1. Anarchistische Groep Amsterdam AGA: Solidarity to the
squats, the anarchist and social movement in Greece
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
squats, the anarchist and social movement in Greece
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. freedom news: Interview: Tomás Ibáñez on power and modern
anarchy (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
anarchy (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. anarkismo.net: What can we learn from the recent protests?
by Zaher Baher (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
by Zaher Baher (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. anarkismo.net: Chile: The Oasis of Chaos by Trempülkalwe
(ca, it) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(ca, it) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL - Colombia: Stop the
massacre of indigenous communities in resistance (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
massacre of indigenous communities in resistance (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. inadina: The Enemy of the System (tr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. cgt.org.es: New meeting of the Rojinegra Coordinator during
this weekend in Rome (ca, it)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Since August 2019 a new repression wave began against the squats in Exarchia in Athens and
other cities in Greece. Several immigrant and anarchist squats and social centres have
been evicted till now. This comes with the dogma of "law and order" from the recently
elected new government of the right-wing party "New Democracy". However, it is just
continuing the repression of the previous government led by the leftist party of SYRIZA in
another form. ---- The previous 4.5 years, SYRIZA succeeded to repress the social
movements of Greece in a way that no previous government could do it. After "selling" hope
to the society that a radical change will come, they applied the same neoliberal policies
and austerity measures as the previous ones. This way people got disappointed and the
majority stop being active in the radical movements. The same time eviction of squats and
the war on those whose voices could not be heard, the immigrants, was happening all those
years. So, the new government comes now ready to put an end to all the voices of resistance.
They initially passed a law which abolishes the university asylum, where the police could
not enter a university without a permission by the Rector. This was achieved when the
rebellion against the dictatorship in Greece began in 17 November 1973. All the next
years, the spaces in the universities were a place in which the different movements came
together and various parts of society could socialize and get organized there (students,
workers, radical leftists, anarchists). In addition, a reform in the education system is
coming up to discipline more the students and open a door for the profits of private
companies.
Then, the state attacks the immigrants in plenty of ways. Lots of them are dying in the
sea trying to pass from Turkey to Greece, those who survive are staying in camps in
horrible conditions. Most of them are in the islands in the borders with Turkey, where the
facilities are made to host far less people. Others are held in detention centres and
police stations (such as in Petrou Ralli, Athens) without any specific accusations waiting
for months if they can be transferred in camps or be legalized. Those who dare to rebel
are tortured by the police and some are deported violently back to Turkey. The same time,
the state evicts the immigrant squats and social centres because they are afraid of a
connection of the immigrants with the social movements. All these, come in hand with the
EU anti-immigration policies building a fortress Europe.
The squatting and anarchist movement in Greece is one of the few voices which are
remaining to resist and rebel against the state repression and the further capitalistic
exploitation of the society. The state wants to put an end to such voices. The mainstream
media show that the "cleansing" of the radical district of Exarchia in Athens and squats
in other cities will be beneficial for the citizens. The authorities turn the public
opinion to believe that those who resist and deny the dominant norms of this society are
against the society, when in fact they are against the authorities and the power. Thus,
those who do not accept the policies of the state will be appeared to be the "garbage" of
society that must be cleaned out. The police have also moved drug dealers to the square of
Exarchia to show that their presence is required there against any "criminal" activities.
The events of the past months showed that the only ones who are struggle against the
mafias and drug dealing are the residents and anarchists of Exarchia and the police only
attacks the squats.
Similar policies occur in the Netherlands and in Amsterdam. New laws against squatting,
gentrification of neighbourhoods with increasing housing rates and a target to
commercialise every aspect of our lives. There is also a vast exploitation of immigrant
temp workers who come from poorer countries.
Enough is enough! We not only stand with our comrades in Greece, the squatting movement,
those who resist, the immigrants, but we fight against all these policies which produce
and reproduce the state repression, the capital and power relations, racism and
manipulation of the immigrants.
FROM NETHERLANDS TO GREECE, AGAINST STATE REPRESSION
SOLIDARITY TO SQUATS, SOCIAL CENTRES AND OCCUPIED PUBLIC SPACES
AGAINST FORTRESS EUROPE, PAPERS TO ALL IMMIGRANTS
DEMONSTRATION 17/11/2019, 14:00
Van Beuningenplein, Amsterdam
https://www.agamsterdam.org/solidarity-to-the-squats-the-anarchist-and-social-movement-in-greece/
------------------------------
Message: 2
In this interview translated by the Autonomies collective, One of Spain's most interesting
modern thinkers on anarchism, Tomás Ibáñez, outlines some of the thinking from his book
Anarchism is Movement, which Freedom is publishing in English later this month. ---- A
child of Spanish anarchist exiles in France, Ibáñez began his political journey in French
anarchist youth groups and with his fellow exiled Spanish youth. From the beginning of
the 1960s through to the early 1980s his energies were dedicated to the construction of
libertarian organisations, the anti-Franco struggle and the reconstruction of the
anarchist CNT union in 1976. ---- Ibáñez has authored numerous essays about dissidence,
anarchism and the struggle against domination, and in Anarchism is Movement he reviews the
presence of anarchist ideals and principles in our times. Ibáñez analyses the resurgence
of anarchism in the 21st century particularly in Spain, and how it has permeated the
struggles of social movements, from 15M to the expansion of self-managed social centres,
consumer co-operatives and networks of alternative economies.
This interview originally took place in 2014, around the time political party Podemos
emerged from the 15M movement. Presciently, he calls attention to the dangers confronting
these movements in the passage to electorally-based struggles, many of which have been
borne out in the recent Spanish election which has seen compromise and a steadily
declining vote.[i]
"The siren calls that once announced radiant new dawns have passed", you say in your book.
Is it no longer possible to hope for liberation, for "anarchy" as an end state of affairs,
as once proposed?
Those siren calls suggested, in the more or less distant future, a reward that struggles
for freedom would receive - one so fantastic that it led us to evaluate struggles
according to how far they brought us towards the promised Utopia.
It is no longer possible to maintain this type of discourse, which clearly had something
of a religious nature; today we have learned that the value of struggles doesn't depend on
the promises they make, but resides rather in their very occurrence, in their substantive
characteristics, and in what they permit us to create in the present. The extinction of
these calls puts an end to this fascination for the promised land, and subordination of
the journey to its outcome, but this tells us nothing about whether or not it is possible
to one day arrive at an anarchist type of society.
Independently of whether or not it is possible, anarchy resides not in the future, but in
the present, in every struggle, in every achievement that reflects its principles. With
the extinction of the siren calls, the belief in the abrupt advent of a society that moves
towards anarchy on the ruins of the collapse of the current system also dies. That grand
and final revolutionary eruption which carries with it some definitive liberation is a
myth, so too is the vision of a society free from conflicts, tensions, struggles a myth.
There is no radiant dawn at the end of the journey, because there is no journey with an
end; each dawn must be fought for day by day, again and again.
This of course does not mean that it is not necessary to cultivate Utopia, but this last
is acceptable only with the understanding that it serves merely as a guide to act in the
present rather than as a pre-figuration of the end that will one day be reached.
You maintain that "anarchism resurges in the 21st century, that it re-invents itself".
What qualities does it leave behind and which have appeared?
To the extent that anarchism forges itself in the heart of struggles against domination,
it is logical that it changes alongside them, to be able to continue to respond to new
apparatuses of power. What anarchism opposes changes and this changes anarchism. What
contemporary anarchism leaves behind, among other things, is a collection of ideas shaped
by Modernity, such as an unshakeable faith in progress, an non-critical elevation of
Reason, an overly simple conception of power, practices consistent with an emphasis placed
on the central importance of labour. It also leaves behind a revolutionary imaginary
constructed around the great proletarian insurrection.
The anarchism which gains form is one more tactical than strategic, more focused on the
present than Utopianism, where what is more important is isolated, local, limited, but
radical subversion, of the apparatuses of domination and the creation here and now of
practices and spaces that ground revolution in the present, radically transforming the
subjectivities of those who develop them. What also characterises contemporary anarchism
is less closing in upon itself and a greater openness to construct, together with other
traditions that are not specifically anarchist, a series of projects and common struggles.
You state that anarchism "is a thing of today, of here and now". In what way does it
currently manifest itself, in our neighbourhoods?
Anarchism has involved itself in the attempt to construct a neighbourhood reality
comprised of concrete realisations, such as consumer, production, education co-operatives,
occupied social centres, libraries, networks of alternative economies. One must not
forget that the destruction of neighbourhood life has been one of the factors that has
taken strength away from anarchism to the extent that it is precisely at the neighbourhood
level where transversal relations can be created that question different apparatuses of
domination, and not only those that are to be found in the ambit of work.
You also make reference to the "guardians of the temple", who court an "embalmed
anarchism", against threats to the survival of anarchism. Who are the "guardians of the
temple"? What anarchism do they pretend to preserve against the forces of change?
I say in the book that for some time I warred against the "guardians of the temple" and,
in effect, during the years of my most intense anarchist militancy, that is, from the
beginning of the 1960s until the 1980s, they were serious problem in the heart of the
libertarian movements in France, Italy or Spain, to cite but the examples that I more
familiar with.
Their desire to preserve the purity of inherited anarchism, to avoid any contamination by
ideas or practices that that came from outside, their faith, almost religious, in the
unquestionable superiority of anarchism, and their dedication to the task of overseeing
the immutability of its essence, closed them in a dogmatism and a sectarianism
incompatible with any minimally anarchist sensibility. The expulsions, the
disqualifications, the splits were frequent. Today, the very force of change has emptied
sectarian proclivities of any energy and the "guardians of the temple" no longer represent
a major problem, though it is worth remaining attentive to eventual reappearances of
fundamentalist attitudes.
What can anarchism bring to current social movements?
A great deal. Anarchism can supply the long experience that it has accumulated in
relation to modes of operation that these movements are presently trying to reinvent: ways
of debating, deciding, and acting based on direct democracy, horizontality, respect for
minorities, the permanent refusal of delegated authority, direct action, etc.
It may also strengthen them in the suspicion that they demonstrate in relation to the
exercise of power, or in their mistrust of "representation". It is worth recalling as
regards this point the way in which Michel Foucault denounced "the indignity of speaking
in the name of another". To the extent that the historical memory of countless struggles
that emerged "from below" have settled in the heart of anarchism, and to the extent that
historical experiences and knowledges help to better understand the present, it is obvious
that anarchism can be of great utility to emerging movements. Lastly, anarchism can also
reveal itself useful in making evident, in a critical way, the errors that it has
committed under the folds of its own flag.
And what current practices of social movements can inscribe themselves in the principles
of anarchism?
Horizontalism, the manner in which debates are conducted, proposals elaborated, decisions
taken, the emphasis placed on the "pre-figurative" character that must impregnate the
contents and the forms of struggle, that is, an insistence that the practices we develop
must not contradict the ends that are sought. It is also necessary to mention the
practice of direct action and skepticism in relation to mediation, the criticism of the
delegation of power and of representation, or the rejection of centralisation and
vanguardism, without forgetting the aversion to all forms of domination, etc.
Was there anarchism in the emergence of 15M?
There was, of course. I fully subscribe to the words of (political journalist) Rafael Cid
when he referred to it as an "unexpected libertarian spring". From the moment that the
only legitimate political subject was the very people who were present in the squares and
implicated in the struggle, at the margin of any organisation exterior to itself, we were
already fully within the heart of anarchist principles.
If we add to this the rejection of all representation that manifested itself with an
impressive force, the anarchist characteristics of the movement made themselves even more
evident. From my own understanding of anarchism, the very fact that identitarian
displays, even anarchist, reinforces the anarchist character of 15M. To know whether or
not anarchism, today, is present in 15M is something which is beyond me because I have not
followed the most recent evolution of the movement closely enough; however, I sense that
its heterogeneous and polymorphous character will have preserved anarchist enclaves.
Sants, Barcelona Pic: John PX
Does what happened in Can Vies (in the Sants neighbourhood of Barcelona), in which the
occupiers, with their neighbours, continued to work at the margins of what perhaps the
municipality desired (for example, rebuilding the centre), reflect the survival of
anarchist ideas?
More than the survival of anarchist ideas, what is manifest in the events in Sants is the
coming together of, or the harmony between, on the one hand, some of the characteristics
of anarchism and, on the other, types of practices that developed, and that continue to
develop, in the Can Vies conflict. Harmony also with the sensibility that is evident in
many elements of collectives who are protagonists in the current insubordination of a
political and social nature.
The open assemblies, the refusal to negotiate what is considered non-negotiable, the
rejection of any compromise that implies participation in the system and submission to its
logic, the fusion of the existential and the political, that is, the non-separation
between the way of life and of being, on the one hand, and political practices, on the
other, the direct action manifest even in the decision to not leave in the hands of others
the reconstruction of the edifice; all of this creates strong resonances between anarchism
and what has happened in Can Vies. The survival, even, the strength of anarchism in
Barcelona in the heart of some young collectives made itself evident in the conflicts fed
by, in part, the columns of humanity that flowed towards Sants from various neighbourhoods.
In one passage in the book you affirm that "struggling against the State also consists of
changing things from ‘below', through local practices". In the last few years, various
experiments in self-management and social movements, like the PAH, have exercised a
counter-power to the State. If these opt for an electoral path, do they run the risk of
losing their emancipatory strength?
From my perspective, the danger is evident. Integration into the system, assuming some
of its practices and acquiring some portions of power, with the laudable purpose of
combating it and transforming it from within, deactivates sooner or later the strength of
any emancipatory politics.
This has nothing to do with the well-known dictum "power corrupts ...", but rather "to
arrive at power, one must already be corrupted"; there is no other way to arrive, because
there is no path to power that does not imply practices that are more or less unjust, as
well as various compromises and losses of greater or lesser significance. It is for this
reason that I am such a fervent defender of the exercise of "counter-power", as I am a
virulent critic of "popular power". The fact of demanding and working for the
consolidation of this last leads almost always to electoral politics, and therefore, the
question arises, "What then becomes of the slogan that "they don´t represent us", or the
legitimate cry, "que se vayan todos"?
In line with what you have just said, if social movements and groups with horizontal,
assembly and self-management practices arrive at "power", take the institutions of power,
can they lose these characteristics?
It is not that they can lose these characteristics; it is that they inevitably lose them.
One never "takes" power, it is power that "takes us", for as Agustin Garcia Calvo used to
say so well, "the enemy is inscribed in the very form of its weapons". To use them is to
recognise its victory and adopt its form.
One need not have studied a great deal of psychology and sociology to know that immersion
in a specific context, and the assumption of practices peculiar to it, affects the way of
being and thinking of anyone who accepts it. To be able to justify one´s own conduct, it
is necessary to match prior ideas with the practices put into effect, thereby ignoring the
inseparable symbiosis between ideas and practices defended by anarchism, and thus
forgetting the famous graffiti painted on the walls of Paris in 1968 that said: "Act as
you think or you will end up thinking as you act".
The kind of movement that you refer to in your question will never assume the move towards
the conquest of power if it is animated by the profound conviction that no exercise of
power will ever be able to engender a space of freedom.
Anarchism is Movement is due to be released later this month. In the run-up to launch
Freedom is offering 20% off.
[i]The most obvious example, in Spain, is the political party, podemos.
Autonomies, in an earlier incarnation, as Autonomy, had occasion to translate an article
by Ibáñez from the 1980s. Click here.
https://freedomnews.org.uk/interview-tomas-ibanez-on-power-and-modern-anarchy/
------------------------------
Message: 3
This article is about the protests in general and the current one, it covers the common
things and the weaknesses points between them. It also gives some suggestions how we can
avoid these weaknesses to gain our goals. ---- This year we have witnessed many protests
in the UK and other countries from Yellow Vests in France, protests in Iran, Morocco,
Sudan, Extinction Rebellion in more than 120 countries, Haiti, Hong Kong, Ecuador, Chile,
Greece, and now in Catalonia, Bolivia, Iraq and Lebanon. ---- All of these protests have
been mass movements against widespread corruption, high unemployment, poor public
services, increasing taxation, inequality, injustice and tyranny. Some of the protests,
like Hong Kong, Catalonia and Bolivia, are a mixture of political and social demands.
In addition to the above, all of these protests share four things between them. First,
almost all of them were mass movements that were leaderless and had no political parties
or politicians behind them. Second, they all used direct action to achieve their demands.
Third, they all shared a common enemy, the government. All of these governments reacted
the same way, no matter whether they were a democracy, a dictatorship, a military or
civilian power. They all responded in the same way against the protesters. They repressed
them brutally, killing them, wounding them, detaining them and abducting them. Fourth,
they have more or less succeeded in meeting many of their demands. In Sudan they brought
down the military government and had some of their demands met. In Hong Kong they forced
the administration to abandon the extradition policy. In France the movement has shaken
the government, who have acknowledged that people are very unhappy with the new government
and the protests are far from ending. In Catalonia, protests are still going on and the
Spanish government currently has a big dilemma regarding them. This was one of the factors
in Spain having another election on the 10th of November. In Chile the achievements
exceeded the expectations of the people themselves. In Ecuador, protests forced the
government to relocate to another city. In Lebanon, protests led to the resignation of the
prime minster and a few MP's. It shook the power of Hezbollah while over 1.5 million
people of a population of 4 million went to the streets, sending a strong message to the
government and Hezbollah that they cannot kill and terrorize the mass movement. In
Bolivia, protests forced the president, Evo Morales, to resign over disputed election results.
In Iraq, a big social movement is going on. This is the biggest protest in recent Iraqi
history. It is an uprising, it is a revolution. People forced the tribes and religious
rulers to agree to all of their demands, except leaving their power completely and
surrendering themselves to the people. The protest started on the 1st of October for a
week, and then resumed in Baghdad on a larger scale on 25th of October, and quickly spread
to twelve more cities. This time the protest is very much different from what happened
before. Women have joined the mass movement for the first time ever. They are doctors and
medical students, helping treat the injured. Some of them are also fighting the police and
security forces with the men, others are busy providing meals and drinks and many more are
helping clean the streets.
The protesters' plans and tactics are different from before. This time they are very well
organised on the streets, in Tahrir Square in Baghdad and in other places and
neighbourhoods. An old Turkish restaurant of 14 floors that was abandoned a long time ago
has been occupied. This building has been used by the Special Forces in previous protests
to kill protesters using snipers. The protesters use the building to stay overnight,
cooking, distributing food and drink, holding regular meetings and issuing a newsletter.
The previous protests have taught the protesters that they need to wear helmets in order
to protect themselves against attacks. Over 500 Tuk-Tuks have joined the protesters to
help them move the protesters around, and in the absence of ambulances to transfer the
wounded and dead.
More importantly, the protesters have been supported by most unions and workers. Some of
the oil field workers have went on strike to support them. Each union is represented with
their banners and tents in Tahrir Square. More than 10 teams of doctors and nurses
equipped with medicine and equipment are at Tahrir Square to treat the wounded.
Workplaces, schools and universities have been shut and over sixty major roads in Baghdad
have been occupied, preventing the police and security forces from going through.
The protesters have rejected the religious politicians and their parties, burning down
their offices and military headquarters. In Karbala, the second most important Shia city,
on the 3rd of November, the Iranian Consulate was surrounded, part of it set on fire and
they were asked to leave Iraq. In some cities, politicians' empty houses which were
guarded by security forces were burned down. Some cities have come under the control of
the protesters once the government's forces have left. Recently, the protesters occupied
the road between Basra and the main port of Iraq, Umm Qasr. The protesters have radical
slogans like, "No to Iran, no to US, no to religion, no to politicians and their power, no
to tribal rule, separate religion from the state, no trust and faith in the politicians,
sixteen years in power, enough, we do not trust you .. From Iraq to Lebanon is one war.
..Out Out all of you out".
So far 319 protesters have been killed, 15,000 more have been injured, 11,000 arrested and
many abducted, including women activists. People have paid a heavy price and do not want
to leave and go home. It is very difficult at the moment to predict what will happen in
Iraq. There is the probability of the Iranian regime intervening directly. If they do,
they will not hesitate to crush the movement brutally to save their own and their agents'
interests in Iraq.
It is quite clear that there is no smoke without fire. The system through its main pillar,
the state, has created a terrible climate for growing the seeds of demonstrations,
protests and riots everywhere. These include destroying the environment, creating war,
unemployment, inequality injustice, lack of freedom, deprivation, starvation,
discrimination and, finally, racism and fascism.
In fact we should be surprised if we do not see protests, actions and even riots very often.
The protests, whether they are for a single issue or against the state or the entire
system, are legitimate; a step forward in developing our struggles. These kinds of
struggle are the base and foundation for future revolutions. Certainly those of us who are
involved in the protests are more conscious and concerned about our rights and are
desperate to change the situation, than the others who are silent.
Standing up for our rights and doing something positive serves our cause and rejects the
inaction of the majority who are doing nothing. By protesting, demonstrating and using
direct action as our only and decisive tactic has shown that most of the time we can
achieve something, whether it is small or large. But, more importantly, we are making the
state and the system aware that the people are angry and anxious for a change for the better.
However, there are weaknesses in most of these protests. We have seen almost no support or
solidarity from the workers in industrialised sectors especially in Europe when hit by
waves of protest. This attitude is ironic when a century ago it was expected that
socialism could be built due to developing industrialisation and consequent polarisation
of the working class in some parts of Europe. Alas, that did not happen and, a century
later, still we do not see crucial support from them. There are other weaknesses. We can
clearly see that there is a lack of self-organisation, before, during and after the
protests. In these circumstances, we need to organise ourselves in the streets,
workplaces, schools, universities, neighbourhoods and other places, establishing
assemblies to plan our actions and next steps and which are inter-connected, facilitating
the necessary cooperation to fulfil our goals.
Concentrating on a single issue isolates the movement from other issues and the roots of
the problem; the state and the system. This is the weak point in the protests. This is
what the system and the state want to see from us; division with each group working only
for themselves and failing to connect with one another. These problems are apparent in
most of the demonstrations and protests. Unfortunately, the protests can be easily
controlled and contained by the state and governments in Europe and by terrorist groups in
the Middle East.
Fighting to resolve the problems in society without fighting the system and its major
pillar, the state, and changing it has led many to believe that by changing the government
all problems can be resolved.
It is either naivety or simply ignorance to believe that the government works in the
interests of the community and society. This truth is particularly obvious for those of us
who, throughout our lives, have seen many governments come and go whether through
elections, or a coup d'états. While the problems may have been resolved temporary but
after a while they will come back. I believe the reasons for this mistaken belief is that
either people are demoralised and have no confidence in themselves or simply lack
knowledge of history and relevant experience. Without this knowledge, people believe that
the root of all these problems are not the state, but the government. Environmental
issues, homelessness, unemployment and war; all have been caused by governments and
states. They are the actual problem rather than the solution.
To learn from the protests we need to consider the above weakness and also to see the
current capitalism system with its liberal and neoliberal polices is the roots of all the
problems. We should know that in order to get rid of all the problems once and forever we
must fight the system as whole.
Zaherbaher.com
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31645
------------------------------
Message: 4
Tension in the Chilean territory, the most massive mobilizations since the return to
democracy, and perhaps from history defy the supposed oasis of neoliberalism built in
these 46 years after the coup, with a dictatorship that overthrew the Unity project
Popular and matured a neoliberal economic model, no doubt an oasis for transnational
entrepreneurship. The founding crisis that echoes in each demand raised by the Chilean
people, is that model built in dictatorship where the extreme greed of the ruling class,
which under the protection of a constitution founded to implement "The plundering of
Chile", had no scruples in stealing absolutely everything. ---- The oasis of chaos
Tension in the Chilean territory, the most massive mobilizations since the return to
democracy, and perhaps from history defy the supposed oasis of neoliberalism built in
these 46 years after the coup, with a dictatorship that overthrew the Unity project
Popular and matured a neoliberal economic model, no doubt an oasis for transnational
entrepreneurship. The founding crisis that echoes in each demand raised by the Chilean
people, is that model built in dictatorship where the extreme greed of the ruling class,
which under the protection of a constitution founded to implement "The looting of Chile",
had no scruples in stealing absolutely everything. The perfect model, designed by the
prodigious group of students of the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile sent to the
University of Chicago to learn more about Milton Friedman's postulates, the so-called
"Chicago boys" designed a model of liberal economy, a construction strategy in the long
term that sustains itself without the need for a dictatorial regime. The extension of
private initiatives to the detriment of the public was promoted, where the increasingly
smaller State would only be responsible for subsidizing the most impoverished sectors,
without guaranteeing social and human rights such as water, housing, education or health,
made every aspect of life a tradable good in the market. With millionaire salaries either
from the management of their companies or state institutions, the parasitic bourgeoisie,
The impetus of the secondary students once again ignited the flame of mobilization,
motivated by a new rise in the passage of public transport made an explicit call for
evasion that on previous occasions did not generate greater adhesion, was the drop that
overflowed the glass, but as the slogans on the street announce well the rage and
frustration of the people are not for 30 pesos but for more than 30 years of neoliberal
dictatorship. After the resistance in times of dictatorship there has been a process of
reame in the popular field, from the student organizations that managed to maintain a
minimal structure and were not, fortunately, dismantled as the union and neighborhood
structure, it was possible to sow a seed that today It bears fruit. To think that it is an
isolated explosion is to ignore our recent history, we had a series of increasingly
convincing sectorized protests (Students, against the social welfare system, against the
health model, feminist movement, movement for water and the environment, etc.), where the
responses of the different governments only it was the deepening of the model, as we say
in Chile "that everyone scratches with their own nails", that is, that each person solve
their problems individually, however the "save who can" does not give more, economic
dripping does not enough to live. They increased the capacity of individual indebtedness
to access basic services, strengthened labor flexibility where long hours plus transport
time in large cities have become a true modern slavery regime, where once retired and
retired, pensions are received well below the minimum wage. With high rates of mental
health diseases and suicides, which until now generated international curiosity, one of
the richest countries in the world with the most unhappy population in the world,
generated precarious life in the most captivating way: free access to consumption. In a
country where the boundaries between public and private are blurred to favor large
businesses from the State and public policies, they have privatized everything under the
legal protection of a constitution based on dictatorship that allows, for example, to be
the only one country in the world where water is in private hands. A new rise in the
transport rate was the trigger to show a structural crisis,
The street shouts "Until it is worth living."
In a world scenario characterized by the polarization of political positions, the right in
Latin America shows its toughest face in a context where it boasts hegemony from
democratically elected governments. The prelude to the mobilizations in Ecuador showed a
people, mainly indigenous, not willing to accept World Bank guidelines in the direction of
Chile.
On the second day of protest Piñera points out that "we are at war against a powerful
enemy" pointing to some kind of organization responsible for the incendiary attacks on the
subway and other public-private spaces giving the command to the general of the armed
forces, declaring a State of Emergency and then the curfew. Hardly a communication
mistake, which called attention to the disproportion of the measures taken as well as the
levels of repression that were seen only in Mapuche territory. However, the assemblies
have been evident, the looting and burning of private companies by police and military
with a clear intention of unleashing social chaos, for what? Social networks allow
practically a live broadcast of hundreds of calls for demonstration throughout the
territory, as well as the brutality of the police forces, with more than 200 cases of eye
trauma in three weeks, a historical record with no comparable record in any other part of
the world. The obvious manipulation of the media, is no longer as problematic as it used
to be, the gross misrepresentation to justify the excessive violence of the police through
television or the raising of hypotheses that, following the directions of the OAS, point
to The intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban governments in the origin of the protests
is symptomatic of the alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the
hands of large economic groups. However, people are on the street and know that the media
are lying. With more than 200 cases of eye trauma in three weeks, a historical record with
no comparable record anywhere else in the world. The obvious manipulation of the media, is
no longer as problematic as it used to be, the gross misrepresentation to justify the
excessive violence of the police through television or the raising of hypotheses that,
following the directions of the OAS, point to The intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban
governments in the origin of the protests is symptomatic of the alarming fact that
indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the hands of large economic groups. However,
people are on the street and know that the media are lying. With more than 200 cases of
eye trauma in three weeks, a historical record with no comparable record anywhere else in
the world. The obvious manipulation of the media, is no longer as problematic as it used
to be, the gross misrepresentation to justify the excessive violence of the police through
television or the raising of hypotheses that, following the directions of the OAS, point
to The intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban governments in the origin of the protests
is symptomatic of the alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the
hands of large economic groups. However, people are on the street and know that the media
are lying. It is no longer as problematic as it used to be, the gross misrepresentation to
justify the excessive violence of the police through television or the raising of
hypotheses that, following the directions of the OAS, point to the intervention of the
Venezuelan and Cuban governments in The origin of the protests is symptomatic of the
alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the hands of large economic
groups. However, people are on the street and know that the media are lying. It is no
longer as problematic as it used to be, the gross misrepresentation to justify the
excessive violence of the police through television or the raising of hypotheses that,
following the directions of the OAS, point to the intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban
governments in The origin of the protests is symptomatic of the alarming fact that
indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the hands of large economic groups. However,
people are on the street and know that the media are lying. They point to the intervention
of the Venezuelan and Cuban governments in the origin of the protests is symptomatic of
the alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the hands of large
economic groups. However, people are on the street and know that the media are lying. They
point to the intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban governments in the origin of the
protests is symptomatic of the alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are
in the hands of large economic groups. However, people are on the street and know that the
media are lying.
A constituent assembly as a political outlet has been raised by various sectors of the
Chilean left as a way to channel social unrest, some see it as the means to change the
foundations of the neoliberal model, however, the question arises if a model implemented
to through one of the bloodiest dictatorships it will be possible to be radically
transformed through a democratic way. Jaime Guzmán, another one of the prodigies of the
dictatorship, was in charge of designing a constitutional framework for "the miracle of
Chile" as Friedman himself would call it, a constitution at the height of the challenges
of neo-liberalism and that ties in each paragraph the operation of the model.
The recent coup in Bolivia confirms the narrow margins of democracy that quickly
disappears when the armed forces rise. The power of weapons remains a central issue for
the implementation of any society project, when the elite is truly threatened by their
regime, they do not hesitate for a moment to occupy war as a central strategy. It is worth
asking if there is a depletion of the Nation-State for extractive purposes that
effectively requires a new global order where the monopoly is absolute, without butt
stones as are the progressive governments of the region at this time. Faced with this
polarization, What can we expect if the Frente Amplio triumphs in the next presidential
elections in Chile? The scenario is extremely complex and requires an in-depth analysis in
order to respond adequately to the situation and think of paths from the revolutionary left.
Mapuche flags as a symbol of mobilization, another life is possible.
What is felt in the streets is the indignation of people facing more than 40 years of
abuse, the absolute enrichment of 1% at the cost of 99% precariousness, the unease of
living it daily, the impotence of dying waiting for attention from health, a miserable
pension that is not enough to live generating an alarming rate of suicides in the
population of older adults, is the high price of neoliberalism. Today rage is added to the
militarization of cities, human rights violations, murders, multiple violations of
children, torture.
In the framework of the mobilization, multiple neighborhood assemblies, councils, meetings
are being developed, which require a new constitution for Chile, with the conviction that
a new social pact will quench the thirst for justice and equity. But trying to unravel the
tangle of the story that is being built freehand, what is it that the Chilean people who
are on the streets are looking for? What are we willing to defend with life if necessary?
Or, sadly, we can ask why did those 42 people killed by the Chilean State die? What is the
project of society, the way of life that drives us to defend, what is the territory (which
includes much more than a piece of land) for which we are willing to fight. When answering
these questions,
A radical transformative exit is not possible within the margins of the Nation-State, this
forces us as revolutionaries and revolutionaries to weave internationalist networks and
think together the future of the planet that has been devastated by capitalism, the unity
of the peoples in struggle to generate new forms of links outside the imperialist logic, a
joint work from mutual respect and deep learning, which is able to harmonize our passage
through the earth with the existence of other beings, be part of life and not of the
destruction, there feminism has a lot to say. Traditional indigenous peoples, such as the
Mapuche people in southern Chile and Argentina, who maintain their ancestral knowledge
retain organizational forms that promote the development of communities,Küme Mongen (Good
living). This struggle of more than 500 years for the survival of colonization is also an
interpellation from our roots. Are we willing to leave behind the old patriarchal,
capitalist, racist world, really with all that that implies?
From the bowels of capitalism,
Pu lamngen, an affectionate greeting of solidarity and organization, internationalism was
never as essential as in these times.
Marichiweu!
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31642
------------------------------
Message: 5
On October 29, in the heart of the mountains of the Cauca Department, in southwestern
Colombia, five nasa guards and indigenous authorities were massacred by armed militias,
while they exercised their own " territorial control ". to the autonomy of their
territories. That same week, a total of 16 people were murdered in northern Cauca. ---- In
this area populated mainly by the Nasa people, the communities have succeeded, by dint of
struggles since the time of colonization, to make recognize their autonomy and to create
their own local governments. Along with other peoples and social movements, they have led
since the 1970s many struggles for the recovery of land stolen by landowners from
colonization. A major movement of " Liberation of the Mother Earth " has been launched
since 2014 by the Nasa communities to occupy the monocultures of sugar cane installed in
the plain of Cauca and to extract them from the hands of spoliators and polluters.
The repression, however, has never ceased to fall on indigenous communities, peasant or
Afro-descendant and the social movement as a whole. The State by his army and paramilitary
groups or guerrillas with whom he is linked, perpetuates threats, massacres and targeted
assassinations to exert terror and allow the capitalist exploitation of territories
fleeing by thousands of displaced (mining, narcotrafic, large projects ...).
The massacre of October 29th in Tacueyo and the ensuing assassinations are the symbol of a
strategy, of extermination of the peoples in resistance for the control and the
exploitation of the territories which lasted only too long. Peace agreements between the
government and the Farc have not solved the problem and have even led to an upsurge in the
presence of dissident groups and paramilitaries, created and trained to slaughter
political and social activists. Since the signing of these agreements in 2016, 88
indigenous activists have been murdered in Cauca.
We denounce these targeted assassinations that affect all Colombian social sectors.
We express our sorrow and rage at the impunity that is being inflicted on these crimes and
express our solidarity with the indigenous communities of Northern Cauca.
Cristina Bautista, Asdruval Cayapu, Eliodoro Finscue, Jose Gerardo Soto, James Wilfredo
Soto and all the others, we do not forget you !
No estan soles !
The lucha sigue !
International Relations Committee of UCL
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Colombie-Stop-au-massacre-des-communautes-indigenes-en-resistance
------------------------------
Message: 6
8 years have passed since the statements of Necip Fazil Kisakürek, who is among the
ideological references of the ruling current power, referring to the words of gençlik a
plaintiff youth of religion and hatred,, gençlik we will raise religious youth erk. ---- A
survey conducted by a public opinion survey company with young people aged 15-29, covering
the period from 2008 to the present, signaled that this conservative utopia, the state's
social engineering project for youth, has failed. According to the results of the survey,
those who identified themselves as religious-conservative in 2008 decreased from 28% to
approximately 15%. Another stark contrast to the state's conservatization policies was
marked by the decline in the rate of regular worship.
The data obtained from the study also showed that the rate of unhappiness, which is the
inevitable result of living in capitalist relations, increased 6% in a decade. In 2008,
the proportion of those who defined themselves as "happy inda in the 15-29 age range was
57%, but this figure declined to 51% in 10 years. Turkey's involvement in the first five
in Europe in the youth unemployment figure is "unhappiness" in the parallel data should be
noted. Another result of the survey was a sharp decrease from 72% to 22% in current news
follow-up.
Considering the conservatization policies implemented from 2008 to the present, the
results provide a clue to a state of failure in terms of these policies. For other data
supporting this argument, it can go back only a year. De Deism is spreading among young
people "data, which is one of the results of the youth and faith workshop held in Konya in
April last year, supports these clues when it is put down one by one with the statement m
updating religion devlet expressed from the top of the state. We know that the Journal of
Diyanet includes articles in different issues that draw attention to the gençlik same
problems farkli in youth.
The 4 + 4 + 4 education system, which was put into practice in the 2012-2013 academic
year, was an important argument for the conservatization that the government wanted to
implement starting from young people. As a matter of fact, in 2014, the Minister of
National Education Nabi Avci, again referring to Necip Fazil as a "master ve and pointing
to a period of 10 years, predicted that the youth he misses was" in yeast ". But there is
a big question about how much this "foresight tut holds in the context of the research
results in question.
We see that there is no positive response to these expectations as a reflection of the
current policy of social polarization on youth. The youth who do not comply with the
definition of bul acceptable youth or are trying to "align iyle with the strict
supervision of the state. If it does not line up, it is marginalized by force.
TOMAs, which were introduced into the gardens of high schools, which were planned to be
transformed three years ago in parallel with the conservatization policies under the name
of "project school hala, are still in memory. Again, in 2011, against the code actions
against high-school students in the street, "We collect 5-10 thousand young people in
front of the action, but we are not in favor of the tension," we remember the threatened
statements.
The data suggesting that these and similar policies imposed on youth by the state will be
counterproductive also emerges in historical context. After 1923, contrary to its current
practices, the state's project of 15 creating 15 million secular youth in 10 years dönüs
returned in the coming years as the strengthening of the tendency of conservatism in
society. This return took place in the form of the right-conservative power in the
political sphere.
As in the previous process, the imposition of the state from the top has resulted in the
loss of its influence and control over the targeted social segment. When evaluating the
public opinion survey within the framework of these historical data, it should not be
forgotten that the state's downward and compelling methods may cause loss of trust even in
the community who sympathize with it.
http://inadina.org/devletin-dindari-degil-sistemin-dusmani/
------------------------------
Message: 7
The General Confederation of Labor (CGT) has participated in the new meeting of the
Rojinegra Coordinator held from November 16 to 17 in Rome. ---- During this year, the
Rojinegra Coordinator has met twice. At the meeting held at the headquarters of CGT
(Madrid) in February, the Italian Trade Union Union (USI) offered to organize this meeting
in Rome in which the delegations of all the unions that make up the Coordinator
participated: SAC (Sweden) , USI (Italy), IP (Poland), E?? (Greece), CNT (France), SO and
CGT (Spanish State). In addition, the ILC attended as an observer and the FOB (Brazil)
sent a greeting expressing its desire to share information, knowledge, experiences and do
actions together with the Coordinator.
On Saturday, November 16 and within the framework of this meeting, an International
Meeting on Trade Union Rights and the right to strike in Europe opened to other local
unions was held. There it was found that the attack by employers and their governments on
trade union rights is common in different states.
Some companies try to include referendums in the templates to delegitimize the strike
call, and the reality is that the number of strike days is decreasing and phenomena
appearing from CNT-F as "balloon strikes" of a day in which the The employer makes as if
he listens to the demands of the workers but the next day the same working conditions
continue and the workers who have made the strike are repressed. In Sweden, SAC pointed
out that the working class maintains a welfare state that holds the working class with
their wages. In addition, a new law has been passed in August to restrict the strike to
unions. In Italy, if you are not signing the Collective Agreement, you cannot call a
strike in the sector or the company. In Poland, 50% of the workforce must approve the
strike call in a referendum. In Greece there is also no capacity to call a general strike.
For our part, we point out that in the Spanish State, the right to strike is regulated by
a Royal Decree of 1977, therefore prior to the Constitution, and in most cases, it must be
interpreted in the absence of development by part of the courts that increasingly restrict
this right through the limitation of the strike, declaring illegal strikes, allowing
schirolage and naming abusive minimum services.
During the second day of Sunday, we were working in a coordinated way to achieve better
living conditions for working people, focusing on:
* Fight against Labor Precariousness.
* Defend wage and social equality between men and women and the end of sexist violence and
patriarchy.
* The defense of decent pensions.
* Defend the same rights for all people regardless of where they were born.
* The defense of the planet to avoid that consumption and industry are above the health of
those who inhabit it.
* The defense of public services that satisfy all people the basic needs for a decent life.
We will promote mobilization for all these reasons and work towards a General Strike in
each state. Likewise, it was agreed to act in coordination in those productive sectors
where the different organizations have implantation, with the aim of ending the
exploitation and precarious employment prevailing in all the states where we are present.
We must internationalize all the struggles that are possible to us, demonstrating that
ideas and people are over borders, until we achieve a world self-managed by the Working Class.
Secretary of International Relations of the CGT
https://cgt.org.es/nueva-reunion-de-la-coordinadora-rojinegra-durante-este-fin-de-semana-en-roma/
------------------------------
this weekend in Rome (ca, it)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Since August 2019 a new repression wave began against the squats in Exarchia in Athens and
other cities in Greece. Several immigrant and anarchist squats and social centres have
been evicted till now. This comes with the dogma of "law and order" from the recently
elected new government of the right-wing party "New Democracy". However, it is just
continuing the repression of the previous government led by the leftist party of SYRIZA in
another form. ---- The previous 4.5 years, SYRIZA succeeded to repress the social
movements of Greece in a way that no previous government could do it. After "selling" hope
to the society that a radical change will come, they applied the same neoliberal policies
and austerity measures as the previous ones. This way people got disappointed and the
majority stop being active in the radical movements. The same time eviction of squats and
the war on those whose voices could not be heard, the immigrants, was happening all those
years. So, the new government comes now ready to put an end to all the voices of resistance.
They initially passed a law which abolishes the university asylum, where the police could
not enter a university without a permission by the Rector. This was achieved when the
rebellion against the dictatorship in Greece began in 17 November 1973. All the next
years, the spaces in the universities were a place in which the different movements came
together and various parts of society could socialize and get organized there (students,
workers, radical leftists, anarchists). In addition, a reform in the education system is
coming up to discipline more the students and open a door for the profits of private
companies.
Then, the state attacks the immigrants in plenty of ways. Lots of them are dying in the
sea trying to pass from Turkey to Greece, those who survive are staying in camps in
horrible conditions. Most of them are in the islands in the borders with Turkey, where the
facilities are made to host far less people. Others are held in detention centres and
police stations (such as in Petrou Ralli, Athens) without any specific accusations waiting
for months if they can be transferred in camps or be legalized. Those who dare to rebel
are tortured by the police and some are deported violently back to Turkey. The same time,
the state evicts the immigrant squats and social centres because they are afraid of a
connection of the immigrants with the social movements. All these, come in hand with the
EU anti-immigration policies building a fortress Europe.
The squatting and anarchist movement in Greece is one of the few voices which are
remaining to resist and rebel against the state repression and the further capitalistic
exploitation of the society. The state wants to put an end to such voices. The mainstream
media show that the "cleansing" of the radical district of Exarchia in Athens and squats
in other cities will be beneficial for the citizens. The authorities turn the public
opinion to believe that those who resist and deny the dominant norms of this society are
against the society, when in fact they are against the authorities and the power. Thus,
those who do not accept the policies of the state will be appeared to be the "garbage" of
society that must be cleaned out. The police have also moved drug dealers to the square of
Exarchia to show that their presence is required there against any "criminal" activities.
The events of the past months showed that the only ones who are struggle against the
mafias and drug dealing are the residents and anarchists of Exarchia and the police only
attacks the squats.
Similar policies occur in the Netherlands and in Amsterdam. New laws against squatting,
gentrification of neighbourhoods with increasing housing rates and a target to
commercialise every aspect of our lives. There is also a vast exploitation of immigrant
temp workers who come from poorer countries.
Enough is enough! We not only stand with our comrades in Greece, the squatting movement,
those who resist, the immigrants, but we fight against all these policies which produce
and reproduce the state repression, the capital and power relations, racism and
manipulation of the immigrants.
FROM NETHERLANDS TO GREECE, AGAINST STATE REPRESSION
SOLIDARITY TO SQUATS, SOCIAL CENTRES AND OCCUPIED PUBLIC SPACES
AGAINST FORTRESS EUROPE, PAPERS TO ALL IMMIGRANTS
DEMONSTRATION 17/11/2019, 14:00
Van Beuningenplein, Amsterdam
https://www.agamsterdam.org/solidarity-to-the-squats-the-anarchist-and-social-movement-in-greece/
------------------------------
Message: 2
In this interview translated by the Autonomies collective, One of Spain's most interesting
modern thinkers on anarchism, Tomás Ibáñez, outlines some of the thinking from his book
Anarchism is Movement, which Freedom is publishing in English later this month. ---- A
child of Spanish anarchist exiles in France, Ibáñez began his political journey in French
anarchist youth groups and with his fellow exiled Spanish youth. From the beginning of
the 1960s through to the early 1980s his energies were dedicated to the construction of
libertarian organisations, the anti-Franco struggle and the reconstruction of the
anarchist CNT union in 1976. ---- Ibáñez has authored numerous essays about dissidence,
anarchism and the struggle against domination, and in Anarchism is Movement he reviews the
presence of anarchist ideals and principles in our times. Ibáñez analyses the resurgence
of anarchism in the 21st century particularly in Spain, and how it has permeated the
struggles of social movements, from 15M to the expansion of self-managed social centres,
consumer co-operatives and networks of alternative economies.
This interview originally took place in 2014, around the time political party Podemos
emerged from the 15M movement. Presciently, he calls attention to the dangers confronting
these movements in the passage to electorally-based struggles, many of which have been
borne out in the recent Spanish election which has seen compromise and a steadily
declining vote.[i]
"The siren calls that once announced radiant new dawns have passed", you say in your book.
Is it no longer possible to hope for liberation, for "anarchy" as an end state of affairs,
as once proposed?
Those siren calls suggested, in the more or less distant future, a reward that struggles
for freedom would receive - one so fantastic that it led us to evaluate struggles
according to how far they brought us towards the promised Utopia.
It is no longer possible to maintain this type of discourse, which clearly had something
of a religious nature; today we have learned that the value of struggles doesn't depend on
the promises they make, but resides rather in their very occurrence, in their substantive
characteristics, and in what they permit us to create in the present. The extinction of
these calls puts an end to this fascination for the promised land, and subordination of
the journey to its outcome, but this tells us nothing about whether or not it is possible
to one day arrive at an anarchist type of society.
Independently of whether or not it is possible, anarchy resides not in the future, but in
the present, in every struggle, in every achievement that reflects its principles. With
the extinction of the siren calls, the belief in the abrupt advent of a society that moves
towards anarchy on the ruins of the collapse of the current system also dies. That grand
and final revolutionary eruption which carries with it some definitive liberation is a
myth, so too is the vision of a society free from conflicts, tensions, struggles a myth.
There is no radiant dawn at the end of the journey, because there is no journey with an
end; each dawn must be fought for day by day, again and again.
This of course does not mean that it is not necessary to cultivate Utopia, but this last
is acceptable only with the understanding that it serves merely as a guide to act in the
present rather than as a pre-figuration of the end that will one day be reached.
You maintain that "anarchism resurges in the 21st century, that it re-invents itself".
What qualities does it leave behind and which have appeared?
To the extent that anarchism forges itself in the heart of struggles against domination,
it is logical that it changes alongside them, to be able to continue to respond to new
apparatuses of power. What anarchism opposes changes and this changes anarchism. What
contemporary anarchism leaves behind, among other things, is a collection of ideas shaped
by Modernity, such as an unshakeable faith in progress, an non-critical elevation of
Reason, an overly simple conception of power, practices consistent with an emphasis placed
on the central importance of labour. It also leaves behind a revolutionary imaginary
constructed around the great proletarian insurrection.
The anarchism which gains form is one more tactical than strategic, more focused on the
present than Utopianism, where what is more important is isolated, local, limited, but
radical subversion, of the apparatuses of domination and the creation here and now of
practices and spaces that ground revolution in the present, radically transforming the
subjectivities of those who develop them. What also characterises contemporary anarchism
is less closing in upon itself and a greater openness to construct, together with other
traditions that are not specifically anarchist, a series of projects and common struggles.
You state that anarchism "is a thing of today, of here and now". In what way does it
currently manifest itself, in our neighbourhoods?
Anarchism has involved itself in the attempt to construct a neighbourhood reality
comprised of concrete realisations, such as consumer, production, education co-operatives,
occupied social centres, libraries, networks of alternative economies. One must not
forget that the destruction of neighbourhood life has been one of the factors that has
taken strength away from anarchism to the extent that it is precisely at the neighbourhood
level where transversal relations can be created that question different apparatuses of
domination, and not only those that are to be found in the ambit of work.
You also make reference to the "guardians of the temple", who court an "embalmed
anarchism", against threats to the survival of anarchism. Who are the "guardians of the
temple"? What anarchism do they pretend to preserve against the forces of change?
I say in the book that for some time I warred against the "guardians of the temple" and,
in effect, during the years of my most intense anarchist militancy, that is, from the
beginning of the 1960s until the 1980s, they were serious problem in the heart of the
libertarian movements in France, Italy or Spain, to cite but the examples that I more
familiar with.
Their desire to preserve the purity of inherited anarchism, to avoid any contamination by
ideas or practices that that came from outside, their faith, almost religious, in the
unquestionable superiority of anarchism, and their dedication to the task of overseeing
the immutability of its essence, closed them in a dogmatism and a sectarianism
incompatible with any minimally anarchist sensibility. The expulsions, the
disqualifications, the splits were frequent. Today, the very force of change has emptied
sectarian proclivities of any energy and the "guardians of the temple" no longer represent
a major problem, though it is worth remaining attentive to eventual reappearances of
fundamentalist attitudes.
What can anarchism bring to current social movements?
A great deal. Anarchism can supply the long experience that it has accumulated in
relation to modes of operation that these movements are presently trying to reinvent: ways
of debating, deciding, and acting based on direct democracy, horizontality, respect for
minorities, the permanent refusal of delegated authority, direct action, etc.
It may also strengthen them in the suspicion that they demonstrate in relation to the
exercise of power, or in their mistrust of "representation". It is worth recalling as
regards this point the way in which Michel Foucault denounced "the indignity of speaking
in the name of another". To the extent that the historical memory of countless struggles
that emerged "from below" have settled in the heart of anarchism, and to the extent that
historical experiences and knowledges help to better understand the present, it is obvious
that anarchism can be of great utility to emerging movements. Lastly, anarchism can also
reveal itself useful in making evident, in a critical way, the errors that it has
committed under the folds of its own flag.
And what current practices of social movements can inscribe themselves in the principles
of anarchism?
Horizontalism, the manner in which debates are conducted, proposals elaborated, decisions
taken, the emphasis placed on the "pre-figurative" character that must impregnate the
contents and the forms of struggle, that is, an insistence that the practices we develop
must not contradict the ends that are sought. It is also necessary to mention the
practice of direct action and skepticism in relation to mediation, the criticism of the
delegation of power and of representation, or the rejection of centralisation and
vanguardism, without forgetting the aversion to all forms of domination, etc.
Was there anarchism in the emergence of 15M?
There was, of course. I fully subscribe to the words of (political journalist) Rafael Cid
when he referred to it as an "unexpected libertarian spring". From the moment that the
only legitimate political subject was the very people who were present in the squares and
implicated in the struggle, at the margin of any organisation exterior to itself, we were
already fully within the heart of anarchist principles.
If we add to this the rejection of all representation that manifested itself with an
impressive force, the anarchist characteristics of the movement made themselves even more
evident. From my own understanding of anarchism, the very fact that identitarian
displays, even anarchist, reinforces the anarchist character of 15M. To know whether or
not anarchism, today, is present in 15M is something which is beyond me because I have not
followed the most recent evolution of the movement closely enough; however, I sense that
its heterogeneous and polymorphous character will have preserved anarchist enclaves.
Sants, Barcelona Pic: John PX
Does what happened in Can Vies (in the Sants neighbourhood of Barcelona), in which the
occupiers, with their neighbours, continued to work at the margins of what perhaps the
municipality desired (for example, rebuilding the centre), reflect the survival of
anarchist ideas?
More than the survival of anarchist ideas, what is manifest in the events in Sants is the
coming together of, or the harmony between, on the one hand, some of the characteristics
of anarchism and, on the other, types of practices that developed, and that continue to
develop, in the Can Vies conflict. Harmony also with the sensibility that is evident in
many elements of collectives who are protagonists in the current insubordination of a
political and social nature.
The open assemblies, the refusal to negotiate what is considered non-negotiable, the
rejection of any compromise that implies participation in the system and submission to its
logic, the fusion of the existential and the political, that is, the non-separation
between the way of life and of being, on the one hand, and political practices, on the
other, the direct action manifest even in the decision to not leave in the hands of others
the reconstruction of the edifice; all of this creates strong resonances between anarchism
and what has happened in Can Vies. The survival, even, the strength of anarchism in
Barcelona in the heart of some young collectives made itself evident in the conflicts fed
by, in part, the columns of humanity that flowed towards Sants from various neighbourhoods.
In one passage in the book you affirm that "struggling against the State also consists of
changing things from ‘below', through local practices". In the last few years, various
experiments in self-management and social movements, like the PAH, have exercised a
counter-power to the State. If these opt for an electoral path, do they run the risk of
losing their emancipatory strength?
From my perspective, the danger is evident. Integration into the system, assuming some
of its practices and acquiring some portions of power, with the laudable purpose of
combating it and transforming it from within, deactivates sooner or later the strength of
any emancipatory politics.
This has nothing to do with the well-known dictum "power corrupts ...", but rather "to
arrive at power, one must already be corrupted"; there is no other way to arrive, because
there is no path to power that does not imply practices that are more or less unjust, as
well as various compromises and losses of greater or lesser significance. It is for this
reason that I am such a fervent defender of the exercise of "counter-power", as I am a
virulent critic of "popular power". The fact of demanding and working for the
consolidation of this last leads almost always to electoral politics, and therefore, the
question arises, "What then becomes of the slogan that "they don´t represent us", or the
legitimate cry, "que se vayan todos"?
In line with what you have just said, if social movements and groups with horizontal,
assembly and self-management practices arrive at "power", take the institutions of power,
can they lose these characteristics?
It is not that they can lose these characteristics; it is that they inevitably lose them.
One never "takes" power, it is power that "takes us", for as Agustin Garcia Calvo used to
say so well, "the enemy is inscribed in the very form of its weapons". To use them is to
recognise its victory and adopt its form.
One need not have studied a great deal of psychology and sociology to know that immersion
in a specific context, and the assumption of practices peculiar to it, affects the way of
being and thinking of anyone who accepts it. To be able to justify one´s own conduct, it
is necessary to match prior ideas with the practices put into effect, thereby ignoring the
inseparable symbiosis between ideas and practices defended by anarchism, and thus
forgetting the famous graffiti painted on the walls of Paris in 1968 that said: "Act as
you think or you will end up thinking as you act".
The kind of movement that you refer to in your question will never assume the move towards
the conquest of power if it is animated by the profound conviction that no exercise of
power will ever be able to engender a space of freedom.
Anarchism is Movement is due to be released later this month. In the run-up to launch
Freedom is offering 20% off.
[i]The most obvious example, in Spain, is the political party, podemos.
Autonomies, in an earlier incarnation, as Autonomy, had occasion to translate an article
by Ibáñez from the 1980s. Click here.
https://freedomnews.org.uk/interview-tomas-ibanez-on-power-and-modern-anarchy/
------------------------------
Message: 3
This article is about the protests in general and the current one, it covers the common
things and the weaknesses points between them. It also gives some suggestions how we can
avoid these weaknesses to gain our goals. ---- This year we have witnessed many protests
in the UK and other countries from Yellow Vests in France, protests in Iran, Morocco,
Sudan, Extinction Rebellion in more than 120 countries, Haiti, Hong Kong, Ecuador, Chile,
Greece, and now in Catalonia, Bolivia, Iraq and Lebanon. ---- All of these protests have
been mass movements against widespread corruption, high unemployment, poor public
services, increasing taxation, inequality, injustice and tyranny. Some of the protests,
like Hong Kong, Catalonia and Bolivia, are a mixture of political and social demands.
In addition to the above, all of these protests share four things between them. First,
almost all of them were mass movements that were leaderless and had no political parties
or politicians behind them. Second, they all used direct action to achieve their demands.
Third, they all shared a common enemy, the government. All of these governments reacted
the same way, no matter whether they were a democracy, a dictatorship, a military or
civilian power. They all responded in the same way against the protesters. They repressed
them brutally, killing them, wounding them, detaining them and abducting them. Fourth,
they have more or less succeeded in meeting many of their demands. In Sudan they brought
down the military government and had some of their demands met. In Hong Kong they forced
the administration to abandon the extradition policy. In France the movement has shaken
the government, who have acknowledged that people are very unhappy with the new government
and the protests are far from ending. In Catalonia, protests are still going on and the
Spanish government currently has a big dilemma regarding them. This was one of the factors
in Spain having another election on the 10th of November. In Chile the achievements
exceeded the expectations of the people themselves. In Ecuador, protests forced the
government to relocate to another city. In Lebanon, protests led to the resignation of the
prime minster and a few MP's. It shook the power of Hezbollah while over 1.5 million
people of a population of 4 million went to the streets, sending a strong message to the
government and Hezbollah that they cannot kill and terrorize the mass movement. In
Bolivia, protests forced the president, Evo Morales, to resign over disputed election results.
In Iraq, a big social movement is going on. This is the biggest protest in recent Iraqi
history. It is an uprising, it is a revolution. People forced the tribes and religious
rulers to agree to all of their demands, except leaving their power completely and
surrendering themselves to the people. The protest started on the 1st of October for a
week, and then resumed in Baghdad on a larger scale on 25th of October, and quickly spread
to twelve more cities. This time the protest is very much different from what happened
before. Women have joined the mass movement for the first time ever. They are doctors and
medical students, helping treat the injured. Some of them are also fighting the police and
security forces with the men, others are busy providing meals and drinks and many more are
helping clean the streets.
The protesters' plans and tactics are different from before. This time they are very well
organised on the streets, in Tahrir Square in Baghdad and in other places and
neighbourhoods. An old Turkish restaurant of 14 floors that was abandoned a long time ago
has been occupied. This building has been used by the Special Forces in previous protests
to kill protesters using snipers. The protesters use the building to stay overnight,
cooking, distributing food and drink, holding regular meetings and issuing a newsletter.
The previous protests have taught the protesters that they need to wear helmets in order
to protect themselves against attacks. Over 500 Tuk-Tuks have joined the protesters to
help them move the protesters around, and in the absence of ambulances to transfer the
wounded and dead.
More importantly, the protesters have been supported by most unions and workers. Some of
the oil field workers have went on strike to support them. Each union is represented with
their banners and tents in Tahrir Square. More than 10 teams of doctors and nurses
equipped with medicine and equipment are at Tahrir Square to treat the wounded.
Workplaces, schools and universities have been shut and over sixty major roads in Baghdad
have been occupied, preventing the police and security forces from going through.
The protesters have rejected the religious politicians and their parties, burning down
their offices and military headquarters. In Karbala, the second most important Shia city,
on the 3rd of November, the Iranian Consulate was surrounded, part of it set on fire and
they were asked to leave Iraq. In some cities, politicians' empty houses which were
guarded by security forces were burned down. Some cities have come under the control of
the protesters once the government's forces have left. Recently, the protesters occupied
the road between Basra and the main port of Iraq, Umm Qasr. The protesters have radical
slogans like, "No to Iran, no to US, no to religion, no to politicians and their power, no
to tribal rule, separate religion from the state, no trust and faith in the politicians,
sixteen years in power, enough, we do not trust you .. From Iraq to Lebanon is one war.
..Out Out all of you out".
So far 319 protesters have been killed, 15,000 more have been injured, 11,000 arrested and
many abducted, including women activists. People have paid a heavy price and do not want
to leave and go home. It is very difficult at the moment to predict what will happen in
Iraq. There is the probability of the Iranian regime intervening directly. If they do,
they will not hesitate to crush the movement brutally to save their own and their agents'
interests in Iraq.
It is quite clear that there is no smoke without fire. The system through its main pillar,
the state, has created a terrible climate for growing the seeds of demonstrations,
protests and riots everywhere. These include destroying the environment, creating war,
unemployment, inequality injustice, lack of freedom, deprivation, starvation,
discrimination and, finally, racism and fascism.
In fact we should be surprised if we do not see protests, actions and even riots very often.
The protests, whether they are for a single issue or against the state or the entire
system, are legitimate; a step forward in developing our struggles. These kinds of
struggle are the base and foundation for future revolutions. Certainly those of us who are
involved in the protests are more conscious and concerned about our rights and are
desperate to change the situation, than the others who are silent.
Standing up for our rights and doing something positive serves our cause and rejects the
inaction of the majority who are doing nothing. By protesting, demonstrating and using
direct action as our only and decisive tactic has shown that most of the time we can
achieve something, whether it is small or large. But, more importantly, we are making the
state and the system aware that the people are angry and anxious for a change for the better.
However, there are weaknesses in most of these protests. We have seen almost no support or
solidarity from the workers in industrialised sectors especially in Europe when hit by
waves of protest. This attitude is ironic when a century ago it was expected that
socialism could be built due to developing industrialisation and consequent polarisation
of the working class in some parts of Europe. Alas, that did not happen and, a century
later, still we do not see crucial support from them. There are other weaknesses. We can
clearly see that there is a lack of self-organisation, before, during and after the
protests. In these circumstances, we need to organise ourselves in the streets,
workplaces, schools, universities, neighbourhoods and other places, establishing
assemblies to plan our actions and next steps and which are inter-connected, facilitating
the necessary cooperation to fulfil our goals.
Concentrating on a single issue isolates the movement from other issues and the roots of
the problem; the state and the system. This is the weak point in the protests. This is
what the system and the state want to see from us; division with each group working only
for themselves and failing to connect with one another. These problems are apparent in
most of the demonstrations and protests. Unfortunately, the protests can be easily
controlled and contained by the state and governments in Europe and by terrorist groups in
the Middle East.
Fighting to resolve the problems in society without fighting the system and its major
pillar, the state, and changing it has led many to believe that by changing the government
all problems can be resolved.
It is either naivety or simply ignorance to believe that the government works in the
interests of the community and society. This truth is particularly obvious for those of us
who, throughout our lives, have seen many governments come and go whether through
elections, or a coup d'états. While the problems may have been resolved temporary but
after a while they will come back. I believe the reasons for this mistaken belief is that
either people are demoralised and have no confidence in themselves or simply lack
knowledge of history and relevant experience. Without this knowledge, people believe that
the root of all these problems are not the state, but the government. Environmental
issues, homelessness, unemployment and war; all have been caused by governments and
states. They are the actual problem rather than the solution.
To learn from the protests we need to consider the above weakness and also to see the
current capitalism system with its liberal and neoliberal polices is the roots of all the
problems. We should know that in order to get rid of all the problems once and forever we
must fight the system as whole.
Zaherbaher.com
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31645
------------------------------
Message: 4
Tension in the Chilean territory, the most massive mobilizations since the return to
democracy, and perhaps from history defy the supposed oasis of neoliberalism built in
these 46 years after the coup, with a dictatorship that overthrew the Unity project
Popular and matured a neoliberal economic model, no doubt an oasis for transnational
entrepreneurship. The founding crisis that echoes in each demand raised by the Chilean
people, is that model built in dictatorship where the extreme greed of the ruling class,
which under the protection of a constitution founded to implement "The plundering of
Chile", had no scruples in stealing absolutely everything. ---- The oasis of chaos
Tension in the Chilean territory, the most massive mobilizations since the return to
democracy, and perhaps from history defy the supposed oasis of neoliberalism built in
these 46 years after the coup, with a dictatorship that overthrew the Unity project
Popular and matured a neoliberal economic model, no doubt an oasis for transnational
entrepreneurship. The founding crisis that echoes in each demand raised by the Chilean
people, is that model built in dictatorship where the extreme greed of the ruling class,
which under the protection of a constitution founded to implement "The looting of Chile",
had no scruples in stealing absolutely everything. The perfect model, designed by the
prodigious group of students of the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile sent to the
University of Chicago to learn more about Milton Friedman's postulates, the so-called
"Chicago boys" designed a model of liberal economy, a construction strategy in the long
term that sustains itself without the need for a dictatorial regime. The extension of
private initiatives to the detriment of the public was promoted, where the increasingly
smaller State would only be responsible for subsidizing the most impoverished sectors,
without guaranteeing social and human rights such as water, housing, education or health,
made every aspect of life a tradable good in the market. With millionaire salaries either
from the management of their companies or state institutions, the parasitic bourgeoisie,
The impetus of the secondary students once again ignited the flame of mobilization,
motivated by a new rise in the passage of public transport made an explicit call for
evasion that on previous occasions did not generate greater adhesion, was the drop that
overflowed the glass, but as the slogans on the street announce well the rage and
frustration of the people are not for 30 pesos but for more than 30 years of neoliberal
dictatorship. After the resistance in times of dictatorship there has been a process of
reame in the popular field, from the student organizations that managed to maintain a
minimal structure and were not, fortunately, dismantled as the union and neighborhood
structure, it was possible to sow a seed that today It bears fruit. To think that it is an
isolated explosion is to ignore our recent history, we had a series of increasingly
convincing sectorized protests (Students, against the social welfare system, against the
health model, feminist movement, movement for water and the environment, etc.), where the
responses of the different governments only it was the deepening of the model, as we say
in Chile "that everyone scratches with their own nails", that is, that each person solve
their problems individually, however the "save who can" does not give more, economic
dripping does not enough to live. They increased the capacity of individual indebtedness
to access basic services, strengthened labor flexibility where long hours plus transport
time in large cities have become a true modern slavery regime, where once retired and
retired, pensions are received well below the minimum wage. With high rates of mental
health diseases and suicides, which until now generated international curiosity, one of
the richest countries in the world with the most unhappy population in the world,
generated precarious life in the most captivating way: free access to consumption. In a
country where the boundaries between public and private are blurred to favor large
businesses from the State and public policies, they have privatized everything under the
legal protection of a constitution based on dictatorship that allows, for example, to be
the only one country in the world where water is in private hands. A new rise in the
transport rate was the trigger to show a structural crisis,
The street shouts "Until it is worth living."
In a world scenario characterized by the polarization of political positions, the right in
Latin America shows its toughest face in a context where it boasts hegemony from
democratically elected governments. The prelude to the mobilizations in Ecuador showed a
people, mainly indigenous, not willing to accept World Bank guidelines in the direction of
Chile.
On the second day of protest Piñera points out that "we are at war against a powerful
enemy" pointing to some kind of organization responsible for the incendiary attacks on the
subway and other public-private spaces giving the command to the general of the armed
forces, declaring a State of Emergency and then the curfew. Hardly a communication
mistake, which called attention to the disproportion of the measures taken as well as the
levels of repression that were seen only in Mapuche territory. However, the assemblies
have been evident, the looting and burning of private companies by police and military
with a clear intention of unleashing social chaos, for what? Social networks allow
practically a live broadcast of hundreds of calls for demonstration throughout the
territory, as well as the brutality of the police forces, with more than 200 cases of eye
trauma in three weeks, a historical record with no comparable record in any other part of
the world. The obvious manipulation of the media, is no longer as problematic as it used
to be, the gross misrepresentation to justify the excessive violence of the police through
television or the raising of hypotheses that, following the directions of the OAS, point
to The intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban governments in the origin of the protests
is symptomatic of the alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the
hands of large economic groups. However, people are on the street and know that the media
are lying. With more than 200 cases of eye trauma in three weeks, a historical record with
no comparable record anywhere else in the world. The obvious manipulation of the media, is
no longer as problematic as it used to be, the gross misrepresentation to justify the
excessive violence of the police through television or the raising of hypotheses that,
following the directions of the OAS, point to The intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban
governments in the origin of the protests is symptomatic of the alarming fact that
indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the hands of large economic groups. However,
people are on the street and know that the media are lying. With more than 200 cases of
eye trauma in three weeks, a historical record with no comparable record anywhere else in
the world. The obvious manipulation of the media, is no longer as problematic as it used
to be, the gross misrepresentation to justify the excessive violence of the police through
television or the raising of hypotheses that, following the directions of the OAS, point
to The intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban governments in the origin of the protests
is symptomatic of the alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the
hands of large economic groups. However, people are on the street and know that the media
are lying. It is no longer as problematic as it used to be, the gross misrepresentation to
justify the excessive violence of the police through television or the raising of
hypotheses that, following the directions of the OAS, point to the intervention of the
Venezuelan and Cuban governments in The origin of the protests is symptomatic of the
alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the hands of large economic
groups. However, people are on the street and know that the media are lying. It is no
longer as problematic as it used to be, the gross misrepresentation to justify the
excessive violence of the police through television or the raising of hypotheses that,
following the directions of the OAS, point to the intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban
governments in The origin of the protests is symptomatic of the alarming fact that
indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the hands of large economic groups. However,
people are on the street and know that the media are lying. They point to the intervention
of the Venezuelan and Cuban governments in the origin of the protests is symptomatic of
the alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are in the hands of large
economic groups. However, people are on the street and know that the media are lying. They
point to the intervention of the Venezuelan and Cuban governments in the origin of the
protests is symptomatic of the alarming fact that indicates that 90% of the mass media are
in the hands of large economic groups. However, people are on the street and know that the
media are lying.
A constituent assembly as a political outlet has been raised by various sectors of the
Chilean left as a way to channel social unrest, some see it as the means to change the
foundations of the neoliberal model, however, the question arises if a model implemented
to through one of the bloodiest dictatorships it will be possible to be radically
transformed through a democratic way. Jaime Guzmán, another one of the prodigies of the
dictatorship, was in charge of designing a constitutional framework for "the miracle of
Chile" as Friedman himself would call it, a constitution at the height of the challenges
of neo-liberalism and that ties in each paragraph the operation of the model.
The recent coup in Bolivia confirms the narrow margins of democracy that quickly
disappears when the armed forces rise. The power of weapons remains a central issue for
the implementation of any society project, when the elite is truly threatened by their
regime, they do not hesitate for a moment to occupy war as a central strategy. It is worth
asking if there is a depletion of the Nation-State for extractive purposes that
effectively requires a new global order where the monopoly is absolute, without butt
stones as are the progressive governments of the region at this time. Faced with this
polarization, What can we expect if the Frente Amplio triumphs in the next presidential
elections in Chile? The scenario is extremely complex and requires an in-depth analysis in
order to respond adequately to the situation and think of paths from the revolutionary left.
Mapuche flags as a symbol of mobilization, another life is possible.
What is felt in the streets is the indignation of people facing more than 40 years of
abuse, the absolute enrichment of 1% at the cost of 99% precariousness, the unease of
living it daily, the impotence of dying waiting for attention from health, a miserable
pension that is not enough to live generating an alarming rate of suicides in the
population of older adults, is the high price of neoliberalism. Today rage is added to the
militarization of cities, human rights violations, murders, multiple violations of
children, torture.
In the framework of the mobilization, multiple neighborhood assemblies, councils, meetings
are being developed, which require a new constitution for Chile, with the conviction that
a new social pact will quench the thirst for justice and equity. But trying to unravel the
tangle of the story that is being built freehand, what is it that the Chilean people who
are on the streets are looking for? What are we willing to defend with life if necessary?
Or, sadly, we can ask why did those 42 people killed by the Chilean State die? What is the
project of society, the way of life that drives us to defend, what is the territory (which
includes much more than a piece of land) for which we are willing to fight. When answering
these questions,
A radical transformative exit is not possible within the margins of the Nation-State, this
forces us as revolutionaries and revolutionaries to weave internationalist networks and
think together the future of the planet that has been devastated by capitalism, the unity
of the peoples in struggle to generate new forms of links outside the imperialist logic, a
joint work from mutual respect and deep learning, which is able to harmonize our passage
through the earth with the existence of other beings, be part of life and not of the
destruction, there feminism has a lot to say. Traditional indigenous peoples, such as the
Mapuche people in southern Chile and Argentina, who maintain their ancestral knowledge
retain organizational forms that promote the development of communities,Küme Mongen (Good
living). This struggle of more than 500 years for the survival of colonization is also an
interpellation from our roots. Are we willing to leave behind the old patriarchal,
capitalist, racist world, really with all that that implies?
From the bowels of capitalism,
Pu lamngen, an affectionate greeting of solidarity and organization, internationalism was
never as essential as in these times.
Marichiweu!
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31642
------------------------------
Message: 5
On October 29, in the heart of the mountains of the Cauca Department, in southwestern
Colombia, five nasa guards and indigenous authorities were massacred by armed militias,
while they exercised their own " territorial control ". to the autonomy of their
territories. That same week, a total of 16 people were murdered in northern Cauca. ---- In
this area populated mainly by the Nasa people, the communities have succeeded, by dint of
struggles since the time of colonization, to make recognize their autonomy and to create
their own local governments. Along with other peoples and social movements, they have led
since the 1970s many struggles for the recovery of land stolen by landowners from
colonization. A major movement of " Liberation of the Mother Earth " has been launched
since 2014 by the Nasa communities to occupy the monocultures of sugar cane installed in
the plain of Cauca and to extract them from the hands of spoliators and polluters.
The repression, however, has never ceased to fall on indigenous communities, peasant or
Afro-descendant and the social movement as a whole. The State by his army and paramilitary
groups or guerrillas with whom he is linked, perpetuates threats, massacres and targeted
assassinations to exert terror and allow the capitalist exploitation of territories
fleeing by thousands of displaced (mining, narcotrafic, large projects ...).
The massacre of October 29th in Tacueyo and the ensuing assassinations are the symbol of a
strategy, of extermination of the peoples in resistance for the control and the
exploitation of the territories which lasted only too long. Peace agreements between the
government and the Farc have not solved the problem and have even led to an upsurge in the
presence of dissident groups and paramilitaries, created and trained to slaughter
political and social activists. Since the signing of these agreements in 2016, 88
indigenous activists have been murdered in Cauca.
We denounce these targeted assassinations that affect all Colombian social sectors.
We express our sorrow and rage at the impunity that is being inflicted on these crimes and
express our solidarity with the indigenous communities of Northern Cauca.
Cristina Bautista, Asdruval Cayapu, Eliodoro Finscue, Jose Gerardo Soto, James Wilfredo
Soto and all the others, we do not forget you !
No estan soles !
The lucha sigue !
International Relations Committee of UCL
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Colombie-Stop-au-massacre-des-communautes-indigenes-en-resistance
------------------------------
Message: 6
8 years have passed since the statements of Necip Fazil Kisakürek, who is among the
ideological references of the ruling current power, referring to the words of gençlik a
plaintiff youth of religion and hatred,, gençlik we will raise religious youth erk. ---- A
survey conducted by a public opinion survey company with young people aged 15-29, covering
the period from 2008 to the present, signaled that this conservative utopia, the state's
social engineering project for youth, has failed. According to the results of the survey,
those who identified themselves as religious-conservative in 2008 decreased from 28% to
approximately 15%. Another stark contrast to the state's conservatization policies was
marked by the decline in the rate of regular worship.
The data obtained from the study also showed that the rate of unhappiness, which is the
inevitable result of living in capitalist relations, increased 6% in a decade. In 2008,
the proportion of those who defined themselves as "happy inda in the 15-29 age range was
57%, but this figure declined to 51% in 10 years. Turkey's involvement in the first five
in Europe in the youth unemployment figure is "unhappiness" in the parallel data should be
noted. Another result of the survey was a sharp decrease from 72% to 22% in current news
follow-up.
Considering the conservatization policies implemented from 2008 to the present, the
results provide a clue to a state of failure in terms of these policies. For other data
supporting this argument, it can go back only a year. De Deism is spreading among young
people "data, which is one of the results of the youth and faith workshop held in Konya in
April last year, supports these clues when it is put down one by one with the statement m
updating religion devlet expressed from the top of the state. We know that the Journal of
Diyanet includes articles in different issues that draw attention to the gençlik same
problems farkli in youth.
The 4 + 4 + 4 education system, which was put into practice in the 2012-2013 academic
year, was an important argument for the conservatization that the government wanted to
implement starting from young people. As a matter of fact, in 2014, the Minister of
National Education Nabi Avci, again referring to Necip Fazil as a "master ve and pointing
to a period of 10 years, predicted that the youth he misses was" in yeast ". But there is
a big question about how much this "foresight tut holds in the context of the research
results in question.
We see that there is no positive response to these expectations as a reflection of the
current policy of social polarization on youth. The youth who do not comply with the
definition of bul acceptable youth or are trying to "align iyle with the strict
supervision of the state. If it does not line up, it is marginalized by force.
TOMAs, which were introduced into the gardens of high schools, which were planned to be
transformed three years ago in parallel with the conservatization policies under the name
of "project school hala, are still in memory. Again, in 2011, against the code actions
against high-school students in the street, "We collect 5-10 thousand young people in
front of the action, but we are not in favor of the tension," we remember the threatened
statements.
The data suggesting that these and similar policies imposed on youth by the state will be
counterproductive also emerges in historical context. After 1923, contrary to its current
practices, the state's project of 15 creating 15 million secular youth in 10 years dönüs
returned in the coming years as the strengthening of the tendency of conservatism in
society. This return took place in the form of the right-conservative power in the
political sphere.
As in the previous process, the imposition of the state from the top has resulted in the
loss of its influence and control over the targeted social segment. When evaluating the
public opinion survey within the framework of these historical data, it should not be
forgotten that the state's downward and compelling methods may cause loss of trust even in
the community who sympathize with it.
http://inadina.org/devletin-dindari-degil-sistemin-dusmani/
------------------------------
Message: 7
The General Confederation of Labor (CGT) has participated in the new meeting of the
Rojinegra Coordinator held from November 16 to 17 in Rome. ---- During this year, the
Rojinegra Coordinator has met twice. At the meeting held at the headquarters of CGT
(Madrid) in February, the Italian Trade Union Union (USI) offered to organize this meeting
in Rome in which the delegations of all the unions that make up the Coordinator
participated: SAC (Sweden) , USI (Italy), IP (Poland), E?? (Greece), CNT (France), SO and
CGT (Spanish State). In addition, the ILC attended as an observer and the FOB (Brazil)
sent a greeting expressing its desire to share information, knowledge, experiences and do
actions together with the Coordinator.
On Saturday, November 16 and within the framework of this meeting, an International
Meeting on Trade Union Rights and the right to strike in Europe opened to other local
unions was held. There it was found that the attack by employers and their governments on
trade union rights is common in different states.
Some companies try to include referendums in the templates to delegitimize the strike
call, and the reality is that the number of strike days is decreasing and phenomena
appearing from CNT-F as "balloon strikes" of a day in which the The employer makes as if
he listens to the demands of the workers but the next day the same working conditions
continue and the workers who have made the strike are repressed. In Sweden, SAC pointed
out that the working class maintains a welfare state that holds the working class with
their wages. In addition, a new law has been passed in August to restrict the strike to
unions. In Italy, if you are not signing the Collective Agreement, you cannot call a
strike in the sector or the company. In Poland, 50% of the workforce must approve the
strike call in a referendum. In Greece there is also no capacity to call a general strike.
For our part, we point out that in the Spanish State, the right to strike is regulated by
a Royal Decree of 1977, therefore prior to the Constitution, and in most cases, it must be
interpreted in the absence of development by part of the courts that increasingly restrict
this right through the limitation of the strike, declaring illegal strikes, allowing
schirolage and naming abusive minimum services.
During the second day of Sunday, we were working in a coordinated way to achieve better
living conditions for working people, focusing on:
* Fight against Labor Precariousness.
* Defend wage and social equality between men and women and the end of sexist violence and
patriarchy.
* The defense of decent pensions.
* Defend the same rights for all people regardless of where they were born.
* The defense of the planet to avoid that consumption and industry are above the health of
those who inhabit it.
* The defense of public services that satisfy all people the basic needs for a decent life.
We will promote mobilization for all these reasons and work towards a General Strike in
each state. Likewise, it was agreed to act in coordination in those productive sectors
where the different organizations have implantation, with the aim of ending the
exploitation and precarious employment prevailing in all the states where we are present.
We must internationalize all the struggles that are possible to us, demonstrating that
ideas and people are over borders, until we achieve a world self-managed by the Working Class.
Secretary of International Relations of the CGT
https://cgt.org.es/nueva-reunion-de-la-coordinadora-rojinegra-durante-este-fin-de-semana-en-roma/
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