Update: anarchist news and information from all over the world - 12.11.2019

Today's Topics:

   
1.  London Anarchist Federation: Open Meeting - Against The
      Coming Queerphobic Backlash (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Argentina, fora: The Labor Coordinator of the City of Buenos
      Aires is born (ca, it) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement: The Rojava revolution
      is under attack. by Debbie Bookchin and Emre Sahin
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Poland, Workers Initiative: Employee Initiative Committees
      intervene on the employees of the Bagatela Theater in Krakow
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #299 - Lubrizol: Fear
      on the city (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  France, Union Communiste Libertaire - Rules of Procedure of
      the Libertarian Communist Union (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


----------------------------------------------------------------------

Message: 1





We are holding another open meeting on possible responses to the likely backlash against
more LGBT+ inclusive education in schools being rolled out next September (see background
below). The meeting will be at London Action Resource Centre (62 Fieldgate St, Shadwell,
London E1 1ES) at 5pm on Saturday the 23rd of November. ---- Due to the possible scale of
the problem, we want to get as many people as possible involved and ultimately build a
broad coalition of groups and individuals that goes far beyond the Anarchist Federation
working group that is hosting this meeting. ---- So far we are throwing around ideas about
holding an open assembly, putting together educational material to counter far right
misinformation, and creating a leaflet of testimonials about how a lack of LGBT+ inclusion
in education has harmed people in the past, but none of this is set in stone.

If you want to get involved, have ideas, or are a member of a group that might want to
plan ahead of time for a possible backlash next September and can't get to the meeting,
please get in contact via Facebook or our email. This will be an ongoing project outside
of any meetings we might hold.

Some of us will definitely be hanging around for drinks at LARC after the meeting as well,
so if you can only make it after the official meeting time people will still be around to
talk more informally.

BACKGROUND:

In September 2020 the government will be rolling out compulsory lessons about LGBT+
relationships nation wide. When this scheme was trialed in Birmingham earlier this year
there was a backlash against it and a rise in hate crime in the area, with the far right
trying to jump on the band wagon.

For more details, see the BBC on the Birmingham backlash, the information put out by the
government on the roll out, Pink News on the far right trying to get involved, and Pink
News on the rise in hate crimes in the area.

https://aflondon.wordpress.com/2019/11/07/open-meeting-against-the-coming-queerphobic-backlash/

------------------------------

Message: 2






On the afternoon of last Wednesday, October 30, the workers of different sectors in
struggle of the City of Buenos Aires took the first step to form a worker coordinator.
This decision is framed by the strong adjustment that weighs on our living conditions, in
a context of industrial collapse and deepening  of social misery, with dismissals and
suspensions. ---- As a first step we set out to face the bosses' offensive and provide
concrete support to the fight of the different sectors that are in struggle. That is why
we decided to establish an agenda in which we voted for express support to: ---- -To
accompany the vigil of the drivers of Line 60 against the attempt of the DOTA group to
close the Barracas header. (Thursday 31/10 from 20 hours). ---- -Participate in the
plenary of the workers of Kimberly Clark (Friday 1/11 from 17 hours).

-Provide concrete support to the calls of the Buenos Aires nurses, organized in the
Interhospital (Friday 1/11 from 12 hours in the Buenos Aires Legislature and Thursday
21/11 in the tent in front of the Congress).

-Support the fight of Craveri laboratory workers, fired and criminalized for defending
their jobs.

-Participate in the call of Petronas workers (Thursday 31/10 at 10 am at the Quilmes station).

-Participate in the day convened by the Meeting Memory True and Justice in support of the
popular rebellion in Chile (Tuesday 5/11 at 17 hours, from the Obelisk to Plaza de Mayo).

In turn, we pledged to accompany the various actions against fellow prosecutors from
different sectors, demonstrating against the criminalization of the protest. And also to
express our support for the struggle of the Chilean workers and all the struggles of the
peoples that cross our continent, such as Ecuador and Haiti.

We understand that, to face adjustment and fight for our demands, we need to be organized.
For these reasons, and adding to the experiences of labor coordination in the North and
South areas of the conurbano, we set up the Federal Capital Labor Coordinator.

The next meeting will be on Wednesday, November 13, at 5:30 p.m., at ATE Nación (Av.
Belgrano 2757, CABA).

Buenos Aires, October 30, 2019

https://fora.home.blog/2019/11/04/nace-la-coordinadora-obrera-de-la-ciudad-de-buenos-aires/

------------------------------

Message: 3






Debbie Bookchin and Emre Sahin share their thoughts on this unique revolutionary process
after recently visiting the region. ---- hat has been taking place in Rojava is easily one
of the most inspiring and exciting experiments in autonomous self-government to ever
exist. It is also one of the most massive, and gender inclusive, often compared to the
Spanish Revolution of 1936, as well as the Zapatistas in Chiapas, Mexico. And yet, people
outside the region know little about the different dimensions of the revolution taking
place in Rojava. And now, this revolutionary territory is under military and political
attack - its very existence at risk. ---- What follows is the first of a three part
interview series with people who have had ongoing relationship to Rojava, and who have
spent time in the revolutionary territory. The first two parts of the series are with
Debbie Bookchin and Emre Sahin. Debbie, a journalist, author, public speaker and organizer
is Murray Bookchin's daughter and spent a part of the spring of 2019 in Rojava. Emre, a
Kurdish PhD student and translator, spent most of the summer of 2019, traveling to 14
different towns and cities in Rojava, conducting research and in-depth interviews.
The third part is an interview with Carne Ross, Executive Director of Independent Diplomat
and author. Carne left his career as a British diplomat, having served in numerous
embassies and was Head of the Middle East section and Deputy Head of Political Section at
the UK Mission to the United Nations. Carne made the film, Accidental Anarchist, based on
his time in Rojava.
What was your overall impression? What is the first thing you would want to share about
the process in Rojava?
Debbie: My overall impression is that we are looking at people who are profoundly
transforming social relations in every aspect of life; the economy, politics and the
environment. There is a commitment to changing the way society is organized completely so
that every person, in every sphere of life, feels that they have control, has a say, are
empowered and get to participate in the decisions that affect everyday life.
There was a long period of preparation for this. This is interesting, because a lot of
people think the Rojava revolution happened overnight, but it didn't at all. This society
did not all of a sudden pop up to say, "Oh here is an idea let's try this." Rather, it
took many years, starting already under the repression of the Assad regime. They were
reading about this and watching the model grow, little by little, across the border in the
southeast of Turkey where the towns were starting to implement what we call this
democratic confederalist philosophy.
Kurds were being elected as mayors in towns across southeastern Turkey, and these mayors
were deliberately empowering people based on their reading of various ideological texts. I
know they were reading the work of my father, Murray Bookchin, since a lot of it is in
Turkish, and because Öcalan recommended it. This was a very carefully thought-out process
that required deep commitment to education, study groups and underground discussions about
what kind of society is really the most empowering for people in their everyday lives.
Emre: What I found was that although communal and anti-capitalist, economic organizing is
at its infancy in Rojava, there are more than 200 cooperatives and thousands of different
communes and collectives that operate across the region. Most common examples are village
communes, women's collectives and agricultural, livestock, generator, canned food,
garment, bakery, furniture and car repair cooperatives.
The most remarkable aspect of Rojava's communal economy is its ability to emerge under
conditions of war and embargo. I never could have imagined that a decentralized,
need-based and diverse network of cooperatives and communes could take root under such
conditions where food sovereignty and even daily sustenance for millions of people is at risk.
One of the most significant features of life in Rojava is the direct and participatory
forms of democracy. Were you able to observe or participate in any of the popular
assemblies or other democratic forms of decision making in Rojava?
Debbie: At the core of the Rojava revolution is this idea of democratic confederalism
which is based on the principle that all power flows from the bottom to the top - the
complete opposite of the way things are done almost everywhere else the world, with the
Zapatistas in Chiapas being an exception to that rule. The idea is that society is
strongest and healthiest and people feel the best when they get the feeling that the
decisions that affect their lives come from the community rather than from some elected
representative who proports to know what is best for the community. That is a dramatic
difference even from what we would call democratic socialism in the US. It means that
instead of power flowing from the top it comes from the bottom, and that means that people
becomes invested in their communities.
I saw people coming together in local assemblies, which start on the very local level -
the basic unit is the neighborhood commune - and they talk about all sorts of things
affecting them, ranging from things like the traffic to the needs related to electricity
and internet accessibility - all things that happen on the local level, including economic
development. They make decisions together, often by consensus, sometimes by voting and
then they ask that their position on a particular position be represented on the next
level by a delegate.
A delegate is very different from just electing somebody based on a political platform, as
for example we have in the US. A delegate is accountable to the assembly or the group from
which it was sent, and if they do not represent the ideas of the group then they can be
recalled. This means that people really have a very direct say at every level. In each
case the delegates are mandated by the community, or council in some cases, and this goes
all the way up to a confederated group of delegates who meet to decide policy for an
entire region. All those policies are reflected upon by the smaller councils and communes,
and even though people don't always get exactly what they want, at least they all have a
say and there is discussion and debate.
People meet together as neighbors and they know each other face to face. This has had an
incredible impact in terms of re-harmonizing relationships among different ethnicities
that were really encouraged to be at war with each other under the Assad regime. One of
the ways that they kept people down was by sowing ethnic discord. This is one of the most
tragic aspects of the assassination of Hevrin Khalaf[co-chair of the Future Syria Party]by
Turkey's proxy forces: she was most involved with trying to continue to build that sense
of unity among different ethnicities. This was a crucial part of what I saw in Rojava, and
this was really inspiring. To me it serves as a model for what we should be doing
everywhere, which is empowering people at the local level.
I got to go to quite a few assemblies, which was quite a remarkable experience. For
example in the town of Derik, which is a fairly large community, I witnessed an assembly
in which people were talking about what to do about the local health situation, in
particular about diabetes. I listened to a report by the Health Committee for Derik on how
they are going to educate the community on the issue, and how they are going to go door to
door and talk to people about it. They were coordinating with the local hospital to refer
people and help them get training in how to manage this.
What struck me about this was this sense of empowerment people have, this sense that they
are able to make a difference in their own lives and in those of their neighbors. The
community comes up with a plan collectively on how to reach out to people, how to inform
the community, how to work with other committees, etc. All of these needs are dealt with
and it is really empowering and exciting to see the way that people feel they can engage
with each other and the common problems that they face in their communities.
Emre: I witnessed assemblies in both rural villages and city neighborhoods. There are
thousands of village communes across Rojava, and the members of these communes meet
regularly to make collective decisions on the day-to-day running of their environments.
For example, I visited the village of Carudi, near the town of Derik in northeastern Syria
in early August, 2019, and participated in a village commune meeting there.
The meeting took place in a garden called "Sehid Kani" ("Martyr Kani"), a garden
collectively owned and maintained by the entire village. Households take turns taking care
of the garden and growing vegetables there, and the proceeds from the sales of these
vegetables are used for the construction of a small arts and culture center for the young
members of the village.
At the time I visited the assembly, the construction of the art center was on hold since
not enough income had been generated by the farms. Villagers were discussing how they
could increase their collective income in order to resume construction and several
proposals were made, such as growing different produce and expanding the garden to
increase its profitability. Then the discussion was put on hold to talk about a potential
threat from Turkey and self-defense, and then the discussion went back to the art center.
In each instance consensus was sought. Throughout their discussions and organizing,
members of the Carudi commune reflected they were realizing their desire for meaningful
democracy. When Turkish soldiers shelled the village of Carudi and the surrounding area
recently, they were not only targeting the self-defense forces of the village there but
also the practice of a radical and horizontal model of democracy that inspires the
progressive forces of the region.
Each assembly is different, and the biggest difference you can see is from the rural to
the urban, as in the more urban settings the assemblies tend to have more secular
participants, whereas the rural assemblies have more religious overtones. Sometimes you
see men and women sitting on different sides of the room in a rural area, as in Carudi.
The assembly took place in a garden, with men and women sitting together in a circle, but
men sat in one part of the circle and women in the other. In the cities it is generally
not like that, and neither at the higher levels. Of course there were always a male and
female co-chair sitting together.
In a neighborhood meeting I went to in Qamishli, there were a number of different
discussions taking place. One such discussion was about electricity. While there had been
some challenges in the past, electricity had since become more reliable. As a result, some
people were suggesting that the generator cooperative they had established some years ago
might no longer be necessary. They argued how the cooperative takes time and a little
money from each person each month, and with more stable electricity it was not really
needed anymore. Then others argued that while things were more stable right now, they
might still need it in the future.
What is interesting here is that there is no uniform way of making decisions or resolving
disagreement or conflict. There is no uniform agreement that consensus will be sought in
all areas, or if majority decision making will take place. Rather, it is decided in each
place, on the ground, from specific instance to specific instance. Most decisions are not
that controversial, so consensus does work in most cases, such as in the Qamishli
neighborhood community, where people put forward that there was still a real risk of a
Turkish invasion, so they decided to keep up with the generator cooperative. In some cases
the issues are more controversial and then people decide if they want to go to majority
vote, or put off the decision until there is more discussion and consensus can be reached.
It is like that walk that the Zapatistas maintain, there is no blueprint, and you figure
things out as you go along.
And when decisions are made and consensus reached, there is a sort of mini celebration.
You can feel that people feel that they are exercising something they didn't use to have,
this is something that is a part of the revolution, so people sing out, "Long Live Our
Revolution," and "Women, Life, Freedom" and so on.
What about leadership?
Emre: Of course there are some people who are more notable than others, or whose voices
carry more weight than others. There were people with more experience that took up more
time and space than others in the meetings I attended, but you could also see that people
did not operate along hierarchical lines. So for example a 20-year-old, who in another
context or place might be dismissed because of their age, would go up and make
interventions in the meetings. Women and men, young and old, people speak with a
confidence and awareness that they are a part of the decision making, not just speaking to
be heard, but consciously contributing to a decision making process.
One hears so much about the revolutionary role of women in Rojava. What were some of your
observations?
Emre: One of the biggest strides of the revolution in Rojava is the overarching gender
aspect to every part of life and social relations. Women actively participate in
mixed-gender political, economic, military and civil society organizations while
simultaneously operating their women-only versions of every such organization. For
example, there are Aborî Gistî ("General Economy") offices in every town and these offices
function as self-government branches responsible for economic coordination at the local
level. All of these offices have two co-presidents, one woman and one man, and men and
women make up at least 40 percent each of their overall membership. There are also Aborî
Jin ("Women's Economy") offices in every town and they have the same function but are
composed of only women and coordinate among women's cooperatives and collectives.
These two organizations operate similarly and in coordination with each other, yet there
is a crucial structural distinction between them. The women branches have veto power over
the decisions of the general branches, but not vice versa. This principle applies to other
fields such as political and social organizing. Women and their organizations function,
not as vanguard parties shaping society in a top-down fashion, but as protectors and
leaders of the revolution in Rojava. This vanguard role can be observed even in the way
women walk, talk, and organize in everyday life.
In late June, 2019, I visited a small convenience store owned and operated by a women's
cooperative in Rimelan. The three women I met and interviewed there carried themselves
with self-confidence and determination, like most women living in Rojava. As my
interviewees put it elegantly, their decision to name their shop "Nudem" ("New Time") in a
town where commerce is dominated by men, reflects the revolutionary changes in gender
dynamics that are taking place in the region.
In Rojava there are still many women who wear headscarves, though it is also the place
where you will see fewer head scarves than most anywhere in the region. More than
headscarves, though, was how women held themselves, how they walked. Walking with
confidence, not waiting for men to speak first on a given issue in an assembly. For
example, in many places in Turkey, because of a conservative, patriarchal history,
politics and mentality, women will almost never sit next to a man in a public bus if there
are any other seats available. But in Rojava, when I would sit in a public bus, I would
see women of all ages come and sit next to me without fear or hesitation because they do
not think they have to sit somewhere else to protect themselves from me.
This was one way where I could see that women were not only reclaiming their agency as
women, but it was also visible and critical in their everyday practices as well.
Debbie: I was in Rojava in early 2019, when the revolution had already been underway for
six years, so I got to see a generation of women who have come of age in that revolution.
I spent one evening talking to two women and one of their daughters who was about 16 years
old - meaning she was only 10 years old when all of this began. The excitement with which
she expressed what it means to live in a new society, where women are true equals to men,
was deeply moving to me. In response to my remark that the revolution was always under
threat she replied, "We are never going back, this is here to stay, we are never going
back." She then added that she, her sisters and her peers at school know what it is like
to live in a liberated society.
It is not a perfect project but at the meetings I attended, half the room was always
filled with women. Official meetings were always co-chaired by one man and one woman, and
not only that, but if for example the man was Kurdish, then his female co-chair would be
of another ethnicity.

I spent a lot of time talking to a Christian woman in Kobane who said this is the first
time they felt unafraid, that they felt they were truly part of the governing structure of
the city. And even though Kurds are the majority of the city, she said that as Christians
it was the first time they feel free to worship and participate in the public sphere.
The women's movement is really strong. I expected to see it somehow theoretically, and
even though I knew that by the Rojava Charter there has to be a 40 percent gender parity
within any political body, but I didn't quite expect to see how powerful the women's
movement was until I got there.
I have this beautiful photograph of the three women that I was just speaking about and the
eye contact is so direct and they are so serious and thoughtful and you can see it in
their eyes. These women say, "We are going to chart our own futures, and there is simply
no other way before us but full and complete liberation of women." I was very moved by
that. These women invited me into their home and they stayed up until one o'clock in the
morning talking to me about this. I think we talked for five hours about society, Rojava
and what it meant to them. There was this sense of cross-generational unity between them.
The mother of the girl that I spoke to was so proud of the role she played in raising a
daughter who was going to be living in a liberated society.

https://awsm.nz/?p=3896

------------------------------

Message: 4






In connection with the disclosure in the media of information on abuses against female
employees by the director of the Bagatela Theater in Krakow, 15 employees' Initiative
commissions signed a joint position expressing our support for aggrieved employees and
demanding intervention from public authorities (including the Labor Inspectorate). Below
we publish the full content of the position. ---- Statement of the works committees of the
OZZ Employee Initiative in relation to the situation at the Bagatela Theater ---- In
connection with the abuse of power on the part of Theater Bagatel employees on the part of
the theater director, Henryk Jacek S., i.e. behaviors that may bear the characteristics of
sexual harassment and mobbing - we express, as company commissions, the National Trade
Union Employee Initiative, including OZZ IP committees operating at public cultural
institutions, full support for employees of the Bagatela Theater in their fight for safe
working conditions.

Abuse of relationship relationships in cultural institutions, which bear the hallmarks of
sexual harassment in the workplace, mobbing and unequal treatment, are rarely revealed by
employees in fear of losing their jobs, environmental ostracism or blocking professional
development. The practice is still the proverbial sweeping of such abuses by the
organizers of the institution. There is a lack of appropriate regulations, quick response
procedures for fraud and their effective implementation and enforcement. The attitude of
the Theater employees, who decided to break the conspiracy of silence in the environment
and fight for decent working conditions, makes us all the more respectful.

We are aware that by revealing the abuse they found themselves in a situation of
uncertainty, threat of retaliation on the part of the director of the Theater, possible
inadequate response to their voice of the organizer of the Theater - the Mayor of the City
of Krakow.

That is why we appeal to the National Labor Inspectorate, Kraków Branch, for immediate
inspection at the Bagatela Theater - to ensure safe working conditions for the employees
of the Theater as soon as possible.

We appeal to the President of Krakow, Jacek Majchrowski, to take all possible steps
resulting in the suspension of the director of the Theater as soon as possible in order to
guarantee the injured employees physical and mental safety in the workplace at such a
critical time.

We call for developing, together with trade unions, operating in municipal institutions
subordinate to the President, procedures to counter sexual harassment, mobbing and unequal
treatment in the workplace. Regulations allowing for quick response in cases of abuse, and
for quick protection of working conditions of employees of employees of municipal
institutions.

OZZ IP Factory Commission at the National Old Theater in Krakow

OZZ IP Factory Commission at the Ludowy Theater in Krakow

OZZ IP Factory Commission at Teatr Powszechny Zygmunt Hübner

OZZ IP Factory Commission at the Polish Theater in Wroclaw

OZZ IP Environmental Committee in Krakow

Environmental Commission of Employees and Workers of Culture OZZ IP

OZZ IP Factory Commission at the Zamek Culture Center in Poznan

OZZ IP Factory Commission at the Center for Contemporary Art Ujazdowski Castle in Warsaw

OZZ IP Factory Commission at the Jagiellonian University

OZZ IP Factory Commission at the University of Warsaw

OZZ IP Factory Commission at the Clinical Hospital of the Transfiguration of the Medical
University in Poznan

OZZ IP Factory Commission in Municipal Water Supply and Sewerage in Bydgoszcz

OZZ IP Factory Commission at the "Swit" Culture Center in Warsaw

Warsaw Environmental Commission OZZ IP

Factory Commission at the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/pilne-akcje/item/2536-komisje-ip-interweniuja-ws-pracownic-teatru-bagatela-w-krakowie

------------------------------

Message: 5






The Lubrizol factory fire in Rouen shows poor management by the State, both upstream and
after the disaster. But industrial accidents of this magnitude are not inevitable. ----
Following the Lubrizol fire, which manufactures fuel additives, a factory manager told the
media that the company wants to be "  a good neighbor  ". Well, it's missed. It is not
good to live around Lubrizol and even at least 200 km around. On the night of September
26, around 2 am, a fire ravage this factory classified "  Seveso high threshold  ". An oil
spill overwhelms the Rouen area and will be felt in Belgium. Whatever the origin of this
fire, several observations and questions are required. Already in 2013, a leak of
mercaptan gas, a poisonous and smelly gas, had been felt as far as England and the Paris
region, giving rise to a fine of € 4000.! In a metropolis that has 25 Seveso classified
sites and a department that hosts 75, concern for the future is more than legitimate.

State management deficient
A law of 2018, in the name of the administrative simplification, allowed Lubrizol to
extend its storage without real control. Relief was obviously unprepared (insufficient
numbers, nonexistent or ineffective personal protections). Most importantly, the
population was left on their own: only two sirens were triggered for a population of about
500,000 inhabitants, and six hours after the start of the disaster  ; some mayors have not
even been notified by the prefecture, it has refused to evacuate Travelers installed near
the factory ... And a single speech loop: "  there is no acute toxicity ". The strong
mobilization of the population allowed to loosen the vice of the unspoken. Thus, it is no
longer 4,500 tons of products that burned but nearly 10,000 tons, of which about half
stored in an adjacent company, Normandie Logistique, non-classified Seveso ! Lubrizol's
list of products has finally been made public, but so far not those of its neighbor.

Storm and pollution in Rouen (Frédéric Bisson)
Dioxin analyzes have found rates four times higher than the norm, with a massive presence
of carcinogenic products (benzene, asbestos, dioxins, etc.). As for the environment, that
soils and rivers are polluted is evident, as evidenced by the prohibition to market or
consume products from agriculture or its own garden in 112 municipalities.

But if we take a step back, the low-cost security implemented by Lubrizol, and approved by
the state, comes from a logic of ever more exponential profits inherent in the capitalist
system. However, it would be entirely possible to put in place an economy that protects us
from such risks. For example, by reducing the consumption of products derived from
petrochemicals, in particular by the decline of thermal vehicles and the development of
alternative transport (cycling, public transport, rail freight), or by reducing the
production and consumption of phytosanitary products , by encouraging organic farming, or
by planning the closure of nuclear power plants and by developing renewable energies.

UCL Rouen

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Lubrizol-Peur-sur-la-ville

------------------------------

Message: 6






Internal Regulations adopted at the 1st Congress of the Libertarian Communist Union
(Allier, June 8, 9 and 10, 2019). ---- The Congress ---- Preparation ---- progress ----
Extraordinary Congress ---- Federal Coordinations ---- Preparation ---- progress ----
Extraordinary Federal Coordination ---- Modalities of revision of the Rules of Procedure
---- 1) The Congress ---- 1.1) Preparation ---- A Commission for the preparation of the
Congress is set up in the Federal Coordination at the latest 9 months before the date of
the Congress. This Commission, in liaison with the Federal Secretariat, is in charge of
preparing the Congress and must in particular draft a Congress organizational motion,
which will be submitted to the Federal Coordination no later than 6 months before the date
of the Congress.

The organizational motion of the Congress specifies the date, place and general
organization of the Congress. This motion should contain a proposed agenda setting out the
topics to be dealt with by the Congress, as well as a calendar of preparations for the
Congress showing the deadlines. The proposed agenda should include a non-mixed meeting time.

When validated in federal coordination, the organizational motion of the Congress may be
modified. The organization or part of the organization may request that a specific subject
be included in the organization of the congress. This proposed amendment must be extended
to the entire organization on the same basis as a Federal proposal. However, it can relate
to a theme that does not need a motion written to be valid. In case of validation by all
the groups, this proposal must be included in the congress planning by the commission. A
review of this time can be written at its conclusion at the congress.

As part of this organizational motion, the Federal Coordination may mandate editors to
draft the texts to be submitted to the Congress. In the event that the Federal
Coordination does not mandate editors, a text on the agenda adopted by the Federal
Coordination may be submitted by a Local Group, the Federal Secretariat, a Commission or
at least 5 members of the Federal Coordination. the organization.

The texts on the agenda adopted by the Federal Coordination must be submitted no later
than 10 weeks before the date of the Congress. These texts appear progressively in
preparatory notebooks of the Congress. Amendments and counter-texts must be tabled no
later than 6 weeks before the date of the Congress.

To be admissible, amendments or counter-texts must be signed by a Local Group, a
Commission or at least 5 members of the organization. The Preparatory Committee of the
Congress collects all the amendments and determines which ones it proposes to integrate
automatically (common sense amendments, enrichments, etc.), which it proposes to reject
automatically (excluding subject, superfluous, etc. .), which she proposes to put to the
vote because they represent a real cleavage on the merits.

The Congress Preparatory Committee presents its proposals to a special session of the
Federal Coordination. This Federal Coordination Extraordinaire validates or modifies
proposals of the Commission of preparation of the Congress and adopts a notebook of
preparation of Congresses summarizing the integrated amendments, the amendments to debate
in Congress, the rejected amendments.

All amendments, texts and motions to be discussed are included in a final Congress
booklet, which is sent to all members of the organization at least 1 month before the date
of the Congress. In this final Congress booklet also appear the names of the members
proposing to be referents of Commission or to participate in the Federal Secretariat.

1.2) Procedure

The Congress brings together delegates from the Groups of the organization and their
liaisons. The expected number of delegates for a Local Group is 2 delegates plus 1
delegate per 5 members of the Local Group beyond the 5-member floor. Local Groups strive
to ensure the diversity of their delegation. In the event of a vote, the Local Group may
express a number of terms equal to a maximum of 3 times the number of delegates present
and no more than the expected number of delegates. The Local Group, through its delegates,
is free to distribute its mandates among the different voting options.

Number of members in the Local Group    3 to 5  6 to 10 11 to 15        16 to 20        21 to 25        26 to 30
Number of delegates expected    2       3       4       5       6       7
Number of delegates minimum to have all his mandates    1       1       2       2       2       3
Commission referents, as well as members of the Federal Secretariat and the members of the
Congress Preparatory Committee, participate by right in the Congress, but do not have the
right to vote as such.

The Local Group delegates carry the mandates of all the members up to date of
contribution. The Treasury Commission is responsible for controlling the mandates. During
the Congress, debates on texts and amendments, voting times and, as far as possible,
non-decision-making exchanges are organized. At least one non-mixed meeting is organized
during the Congress.

During debate time, a turn-around with a triple list of registrants is put in place to
give priority, on the one hand, to the delegates of groups who have not yet been cast and,
on the other hand, on the other hand, to women.

1.3) Extraordinary Congress

An Extraordinary Congress may be convened by a Federal Coordination.

The Extraordinary Congress is prepared by the Federal Secretariat assisted, as far as
possible, by a Congress Preparatory Commission.

The organizational motion of the Congress specifies the date, place and general
organization of the Extraordinary Congress. It must be submitted to the Federal
Coordination no later than 2 months before the date of the Extraordinary Congress.

The texts appearing on the agenda of the Extraordinary Congress must reach all the members
of the organization no later than one month before the beginning of the Congress.

2) The Federal Coordinations
2.1) Preparation

The Federal Coordination meets at least 3 times a year. The Federal Secretariat sets the
date of the Federal Coordination at least 2 months in advance and prepares an agenda
proposal according to the requests of the Local Groups and news.

A first preparatory workbook of Federal Coordination is sent to the members of the
organization at least 1 month in advance to allow the Local Groups to prepare the debates.
In this first preparatory workbook, there is the proposal of the agenda and the texts on
which the Local Groups are called upon, whether these texts are put to the vote or simply
submitted to the debate. It also includes a report from each Operating Committee and the
activity report of the Intervention Commissions which will be dealt with in the agenda.

A text may be filed by the Federal Secretariat, a Commission, a Local Group or by at least
5 members of the organization. These texts must reach the Federal Secretariat at least 5
weeks in advance.

A Commission, a Local Group or at least 5 members of the organization may table amendments
to the texts in the first preparatory workbook. These amendments must reach the Federal
Secretariat at least 20 days before the Federal Coordination.

A second preparatory workbook is sent to the members of the organization at least 2 weeks
in advance. This second preparatory workbook contains the proposal for the agenda, which
has been timed and possibly amended, as well as the amendments tabled on the texts.

2.2) Procedure

The Federal Coordination brings together delegates from the groups of the organization and
their liaisons, 2 of whom are delegated by Local Group. Local Groups strive to ensure the
diversity of their delegation. These delegates carry a number of mandates determined
according to the size of the Local Group.

In the event of a vote, the Local Group may express all its mandates. The Local Group,
through its delegates, is free to distribute its mandates among the different voting options.

Number of members in the Local Group    3 to 10 11 to 20        21 to 30        31 to 40
Number of mandates      2       3       4       5
The referents of the Commissions as well as the members of the Federal Secretariat
participate, but do not have the right to vote as such, in the Federal Coordinations.

The delegates of the Local Groups carry the mandates of all the members to date of
contribution. The Treasury Commission is responsible for controlling the mandates. During
debating times, a speaking round with a triple list of registrants is set up to give
priority to, on the one hand, the delegates of Local Groups who are not yet voiced. on the
other hand, to women.

The Federal Coordinations are co-facilitated by a member of the Federal Secretariat and a
Local Group delegate.

As far as possible, a training time, a time for non-decisional exchanges as well as
meeting times for Commissions are contigated with the Federal Coordination.

If new positions are drawn up during a Federal Coordination, a provisional vote can be
organized. Delegates then vote according to the sensitivities expressed in their Local
Group. The General Assemblies of Local Groups may, within 15 days, modify the votes of
their delegates so that the position of each and everyone can be represented in the
collective decision. After this period of 15 days, the decision of Federal Coordination is
enforceable. To give visibility to the overall state of the delegates' positions during a
discussion, an indicative vote may be held under the same conditions as a decision-making
vote, but without the result of the vote becoming enforceable. The Federal Coordination
promotes consensus decision-making: when delegates' statements on an agenda item go in the
same direction, it is requested, before voting, whether delegates are in favor of the
position being adopted by consensus , without a vote. If the consensus proposal does not
agree, a vote is taken.

A report will have to be sent to the whole organization in the week following the Federal
Coordination.

2.3) Extraordinary Federal Coordination

An Extraordinary Federal Coordination can be convened by the Federal Secretariat.

The texts appearing on the agenda of the Federal Coordination Extraordinaire must reach
all the members of the organization at the latest 2 weeks before the date of this one.

3) Modalities for the revision of the Rules of Procedure
These Rules of Procedure can be changed in the Federal Coordination or Congress. Any
proposal for modification must receive 2/3 of the expressed mandates, rounded to the
superior in Federal Coordination or in Congress to be adopted.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Reglement-interieur-de-l-Union-Communiste-Libertaire

------------------------------