follow (87 Patreos Street)
anarchist group 'malevolent horse' member of the Anarchist Political Organization
ipposd.wordpress.com | d_ippos@hotmail.com
Contact: Every Tuesday 7-10 at Self-Managed Onsite (87 Patreos Street )
------------------------------
Message: 5
A few days ago, Poleblog published an interview with Direct Action , which we are now
bringing to our website as we imagined (to be discussed later). We received interesting
questions that helped us to explain the establishment of the organization, problems
associated with organizing in the workplace, various aspects of litigation, our view of
major civil protests in Slovakia, but also a broader dimension of our activities and news
from the International Workers Association (MAP). . ---- Direct action has been operating
in Slovakia for almost 20 years. How did your team's ideological orientation and combat
tactics change during your activity?
Ideological orientation is basically the same from the beginning. Rather, the way it was
implemented in practice has changed. It was largely a reflection of the times. Until 1999,
there were no anarchist organizations in Slovakia that would be similar to ours. In 1999,
the anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Direct Action (from which the organization was founded a
year later) began to be published and the Slovak part of the Czechoslovak Anarchist
Federation (CSAF) was established independently of them. But basically no one knew what to
do. People felt that when they hold certain opinions, they should organize and "do
something," but no one has any idea how to do it in a way that produces results. And since
people in the Czech Republic have been doing something for a few years, their activities
have been copied.
Regarding Direct Action, in the first few years we mainly expressed solidarity to the
people involved in the fighting in Slovakia and abroad. Examples were the Confederation of
Trade Unions, SCP / Mondi Ružomberok strike, railway strike or education protests. We have
always tried to express our support to ordinary and union members, and we distributed
newspapers or leaflets in the hope that they would reach out to them and perhaps join us.
In reality, however, we had nothing to interest, because we did not have our own struggles
to produce results. Although we already had some experience with solving problems at work,
these were mainly student brigades (later we summarized them in the booklet Are you going
to the brigade? Here ).
A fundamental change occurred around 2010 and was associated with the involvement of the
organization itself in solving workplace problems. It resulted in a document called
Objectives and Principles , in which we define our goals, methods, principles and
structure of the organization. Subsequently, in 2012, we launched a little successful
campaign "Are you going to work?" Focused on student work. In 2014, we followed up with a
much more successful "Problems at work?" Campaign , where we won several disputes over
unpaid wages, withheld remuneration, unpaid holidays or wage reimbursement due to tactics
of direct actions.
Next year we celebrate the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the organization and
at one of the upcoming events we will try to describe the evolution of anarchist and
especially anarcho-syndicalist practice in Slovakia since 1999 (for interest we recommend
our activity reports ). We would like to clarify why, for example, in 2000 there were no
such activities as today, why we had no won disputes, why the activities in some years
were as they were, and so on.
The tradition of organized workers' autonomy in Slovakia is relatively weak. What can be
drawn from within the history of the 20th century?
The history of the Slovak workers' movement before 1989 is very unknown. In terms of
horizontal forms of organization or organizational efficiency, we know nothing to draw
from and what could be called an organized independent workers' movement.
As regards the fighting that took place after 1989, virtually all were under the control
of trade unions. An important exception was probably only mobilization and subsequent
strike in education (autumn 2012 - winter 2013 and 2016).
The general aim of the solidarity unions of workers is to motivate employees to work on
their own. Is it good, or do solidarity campaigns tend to slip into the work of
"professional activists"?
For us, people's own activity is one of the main conditions we impose. Obviously, when
someone gets in touch with a problem, we try to give advice and help, but at the same time
we emphasize that we are not a consultancy organization. Please note this right from the
start. We refuse to maintain the widespread attitude that someone else will handle
something for me.
We want to develop a culture of self-activity and self-organization and connect with
people who see it the same way.
Until now, our disputes have not been about the workers' collective, so we have only
experience with motivating individuals to enter into a dispute and conquer it to a
successful end. So far, we have succeeded in all but one.
Regarding the motivation for activity in the workplace, it should be stressed that
motivation for activity is not the very first step. Most of the time, you have to
experience a problem first. Next, you need to 'map' what other people think and whether
they would contact them to change something. And then there is a little organizational
work. It is a difficult subject and we probably are not so far away to say something about
it that would be light in the dark;) From the ratings of those who took part in strikes in
education and had experience in organizing in Direct Action, however we know that this
experience has greatly helped them in mobilizing and coordinating activities.
The fact that direct action allows us to win disputes that, while not requiring activity
across the workplace, but on an individual level, is such a miracle. The dispute is a very
specific situation. It requires a lot of energy, concentration, mental strength and mutual
support. The result is an experience that can be used in further work and also affects the
worldview.
However, if 'professional activism' means that experience and skills accumulate in the
same people, this is probably a problem for every organization, especially if it does not
have internal procedures for the rotation of tasks. Fortunately, our association has such
procedures, so we do not feel that we are slipping into professional activism.
The struggle for social rights outside the official unions does not smell the boss either.
Have you encountered any persecution by employers in the form of a criminal complaint or a
physical attack?
In our opinion, the bosses do not feel like fighting the classical trade unions. We did
not meet with the physical attack (ie if we do not count a few puffs from the husband of
the owner of the "playful café", which was full of children at the time), but we have
experience with criminal complaints. So far, we have not been confronted with police by
the police: they summon the person to explain, and when they find out how things are
going, the investigation into the alleged 'crime' is not continued. For people who have no
experience of giving evidence in the police, this may be a rather unpleasant experience,
but we try to prepare them for possible questions and explain everything. So far, they've
done it perfectly.
Do you manage to get out of the activist ghetto, or do you still feel the imaginary line
between "radicals" and "decent citizens?"
Like most other anti-authoritarian organizations in Slovakia and the Czech Republic, we
have long been addressing the problem of being locked in the so-called activist ghetto.
The discussion of getting out of the vicious circle of your own community and attracting
other people has been going on for quite a while throughout the scene. Quite quickly he
began to explicitly obstruct the language that was being used. Our starting point was that
our thoughts must be understood by people who have no experience with political texts,
such as our closest, parents, friends, colleagues ... The second thing is that we did not
like content that was often impractical or moralistic . Usually, experience from abroad
was also forcibly transferred to our reality.
The hardest thing was to learn to write "human language" (as we usually speak), and at the
same time to formulate ideas that are specific, little widespread and sometimes quite
complex. Part of the problem, in our view, was that until one is forced to communicate
with people from another language environment, the problem is to take the first step,
which is to reflect on the language used. We may have had some advantage in this. From the
beginning, we wanted to get in touch with working people, so we had no other choice: we
had to adopt a clear style of expression so that people wouldn't stop reading our texts
after the second sentence.
But leaving the ghetto is not just about language. We appeal to people the most by our
activities - especially those that are practical and deliver results. But "reaching out"
to someone is also not enough. Our goal is to organize and solve problems in the workplace
together, which we are doing quite well at the moment. When we launched the "Problems at
work?" Campaign in Bratislava in the form of posters and stickers, we suddenly heard so
many "ordinary" people with problems that we had no further promotion since then. So we do
not feel that we are immersed in some "activist ghetto".
And a comment on the radicals and decent citizens. We do not consider ourselves "radicals"
and feel that political parties speak of "decent citizens" when the anti-Roma card is
drawn out of "inadaptable and decent citizens".
How do you perceive the civic engagement of the Slovak public? Do you do some class
analysis on this issue, like you need collectively against capital?
If you mean activities such as protests during the Gorilla case or mass demonstrations
organized by the Initiative for Decent Slovakia, these were quite different events.
In the case of the Gorilla case, the demands of protesters were more of a socio-political
nature. At that time, we were wondering whether to get involved, for example, at least
handing out leaflets, but it seemed inappropriate for us to "steal" space at events for
ourselves by going there alone with leaflets. We have therefore confined ourselves to the
opinion published on the website .
Pokial ide o protesty po vražde novinára a jeho partnerky, obcianski aktivisti a
aktivistky dokázali s podporou médií zorganizovat hnev ludí do najväcších protestných
zhromaždení od roku 1989. Požiadavky však nemali nijaký sociálny rozmer. Polícia mala
dôsledne vyšetrit zlocin a mala byt zostavená nová dôveryhodná vláda, ktorej clenovia
nebudú spájaní s mafiou a organizovaným zlocinom. Nezaregistrovali sme v tom nijaký
triedny potenciál a hoci je pravda, že v urcitom bode sa k protestom pridali aj farmári
(kedže zavraždený novinár sa zaoberal aj ich problémami), všetko naznacovalo, že ide o
farmárov-zamestnávatelov a do sporov v rámci kapitalistickej triedy sa nezapájame.
For class analyzes to be valuable, a lot of time needs to be found and the organization
must be set up as a priority. Our priorities relate to practical action. This is not to
call into question the importance of class analysis, on the contrary. Every practice
should be reflected at the level of theory and returned to practice.
You are members of the International Workers' Association (MAP). What are the impressions
of the last congress? Are we able to build strong international campaigns?
We summarized our impressions of the special congress in Belgrade in 2017 in a separate
article , so we will comment only briefly. The congress was mainly aimed at closing the
most problematic issues related to the split in MAP (in 2016, sections that had already
broken down the MAP from within) were excluded. A two-part interview with the
International Secretary of the MAP here and here provides a very good explanation of the
problem .
Most of the MAP's international campaigns are of a short-term nature and are related to
disputes in the workplace or other struggles (a global day against Starbucks practices , a
week of action against Amazon practices in Poland, or this year's call for solidarity
with those prosecuted from the yellow vest ).
We still have to wait for strong international campaigns. An important impetus may come in
the coming years in connection with the interest in MAP, which is emerging mainly in Asia
(Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, etc.). It is a historic milestone and we hope that
everything will develop well and organizations from these and other (not only) Asian
countries will join the MAP.
https://www.priamaakcia.sk/Rozhovor-Chceme-rozvijat-kulturu-vlastnej-aktivity-a-sebaorganizacie-.html
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