Today's Topics:
1. Slovakia, priama akcia: Statement of Priama Akcia Union
Regarding Climate Strike [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Slovakia, priama akcia: Photoreport from climate strike in
Bratislava (20. 9. 2019) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Britain, AFED, organise magazine: Wanted: Monty Mole | RBG
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. la banda vaga: clothing factories in asia - union tour with
workers from indonesia and sri lanka (de) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Russia, avtonom: Anarchoblock for the freedom of political
prisoners [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. federacion libertaria madrid: Neoliberal solidarity as a
contemporary mirror (ca) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #297 - Essay: Israel
chronicles disaster announced ... and may be avoidable (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
In the last few months the global climate change movement has made a significant step and
approached the workers. One of the first results is the Climate Strike taking place on
20th September. In the struggle against the climate catastrophe, the workers' movement
faces a challenge it has to deal with. Although the challenge is not new, it requires
greater attention than before. ---- We can already feel the effects of the climate crisis
today. In Slovakia, nine out of ten warmest years since 1872 were recorded after 2000. We
can already see the temperatures rising, rainfall dropping, more droughts and a lower
availability of water resources. ---- If nothing changes, according to the Ministry of
Environment, Slovakia will face temperatures rising by 2-4 °C, prolonged periods of
drought in the summer and autumn months associated with water shortages, further drop in
rainfall and soil humidity in the south of Slovakia and on the contrary a rise in rainfall
in the north. We are also threatened by a decrease of soil fertility and agricultural
production, a decrease or loss of biodiversity, warmer winters, more frequent winter
floods and 30-50 percent less water resources by the end of the century. However, this
count is not complete and we have not even mentioned at all the economic, social and
political problems that the climate change will bring.
Fundamental Question: What Is The Cause?
If we want to stop and reverse the catastrophe we are heading into, we need to know its
causes.
We often hear that "we", "human activity" or "people" are responsible. We understand why
these phrases are used - to underline that the current development is not a result of
natural processes. On the other hand, however, stating that this is the cause is not
enough. It can lead to erroneous notions that if we change "our" customer behavior (and
the government takes a few measures), everything will be just fine.
We do not agree with the opinion that humanity as a whole and its way of life, is
responsible for the crisis. In our opinion, climate crisis is caused by capitalism as an
economic system based on wage labor, private ownership of the means of production (land,
factories, machinery, offices...), and production for exchange and profit.
The key in this context is mainly the latter - production for profit. Today, production is
not based on needs and desires of most people on the planet. It is based on a vision of
profit which is currently chained to the fossil fuel economy. So, capitalism has not only
been unable to offer a decent life to a large part of the world population, but it also
pushes us faster and faster towards a global catastrophe.
A Question Worth a Million (More Years For People on Earth): What Is The Solution?
It is quite hard to grasp the numerous proposals which are being mentioned. In our
opinion, we should focus on those measures which emphasize the broadening, not curtailing
of our freedoms, weaken the individualistic approach and promote the collective use of
resources. Let's pay attention to the effects of the proposed solutions on power
relations, who they favor, who they affect most and if, accidentally, they do not simply
serve to save the system based on inequality.
As for ourselves, we do not wish to participate in promoting measures which will
eventually backfire on us, working people. Real solutions have to stem from the bottom,
from local communities independent from the influence of business and politics.
The September climate strike can be the first real strike people from all over the world
join from the position of workers. It reminds us that paralyzing the economy can be a tool
to achieve changes related not only to economic demands, but also political, social and
environmental. As for the climate strike, some aspects could be criticized but we see it
as a test which can open a discussion. This is just the beginning.
Solidarity Workers' Union Priama Akcia,
Slovak Section of the International Workers' Association
www.priamaakcia.sk
Priama Akcia-Direct action is a solidarity association of workers,
which focuses on solving problems
in the workplace and in the community, and on organizing solidarity actions for the rights
and requirements of
workers in Slovakia and abroad. Since 2000 it has been a section of the International
Workers' Association (MAP), which currently brings together unions and groups from 17
countries around the world.
https://www.priamaakcia.sk/Statement-of-Priama-Akcia-Union-Regarding-Climate-Strike.html
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Message: 2
We expressed our opinion on today's protest on Freedom Square as an organization on the
web , but also by personal participation in the "dark green" block that marched behind the
big banner of the "Change the system, not the climate" collective. ---- When we were a few
months ago as an individual on a relatively small first protest in Bratislava, it was far
from having the atmosphere of today's climate strike, which we estimated to be 2,000 to
3,000 people. Although the challenge to strike this time was mainly addressed to workers,
the vast majority of students were students. After a program of about an hour, the crowd
moved through the streets. The march blocked traffic, was noisy and filled with banners.
The event ended in front of the parliament building.
"Capitalism: green shit is still shit" stood on one of our banners, and we were pleased to
see other similar messages in the square. Although we have presented our opinion with some
humor, we are aware that the subject is serious and we will continue to address it. At the
same time, we are bringing attention to the presentation of the Karmína team entitled
"Work, Climate, Capital" , which will take place on 2 October in the A4 space in the
Carpathian 2.
Union Direct Action
https://www.priamaakcia.sk/spravy/Fotoreport-z-klimatickeho-strajku-v-Bratislave-20-9-2019-.html
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Message: 3
During the height of the 1984-85 UK Miner's Strike, Wanted: Monty Mole for the ZX Spectrum
was released, in which the titular character; a strike-breaking miner collects coal from a
South Yorkshire coal mine in order to support his family during the strike. The
antagonist, Arthur Scargil (leader of the National Union of Mineworkers) is defeated by
venturing into ‘Arthur's Castle' and collecting ballot papers while dodging flying pickets
and cans of Scargil's signature hair spray. ---- The game was written by the 19 year old
son of a mine training officer, Peter Harrap through the British software house Gremlin
Graphics. Founders Ian Stewart and Kevin Norbun thought that the miner's strike would be a
good hook for the game, so built it around the strikes motifs like Scargil himself, as
well as the concept that the miners get screwed over no matter what, as once Monty defeats
Scargil, he gets arrested by Thatcher's militaristic police force (presumably sent by
Scargil who owns the mine?) and gets sentenced to 5 years in prison. It all resulted in an
incredibly convoluted story, that evidently treats Thatcher's almost state of emergency
regime as though it was a moral equivalent to Scargil's Miners Strike.
The concept of collecting ballot papers and a vote casting scroll to topple Scargill is a
reference to the reactionary line at the time that the Miners strike was illegal because
it happened without a national ballot being held. In a similar vein, the flying cans of
hair spray refers to the famous Daily Mirror photograph of hair spray in Scargill's
briefcase contents. This incident was used by the British media as Scargill's tan suit
moment, in which Etonian op-ed writers tried to emasculate him by pointing out supposed
vanity.
As a result of this controversial subject choice, eight radio stations, national
newspapers, and national television news reported on the game, including ITV's News at 10
Program, and the BBC. The media wanted to cash in on any vague semblance of the miner's
strike controversy that could enrage enough viewers into tuning in.
The software house, which was located in Sheffield and not that far from the South
Yorkshire coal mines, profited hugely from the exposure of their new game. Gremlin
Graphics subsequently tried to alleviate political adversity by publicly promising to
donate 5 pence per copy sold to the Miner's Welfare Fund. The fund ultimately denied the
donation without a comment.
When asked why they chose to villainize Scargill in a 2011 Metro interview, Ian Stewart
described the decision as "unashamedly a PR stunt. It was opportunistic." and "I'm not a
political person. I'd rather it be remembered because it was good a stunt." It wasn't too
different from the logic of the media coverage, and ultimately devoid of much political
gravitas beyond ‘Now is the advent of neoliberalism. Let's see how profitable it would be
to devour and sanitize an event in which 142,000 miners are fighting for their jobs.'
Wanted: Monty Mole earned the accolade ‘best platform game' in the then prolific Crash
magazine, and spawned six successful sequels, and ultimately became the unofficial mascot
of the ZX Spectrum.
"In my view Monty Mole will be a future Spectrum hero and there will be posters of him
adorning every wall in Britain. After hearing about this game on the News, I thought it
would be a winner, and when it arrived I found I was right." - Crash! (October 1984)
The strike ultimately fell into a trap set by Thatcher's government, who anticipated it
and who had organized large amounts coal stocks to be stored near power plants resulting
in the strike's failure and subsequent symbolic death of the British labor movement. This
was just a few years after Raegan fired 11,345 striking air traffic controllers, and
taught America's ruling class that they could exploit their workers in favor of
‘competitive work practices' and fire whoever disagreed.
In retrospect, the bizarre concept of demonizing Arthur Scargill as a machiavellian
plutocrat who oppresses a monocle-bearing scab mole doesn't really add up to much. It's a
goofy take on what equated to pop culture in 1984. Devoid of any real meaning, or even
harm, and mostly just a useful example against the ‘get politics out of video game'
debate, Wanted: Monty Mole is an obscure and confusing relic of the miner's strike. ?
Jesse Dekel is an organiser based in Montreal. She is particularly interested in video
games, trans issues, homelessness, and sex work.
http://organisemagazine.org.uk/2019/09/26/wanted-monty-mole-rbg/
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Message: 4
Dian of the feminist union Inter-Factory Workers' Federation (FBLP), based in Jakarta
(Indonesia), as well as Chamila of the Dabindu Collective (Sri Lanka) will each give an
input. The focus will be on current working and living conditions of garment workers as
well as Gender-Based-Violence (GBV) and the latest labour struggles. ---- Afterwards we
want to talk about ideas on how to support the struggles of garment workers from our local
regions. ---- The input will be given in English and translated into German. *** FBLP
(Inter-Factory Workers' Federation): Struggles for indefinite working contracts and is
active against (sexualised/ gender-based) violence and against the discriminiation of
LGBTQ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer). As part of their work FBLP has a
community radio. It's run by female workers for female workers and is call Marsinah Radio.
Dabindu Collective: Feminist organisation in which garment workers, especially within the
free trade zone of Katunayake, are organized and can refer to each other in solidarity.
They aim for more self-determination of garment workers through educational programms and
promote human rights for (working) women.
https://labandavaga.org/posts/2019.09.27-jakarta
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Message: 5
On Sunday, September 29, at 15.00 in Moscow on the avenue of the Academician Sakharov
(entrance from the metro station Komsomolskaya) a general opposition rally for the freedom
of political prisoners will be held. The protesters will demand that criminal cases be
stopped both against the defendants in the "Moscow case" of the "riots" on July 27, and
against all people persecuted in Russia for political reasons. ---- Moscow anarchists
intend to join the event. Recently, everyone could see how, under the influence of
indignation and public protests, several people involved in the "Moscow case", including
our friend Vlad Barabanov, were released from criminal prosecution. Some "prisoners of the
Moscow summer" were transferred to house arrest or recognizance not to leave, others have
already been unfairly sentenced to real terms. The struggle for their release continues!
We should not forget about other political prisoners - among the anarchists in custody are
persons involved in the Seti torture case, Ilya Romanov, Kirill Kuzminkin, Azat Miftakhov,
and a criminal case is being investigated against Kati Muranova. September 29, we will
demand an end to their persecution! We will also join the demands to release all those who
are unjustly persecuted in Russia!
Look for us by the anarchist flags!
Meetings of the anarchoblock in social networks
https://www.facebook.com/events/496709334242755/
https://vk.com/event186956614
General meeting of the event
Charity evening in support of political prisoners to be held after the rally
https://avtonom.org/news/anarhoblok-za-svobodu-politzaklyuchennym
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Message: 6
We do not think we are wrong if we say that the overwhelming majority of people consider
the NGO phenomenon as the movement that best represents solidarity in our day. From the
80s until today, we can say that this phenomenon does not circulate in parallel to the
social and popular movements, but that they compete in such a way that the greatest
strength of the NGO world implies a greater weakness of these social and popular movements
of The ones we talk ---- During the times when the Church claimed charity and the labor
movement, solidarity, things were simpler. There were two opposing value systems and each
implied a clear vision of the world. Many of the NGOs have been installed at national and
international level with the discourse of social changes, but with the ancestral practices
of charity. Of course, they have appropriated the word "solidarity" causing all kinds of
interference so common in today's society. This has ended up causing its almost absolute
emptying, which has made it lose almost all the revolutionary political content it had for
decades.
The postmodernization of solidarity
The changes in the production of image have meant an earthquake in the representation of
reality. First it was painting, then photography, later came cinema and television and,
today, we live in the world of social networks like YouTube and Instagram. These changes
have meant a multiplication of the image to truly suffocating levels. Someone rightly said
that we live in the time of the tyranny of the image.
In our area of analysis, we must recognize that it is not too hidden that the media love
NGOs and NGOs love the media. Their symbiotic relationship is based on favoring the same
value system: the communication policy of NGOs for years has favored a solidarity model
based on emotional impact, a viscera solidarity, taken from the bowels by catastrophe and
orphan children and depauperados of sub-Saharan Africa. When a Western media outlet
enters, for example, in that sub-Saharan Africa an NGO appears fulfilling the role of hero
that reinforces the neocolonial role of the West as an eternal savior against a
permanently prostrated African or Latin American world. It is the eternally reproduced
image of the West as an eternal provider of resources (and even civilization) and a
non-Western world as an eternal hole that absorbs everything that the West generously
gives. Nothing is further from reality, the most serious studies show us how the flows of
resources that neocolonial countries contribute to impoverished territories have
counterparts in which the former are more than benefited. The United States offers us an
example like any other: for every dollar contributed to international aid, it receives a
reflux of $ 2.15. the most serious studies show us how the flows of resources that
neocolonial countries contribute to impoverished territories have counterparts in which
the former are more than benefited. The United States offers us an example like any other:
for every dollar contributed to international aid, it receives a reflux of $ 2.15. the
most serious studies show us how the flows of resources that neocolonial countries
contribute to impoverished territories have counterparts in which the former are more than
benefited. The United States offers us an example like any other: for every dollar
contributed to international aid, it receives a reflux of $ 2.15.
The postmodernization of solidarity is, as we wanted to point out, an aesthetic rather
than an ethic. This is one of the elements that differentiates that solidarity that once
claimed the conscious working class against the neo-liberal solidarity model of NGOs. It
was part of a system of personal values that was intended to be consistent making
solidarity a personal principle such as consciousness, determination, constancy, etc. The
solidarity of NGOs is as empty as the word democracy. You can make a donation to a
humanitarian organization for famine in the Sahel or to a school in Mumbai and be a
perfect miserable. These initiatives are barely relevant in people's lives. The example of
volunteering is clarifying: the selfishness of the volunteer manifests itself, for
example, in the exchange of work for happiness or personal fulfillment, linking their
activity to some kind of personal benefit. Militancy, on the contrary, does not have to be
linked to happiness. In fact, militant morality has a certain burden of obligations that
is absent from the postmodern moral of the volunteer, which is essentially driven by the
desire to act. This desire is driven by an egocentric goodism that starts from the idea of
doing good independently of the scope of their actions. On the other hand, we must point
out that volunteering has meant the privatization of commitment and the tendency to
affective associations. It also tells us about the emergence of the logic of the urgent,
which is related to the emphasis on doing things but without any foundation in the medium
or long term.
The supposed fragmentation that characterizes postmodern men and women makes these
apparent paradoxes possible, which, in the end, are only a renewed formula of ancestral
charity.
The impossible depoliticization of aid
At this point you have to spend a lot of time in front of a screen to believe that there
can be human actions outside the political. Every act is political because every human
action is inserted in some way into power relations. But most NGOs, however, have
championed the discourse of foreign aid to any ideology. This confusion between
non-politicalism and apoliticism is consistent with the discourse of professionalization.
The world of NGOs has become an immense industry of poverty, a poverty that supposedly can
be fixed with the appropriate technical, human and economic means. Thus, the institutions
have created the figure of the third sector professional (the name of the aid industry)
that has been taking away solidarity from the commons for decades. Looking back a century
ago helps us to see how solidarity circulated within a given community creating links that
strengthened that community. Professionalization implies a daily appropriation of
solidarity, destroying ties and unlearning communities of reciprocity. During part of the
nineteenth and twentieth century, many of the dispossessed managed to provide
revolutionary content to some forms of support that were ancestral in Europe and other
parts of the world. The Welfare State built a giant aid device that gradually separated
solidarity from space from everyday life generating a highly harmful dynamic: most people
have internalized that it is the institutions that must ensure the people who need it. The
links of reciprocity are weakened and social atomization is strengthened because relations
would be between people with institutions and institutions with people but, to a lesser
extent, among people, who no longer even know how to help. With the passing of the decades
and the conversion of the Welfare State into a neoliberal State, aid policies are left to
the NGOs that send us a clear message: you want to help but you don't know, others need
help and don't even know where Or how to look for it. We, the NGOs, unite your desire to
help with the need of another person to be helped. They don't even know how to help
anymore. With the passing of the decades and the conversion of the Welfare State into a
neoliberal State, aid policies are left to the NGOs that send us a clear message: you want
to help but you don't know, others need help and don't even know where Or how to look for
it. We, the NGOs, unite your desire to help with the need of another person to be helped.
They don't even know how to help anymore. With the passing of the decades and the
conversion of the Welfare State into a neoliberal State, aid policies are left to the NGOs
that send us a clear message: you want to help but you don't know, others need help and
don't even know where Or how to look for it. We, the NGOs, unite your desire to help with
the need of another person to be helped.
Many NGOs, for quite some time, championed the discourse of social movements and
considered themselves heirs of the May 68 rebellion. Nothing is further from reality: NGOs
rarely denounce the power relations that sustain inequalities and are the Causes of
poverty. Or if they do, they will do it warm and decaffeinated. As you can see in your
advertising, the solution is more money to get more resources. Some resources that are not
alleviating the differences between social classes or between the neo-colonial north and
the neo-colonial south. The focus of the NGOs is always on the poor and rarely on the
powerful, which entails a serious error: the accumulation process on which the survival of
capitalism depends depends on a permanent plundering without which capitalism would sink,
Therefore, NGOs have nothing to do with rebellion as nothing they have as popular since,
on the one hand, their governmental dependence is absolute, and, on the other, their
structure is, in the overwhelming majority of cases, exactly the same as that of a
company. Thus, there is not only a structural difference that separates and prioritizes
those who give help and those who receive it, but it can also be observed that, in these
organizations, all the evils that the business hierarchy propitiates: competitiveness,
exploitation, etc.
To all this it is added that the NGOs, as conscious transmitters or not of the neoliberal
culture, constantly appeal to individual action. The collective does not fall within the
values of this neocaritative world, since solidarity is understood as an act of
consumption that does not differ much from the purchase of any other merchandise. Of
course, there are different types of merchandise as we all know, so the peculiarity of
these organizations is that after the wide market of "solidarity" products (fixed quotas
for sponsored children in Peru, SMS of one euro for famine in the Sahel , the purchase of
fair trade products from orphaned children in India, for the purchase of a kilo of rice,
said company donates another to this or that NGO) the purchase of good conscience is hidden.
Mercantilized solidarity?
That solidarity of clear anti-capitalist content, mutual support, circulated in the space
of gratuitousness, but not of disinterest. Mutual support built community through links
that contradict neocarity, since this help is aimed at a faceless humanity and always, in
addition, taking money as an essential element.
The seventies of the last century saw the collapse of "golden capitalism" and the oil
crisis did not seem a good omen for those who believed in infinite economic growth. The
situation resulted, punctually, with a new phase of capitalism that lives installed in the
financial megabubble and, at the same time, opted for a commodification of any aspect of
human life. Nowadays, the model of extreme commodification of life implies that there are
people who pay a company to get him a partner, to walk the dog, to take care of your
elders, to decorate the house, etc.
The commodification of solidarity from the 70s to the 90s meant leaving many of that help
that the State managed in many western countries in the hands of foundations and
associations. The round of neoliberal nut shows us how companies have begun to enter this
third sector for approximately fifteen years. The good image of neocarity was sustained
above all in its supposed disinterest. There was no economic interest behind this
activity. It helped, in theory, to help. Once the concept of solidarity of its
transformative political content has been emptied, the landing of companies through
outsourcing in what remains of government social services cannot be strange. Who wants
more details just have to walk through the website of the multinational Clece.
Thanks to the overwhelming advertising display, they offer us to be "supportive" in the
safekeeping of the credit card after any purchase, or in the announcement of a fashion
magazine or in the marquee of a bus stop, etc. All that neoliberal solidarity takes shape
in a wide range of products to satisfy all potential consumers. Probably, one of the
poisoned consequences of such neo-liberal solidarity is that if consumption can become an
act of solidarity, solidarity can also legitimize any act of consumption. There is no
shortage of those who even consider this positive trend, since consumption is considered
an act of freedom that under current hegemonic values represents the maximum expression of
the human being.
Neocolonial Solidarity
It must be recognized that globalization has modernized the old colonial model by adapting
old imperialist habits to the current international context. During the nineteenth century
the great colonial empires attributed a "civilizing" mission because the "uncivilized"
inhabitants of non-Western countries were in need of doctors for the health of their body,
teachers for the health of their mind and priests for the health of their soul. The
paradigm shift has brought a successful concept: development. Now these inhabitants need
managers for their governments, engineers for their infrastructure, conservationists for
their forests, etc. The new model no longer makes it possible to identify oppressive
settlers and oppressed colonists: development becomes a supposedly universal model,
therefore, Those who do not develop under the parameters that the West has elevated to the
category of sacred bears full responsibility for failure. There is a parallel between the
neoliberal model that in microeconomic terms blames the poor for their poverty by hiding
the structural elements of inequality built by capitalism and the international
development model that hides the geopolitical and macroeconomic tools used by the
neo-colonial countries that work daily in the plundering of the material resources of
these impoverished countries.
Some NGOs do it more clearly, others in a less explicit way ... But they all work for that
development that aims to standardize all the societies of the planet under the premises of
capitalist globalization. And it is that the West is unable to understand them under a
prism that is not putting itself as the center of absolutely everything: that is why they
label them as communities that start from something like the Neolithic and that are in
phases such as European feudalism or First European industrial capitalism. Any non-Western
society is thus denied to have its own history.
A central aspect should not be forgotten, when the word development is used, in reality,
the term capitalist development should be used. And it is that modernity carried out a
sacralization of reason, more specifically a form of reason, that which sought to see
technoproductive rationality as central to the process of development and progress. This
idea is central among those who reflect on alternatives to the developmentalist-capitalist
model. When NGOs, international institutions or governments discuss modernization,
development and progress, it is emphasized that, in reality, the implicit or explicit
social project entails a reduction of existence to certain forms, which represent a kind
of economic colonization from all walks of life. In that sense,
Because of all this, one cannot think of the neutrality of the "solidarity" action of
governmental or non-governmental international cooperation organizations. In the name of
an idealized development, which tends to be associated with wealth, industrialization,
well-being, all kinds of plans have been put in place to modify societies considered
anomalous with respect to what the West considers to be the rest of the planet. And it is
that considering underdevelopment as a pathology, solutions are sought that require
compliance with prescriptions that come exclusively from Western culture.
The need for mutual support
The labor relations model in the West, the consumption model, the mass communication
industry and its cultural system, the urban planning and territorial planning model, the
automation of life, the bureaucratic social administration model, the delegation system
and political representation, the institutions of school-family power, etc., are erected
in permanent barriers that hinder and hinder mutual support relationships. So a
vindication of mutual support can only be credible from a revolutionary and libertarian
conception that challenges all those elements of society and life.
In that sense, we remember that the naive times ended that allowed us to think of a new
society based on a development model that was never but the model of the bourgeoisie.
Postdevelopment, decrementation, anti-developmentism or whatever we want to call it, are
nothing but the firm confirmation of the divorce of what is usually called material
progress and human progress. The reconsideration of the concept of necessity, the
reconstruction of relations with nature to break with a destructive model, are just a few
examples to redirect the path of history that we travel step by step on the devastation of
the human being towards the total devastation of the planet .
Article taken fromEkintzaZuzena# 45
https://federacionlibertariamadrid.home.blog/2019/09/26/la-solidaridad-neoliberal-como-espejo-contemporaneo/
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Message: 7
The text of Michel Warschawski is short: 110 pages, small format. But for a large
audience, it is useful because it restores historical truths and characterizes the
evolution of the colonial and racist state, without mythifying its past. ---- " I am one
of those who today refuse to enter the debate on what should come after the dismantling of
the colonial regime: a united and democratic state? Two states? A federation? Cantons?
Theoretical solutions are multiple, but it is the balance of forces, and it alone, which
will determine, when it will be on the agenda, the nature of the solution. At present, it
is the change in the balance of power that must be tackled, and it will only be with its
reversal that the solution will be imposed, of itself. This book is part of the balance of
power ...
Christian (UCL South East Suburbs)
Michel Warschawski, Israel: chronicle of a disaster announced ... and can be avoidable ,
Syllepse, November 2018, 110 pages, 8 euros
s://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Essai-Israel-chronique-d-une-catastrophe-annoncee-et-peut-etre-evitable
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