Today's Topics:
1. US, black rose fed: COLOMBIA: ALL OUT FOR THE NATIONAL
SOCIAL STRIKE ON NOVEMBER 21 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #299 - ExistransInter
Walk: Mutilated, expelled, murdered ! (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Greece, vogliamo tutto: From Greece to Chile ... yesterday's
and today's uprisings unite the dots of social disobedience -
Solidarity March Thursday 28/11, 6pm, Monastiraki [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. anarkismo.net: Joint analysis of the situation: Latin
America and the world move by Various Latin American anarchist
organizations (it, ca) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Social movements in Colombia are filling the streets today, November 21, for a ‘paro
nacional' in protest of neoliberal attacks on education and pensions. Political tension
has increased with calls for the resignation of right-wing president Iván Duque, while the
State has enacted new repressive measures and former president Álvaro Uribe is implicating
provocateurs and foreign anarchists in causing the protests. Today's mobilizations take
place within a larger context of global rebellion and reaction in the Americas - popular
movements in Ecuador and Chile on the one hand, and reactionary forces such as the current
post-coup Bolivian government and the Bolsonaro regime in Brazil on the other. Below we
publish analysis on the strike and the current moment from Colombian comrades with Grupo
Libertario Vía Libre. Versión en español abajo.
This Thursday, November 21st, different social organizations have organized a new national
civic strike against the economic and social policies of Iván Duque's government. Here we
present some reflections on the new setting of the strike, the defensive of the Duque
government, the state of the popular movement on the eve of the strike, and the
perspectives of Grupo Libertario Via Libre on the situation.
The New Stage of the Strike
The strike on November 21st will be the third nacional strike since the return to power of
Uribismo. This movement will follow the modest partial strikes with mobilization in the
main capitals held on April 25th with union participation and that of November 28th with
greater student participation. The social movement carries the wake of partially failed
national strikes carried out during the government of Juan Manuel Santos, which is slowly
improving in relative terms under Duque's administration.
In the current conjuncture the influence of the global context and above all the new wave
of anti-neoliberal struggles at the regional level has proved to be decisive in a much
more important way than what has been observed in past movements. There are contributions
from the Yellow Vests in France, the global climate strike movement, as well as the
popular protests in Puerto Rico, Haiti, and Honduras. But above all, some truly strong
influences have been the successful national strike against Lenin Moreno's neoliberal
Paquetazo in Ecuador or the national days of protest in Chile against Sebastián Piñera and
the neoliberal model.
The day of action on the 21st was convened by a National Strike Committee assembled on the
30th of October, shaped by divided organizations like the National Unitary Command (CNU)
of union and pensioner centrals, or the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia
(ONIC), as well as weakened organizations like the Coordinator of Social Organizations
(COS) that participated in the April actions or the Agrarian Summit. There are also groups
in early crisis such as the National Union of Higher Education Students (UNEES). Even
though the union leadership of this action is clear, minority union formations such as the
General Confederation of Labor (CGT) and the Confederation of Colombia Workers (CTC) have
stated publicly that they did not achieve labor stoppages and the majority Unitary Workers
Central (CUT) have taken on organizational tasks that vastly exceed their current capacity.
The call for a new national strike made this past October 4th has generated a new
political climate in the country. In a few days the strike has turned into a central issue
in public debate, sparking an important spontaneous following from many sectors of the
population reminiscent of days of action such as March 6th, 2008 or the more recently
mobilization against the assassinations of social movement leaders held July 2019.
Centrist political forces such as sectors of the Green Party, liberal public opinion, and
even a small sector of the local media have called for participation in this mobilization
lead by the social left that has caused a sudden, unexpected, and contradictory growth in
terms of the action.
A Government on the Defensive
The Uribista-conservative coalition at the head of Duque's government experienced an
important crisis of governability with the coup represented by the resignation and
replacement of Defense Minister Botero following the scandal of concealing the bombings of
Caquetá. This is a new step in a process of weakening following partial defeat in
October's regional elections against centrist forces. The hearings held by the Centro
Democrático government on November 12th at the Permanent Commission of Wage and Labor
Policy[to reduce the work week from 48 to 45 hours]were a failed attempt to resolve the
situation of social crisis through executive action, fearing an explosion in massive protest.
The current national situation is marked by a rise in unemployment up to 10.8% in August,
the rise in the poverty rate from last year with a figure of 27% of the population in 2018
and the growth of under registered economic inequality for the first time in a decade. The
rate of accumulated inflation between January and September has reached 3.26%, which
doubles relative to the price of food, as well as growth in foreign debt to 134 billion
pesos (a 188% increase in the last 10 years) and the continued growth of the trade deficit
which has doubled over the past year while GDP growth has been slow.
This conjuncture is framed by an agenda of labor and retirement counter reform pushed
forward by Duque, which is more than just a concrete legislative package like that of
Ecuador, but a combination of economic policies defended by the government, business
groups, and the business press, that various state ministers have announced and are
looking to approve progressively. This labor agenda proposes a reduction of the minimum
wage and the formalization of the already extended model of hourly work, and in retirement
replacing universal average premiums with private insurance that today impoverishes
thousands of retired people in the country and takes after the negative experience of
Chile, where similar policies have brought people out to the streets. It's clear that many
of these policies of precarization are already in fact a reality in the working world, but
their legalization suggests a possible generalization and extension of such precarization.
Militants of the party in power have organized an authentic campaign of anti-socialist
fear against the strike, and in these times of renewed paramilitary terror they have
called for the organization of Civic Guards and for bodies for the police to violently
defend the institutions supposedly under threat. The government has agitated for the idea
of an institutional threat and has decided to reinforce strategic points in Bogotá and
other cities with a military presence, threatening to impose a curfew and institute other
exceptional measures. Ex-president Uribe is invoking the specter of international
anarchists behind the protests, and the radical right imagines the much decreased Foro de
São Paulo as the organizer of many of the anti-neoliberal rebellions on the continent. The
government has increased a wave of suspicious deportations of supposedly dangerous
foreigners, feeding xenophobic sentiments against the Venezuelan population.
The Popular Movement on the Eve of the Strike
On the eve of November 21st, levels of activity among popular movements are contradictory.
The strike follows on the heels of the 29th of October action and the plan of struggle
among public sector teachers of Fecode, who will mobilize in regional capitals. In the
most partial way, work stoppages have been announced in the judicial sector led by guilds
such as Asonal that are looking to continue the strike indefinitely, and agitational
actions are being projected in the public health sector led by Anthoc.
The neighborhood movement is disjointed in part as a consequence of the electoral
campaign, even though with an eye on this mobilization it has experienced a partial
reactivation looking to participate in the protests from the territories. The student
movement is participating in indefinite strikes such as those of the District University
and the diminished movement of the National Pedagogical University, as well as partial
strikes in the National University and mobilizations of SENA and the Private University,
but their levels of articulation are reduced. There is also relevant activity among high
school students, higher education teachers and administrative workers in the education sector.
The indigenous movement has joined the mobilization, though only the Association of
Indigenous Councils of the Norte del Cauca (ACIN), mostly of the Nasa ethnicity, appears
focused on organizing a mass protest. The peasant movement associated with the Agrarian
Summit promises some elements of mobilization, even though it seems disjointed. The small
but active women's movement is mobilizing again, reactivated in part because of the
proximity with upcoming protests on November 25th, and sectors of the large but weak
movement of sexual dissidents can find reasons to join the protests. In the same way,
important parts of the scattered environment movement can come together in the protests,
as well as the still nascent animal rights movement.
Our Perspectives
Organized anarchists must participate in this popular protest movement, influencing it's
diffusion, discussion, organization, and execution where possible. Once again, the forms
and content of the protest intersect, and the necessity of basebuilding in all sectors,
democratic deliberation, and popular direct action, are vital for the success of this new
day of struggle.
It's clear that there is a climate of social discontent and indignation among important
sectors of the working population, especially young people, and our task is to convert it
into a consciousness of struggle, popular organization, and political mobilization.
Nonetheless, between April and November the structural deficiencies of the workers,
neighborhood, peasant, and student movements are far from being overcome or have grown and
it's possible that we have set out tasks that we still don't have the strength to follow
through on due to our popular movement being bureaucratized and fragmented, with strong
gaps in participation, used to empty rhetoric, on the retreat because of electoral
politics, and weakened in its organizational and political autonomy.
Uribismo has played its card-blaming international anarchism as the phantasmagoric
organizers of the protests-taking on traditional elements of anti-anarchist propaganda
that the reactionary right uses in times of crisis. Actual international anarchists, an
active minority at this conjuncture, have the task of strengthening anarchist elements in
this mobilization, that is, strengthening the germs of self-organization, solidarity, and
assembly participation, things systematically disregarded and devalued by bureaucratic
tendencies. At the same time we have the important task of continuing to break with the
destructive image disseminated by the enemies of anarchism by demonstrating our ideas in
practice, teaching in experience and clarifying in theory all of the power of
organization, mobilization, and creation that the libertarian social alternative can have.
On November 21st let's go on strike.
Strike to move forward, let's go on strike!
Up with those who struggle!
Grupo Libertario Vía Libre
Bogotá, Colombia
https://blackrosefed.org/colombia-national-social-strike-november-21/
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Message: 2
Active for more than 20 years, the Existrans collective organizes a march giving more
visibility to intersex people (people born with sexual characteristics that do not
correspond to the typical binary definitions of masculine or feminine). ---- Since 1997,
the Existrans Collective organizes the Existrans marching march, which takes place every
year in Paris. Since 2007, the associations of trans people and intersex have come
together and have united their demands for this march calling the trans people, intersex
and their allies to mobilize. This 23 th edition marks a new milestone in the alliance,
with the evolution of the name Power became the ExistransInter march to give more
visibility to intersex people.
A 23 th march under the banner of convergence
This year, self-determination, access to parenthood for all, the regularization of migrant
people and the denunciation of mutilations suffered by intersex people have been at the
heart of the demands. The fight is carried by a unitary framework, combining associative
and political activism.
For this essential meeting of the anti-patriarchal struggle, more than a thousand people
marched in the north of Paris, from the Place de la République to Place Pigalle on October
19th. On the same day, three other important rallies were held in Paris: support for
Rojava against attacks by the Turkish state, denunciation of the Islamophobic offensive in
France and mobilization against feminicides. This dispersal effect proved to be a force:
activists mobilized together on all causes in an atmosphere of unity.
The recent mobilizations of trans and intersex people were marked by the February 2017
circular on the change of first name. While this constitutes a breakthrough to the extent
that this procedure is diverted, it transfers to the civil status officers a degree of
arbitrariness in the assessment of the " legitimate interest " of the trans people to
win their case. . Moreover, the change of civil status, although in theory démédicalisé by
law " Justice XXI th century " remains legal proceedings. This new legislation does
not satisfy the demand for a free and free procedure in the town hall.
For 2019, trans people, intersex people and their allies have called for support for
access to the trans people's rights to stay, access to PMA for trans people. They denounce
the mutilation of intersex people, the racist laws on immigration that imprison, expel
trans and intersex people seeking asylum and limit any recourse.
The State at the service of the reactions
Trans people, even more so when they are migrants, face real obstacles to access the
medical treatments, including hormonal and surgical, necessary for their journey, or to
make a change of civil status and be issued identity papers that conform to their gender.
The ousting in law passed last September of trans people from the PMA, and the
half-hearted measures of the government for the trans people reflect the influence and
pressure of the camp of the reactionary bourgeoisie. The reactionary camp, represented
among others by the Manif for All (or Children's Walk), explicitly targets trans people.
That the leaders of the state send such complacent signals to the reactionaries can only
encourage homophobic or transphobic acts.
This state transphobia relays and reinforces patriarchal transphobia, which perpetuates
the idea that being male or female is a fact of nature and not a social construct
structured by oppressive relationships. This ambient transphobia creates a situation of
great precariousness for trans people, who have great difficulty finding work or having
access to health. Moreover, the violence suffered by trans people is manifold: in the
street, at work, in the family, the couple, by the police, in prisons, etc.
Fight against transphobia
The struggles for concrete legislative measures, such as a simplified change of civil
status or better recognition by doctors, must be supported and achieved. But these demands
alone are insufficient: it is essential to fight against the entire patriarchal system, to
put an end to all the oppressions and violence that ensue: sexism, homophobia and
transphobia. This system of domination and exclusion reinforces the precariousness and
violence generated by all the forms of exploitation and oppression that cross society
(capitalist exploitation, racism, etc.).
Only self-organized struggles and self-management will allow us to get out of such systems
that benefit those who have an interest in preserving them. Such self-organization can
only be truly effective if the people concerned can now fully take their place in the
militant organizations of their choice and in the struggles.
Louise (UCL Saint-Denis)
We do not want to count our deaths anymore !
November 20 will be Trans Day of Remembrance (TDOR), like every year in the world for 21
years. Since 1998, this day has been dedicated to the memory of Rita Hester, first in the
United States and gradually throughout the world, as well as to the memory of all those
who have been killed or pushed to suicide in the world.
According to the association Transgender Europe, which publishes every year, on the
occasion of this day, a document (Trans Murder Monitoring) listing all the cases of
transphobic murders listed by the police and the media, it is not less than 2,609 cases
that have been recorded worldwide since 2008, including 325 in 2017 alone.
Every year in the world, hundreds of people are murdered or pushed to suicide because of
their simple gender identity. An expression of the patriarchal society that sets excessive
rules on how we should behave, even killing us if necessary. No reason can justify such
acts. And beyond the names listed, how many others do we forget ?
As trans people, we suffer as a result of the sexist policies of states that lead
individuals to grant themselves the right of life and death over us. It's time for it to
stop ! On November 20, let us pay tribute to our comrades, friends, companions, dead for
simply claiming the right to exist.
Louise (UCL Lyon)
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Marche-ExistransInter-Mutile-es-expulse-es-assassine-es
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Message: 3
In the twilight of our decade, a decade shattered by the Arab Spring uprisings spreading
dominoes from Tunisia and Egypt to Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, a piece of the planet is once
again in the flames of Galerie: , Hong Kong, Catalonia, Ecuador, Haiti, Chile... With
different social backgrounds, with different social demands, with huge kilometers of
distance between them, oppressed populations raise the banner of the uprising, occupy
roads, questionable they are the class that oppresses them, they are promoting social
normality. Above all, however, they prove that the stability of all kinds of sovereign
models of government is fragile and requires large doses of overt state violence and
terrorism to enforce. Whether it is selfish movements with all their individual tendencies
and contradictions (Catalonia, Hong Kong), either mass outbursts against total poverty
(Haiti), or a cry of protest against state corruption (Lebanon), or an end to one launched
against the imposition of measures on a neoliberal agenda (France, Ecuador, Chile) is the
wave of a widespread challenge to modern conditions of oppression beginning and spreading
across the world without anyone knowing or being able to say where erupt tomorrow next
social rebellion case and what occasion would find to manifest.
We, through our own side and through all this vast and diverse mosaic of revolts and
social aberrations, feel the social rebellion that is unfolding in Chile closer to our
own. Greece is a country that, like Chile, has in its very recent past been overshadowed
by the harsh military dictatorship that, like Chile, has had the distinct support and
assistance of its most important NATO partner, the US. Greece has undergone the transition
to the new era through a twenty-year period of social democratic management of power that
has partially changed the terms of the social contract in many areas by providing the
security necessary for the regime. But a treaty that was beginning to change already in
the mid-1990s with the wave of modernization reforms and which was supposed to end with
the country becoming subject to IMF supervision in 2010, where it was experimented with by
imposing harsh neo-liberal measures Europe on the resilience of a population to such
reforms. Chile, on the other hand, has been the corresponding guinea pig in Latin America
since the dictatorship, a treaty that continued with the transition to bourgeois democracy
with neoliberal measures to intensify its own transitional period even today.
Both countries have a long history of opposition and resistance movements that have the
character of armed confrontation, and in both cases after the end of dictatorships, strong
and very dynamic anarchist movements have developed a variety of tendencies and forms of
action, as well as their own cost of fighting, are measured in the dead and in a host of
political prisoners. In both countries, anarchist movements are at the forefront of social
competition, consistently being the main internal enemy, but also present in any broader
mobilization of social groups such as pupils, students, workers, etc.
In addition, the outbreak of this particular uprising in Chile in which the anarchist
banners are clearly and distinctly worn, with the character it took and the intensity and
extent with which it manifested, reminds us of our not too distant December 2008 where the
uprising here is. It shook the domestic system of domination and oppression with the
anarchist movement again starring developments. In both cases, although the initial causes
were very specific (the rise in the price of MMMs in Chile and the murderous police
violence and repression in Greece) very soon the uprisings raised a more general challenge
to the social contract. In both cases beyond the hatred of the police and the political
and economic elites, urban tissue infrastructures (and anything that demonstrates the
presence of a central authority in the metropolises) have become a target, temples of
consumption and of goods have been plundered. So these are the pictures we see of Chile
that bring to mind pictures of the rebellious metropolitan landscape of Athens and the
rioting streets of December 2008 where, as now and then in Chile, then, in Athens,
students were at the forefront of demonstrations and attacks. against assassins, throwing
stones at police stations, turning patrols, occupying their schools, descending the
streets behind flaming barricades. These are the moments when young people with a thirst
for life decide to claim their place in history by overturning facts,
These are all common denominators we recognize in these two uprisings. Those who make us
believe that international solidarity in the Chilean uprising makes sense through its
connection with the December 2008 uprising in Greece, makes sense in our attempt to
transmit the Chilean uprising into our own territories. sharing facts and experiences with
students, analyzing common situations, identifying differences and differences.
It is also an opportunity to look for ways to respond effectively to sweeping repressive
attacks on our territories, to organize our militant resistance, to send messages of
struggle and solidarity, to stand with dignity against the barbarism of our times.
Chile's insurgents are currently facing a full range of state crackdowns on the streets,
with the exception of police machine guns and tear gas, President Piniera decides to put
the city of Santiago in an emergency by sending tanks to the streets. and applying the
no-night traffic measure. It is the first time since the fall of the Pinochet dictatorship
in Chile that the army is taking to the streets to suppress the demonstrators, and at the
moment we are talking there are thousands of arrests and at least 23 dead (sources cited
above), 4 of them some of which were fired by cops while others were pressed by army vehicles.
One of the central slogans heard on the streets of Chile is that "the insurrection in
Chile is not for 30 pesos, but for 30 years". Wanting to show that the cause of the
uprising may have been the rise in ticket prices but the causes and reasons are in the
system itself whose underlying features have not changed since the fall of the Pinochet
dictatorship.
Chile during the dictatorship was - in addition to one of the most repressive states on
the planet "civil liberties" - an experimental animal state upon which the most extreme
neoliberal economic reforms were implemented. Everything has been privatized (with the
pinnacle of insurance), tough measures of fiscal stability have been applied to IMF
standards resulting in a violent redistribution of income for the wealthy and powerful,
the intensification of class opposition, cuts in public spending, and cuts in public
spending. All this with the good co-operation of a group of technocratic economists (the
so-called Chicago School) who, exploiting the iron fist of dictatorship, sought to impose
the utterly capitalist paradise in Chile.
Our reference to the years of the Pinochet dictatorship is not accidental. If one wants to
look for the causes behind the Chilean uprising, one can look at the reality of the poor
and the excluded. Despite the transition to bourgeois democracy and the apparent liberties
it offers, the core of the economic policy adopted by Pinochet remained unchanged, and it
is a common finding that the Pinochet regime has direct links with the Pinochet
dictatorship. The key sectors of the economy are all in private hands, the Insurance
Pinoset (which the ND government in Greece wants to apply) which requires every employee
to pay 10% of their salary to 6 insurance monopolies. still, 54% of the population is paid
an average of 440 Euros per month out of which they have to pay 1/6 for their movements to
and from the slave laborers. All this while all the indicators present Chile as one of the
richest countries in Latin America with 2% inflation and "growth" expected to reach 2.5%
of GDP. Another example is that the growth indices of the states are nothing but the
indicators of the profitability of capital and have little impact on their lives from the
bottom up, which is constantly underestimated by the dictates of modern economic
dictatorship. All this while all the indicators present Chile as one of the richest
countries in Latin America with 2% inflation and "growth" expected to reach 2.5% of GDP.
Another example is that the growth indices of the states are nothing but the indicators of
the profitability of capital and have little impact on their lives from the bottom up
which is constantly underestimated by the dictates of modern economic dictatorship. All
this while all the indicators present Chile as one of the richest countries in Latin
America with 2% inflation and "growth" expected to reach 2.5% of GDP. Another example is
that the growth indices of the states are nothing but the indicators of the profitability
of capital and have little impact on their lives from the bottom up which is constantly
underestimated by the dictates of modern economic dictatorship.
In addition to the reasons we have mentioned, we must not forget the powerful Chilean
anarchist movement. Anarchist groups, squatters, guerrilla organizations, dozens of
political prisoners in prisons, interconnecting with Earth struggles (in particular with
the Mapuche) and more. They create a positive ground in which the struggle has become a
part of a protest against increases in ticket prices in a general uprising against the
oppressive Pinier regime and the rotten capitalist values in general. In short, today's
uprising events did not happen all of a sudden, rather they are tripping over dozens of
moments of rebellion in the past. The widespread clashes against the Pinier education
reform in 2011. In the frequent clashes between anarchists and youth with the forces of
repression outside the universities. In the dozens of direct-action attacks. In the armed
expropriations of the temples of capital by anarchist comrades. Hunger strikes by decent
captives in Chilean Hellas. In Mapuche's struggles for land and freedom against state and
multinational corporations that shake their land. In the militant demonstrations of all
previous years. So the organization, the conflicts, the infrastructure, and most
importantly the militancy and the determination to keep "the flame on" create the right
ground for the great insurrection events we all want. Hunger strikes by decent captives in
Chilean Hellas. In Mapuche's struggles for land and freedom against state and
multinational corporations that shake their land. In the militant demonstrations of all
previous years. So the organization, the conflicts, the infrastructure, and most
importantly the militancy and the determination to keep "the flame on" create the right
ground for the great insurrection events we all want. Hunger strikes by decent captives in
Chilean Hellas. In Mapuche's struggles for land and freedom against state and
multinational corporations that shake their land. In the militant demonstrations of all
previous years. So the organization, the conflicts, the infrastructure, and most
importantly the militancy and the determination to keep "the flame on" create the right
ground for the great insurrection events we all want.
As anarchist fighters, we actively support the struggles of the oppressed all over the
world, especially in a country like Chile where there is a strong and militant anarchist
movement (in the face of alternative and right-wing unfortunately prevailing in the
movement in other countries) and we do so. a model for solidarity between those who fight
against the states, power and capitalism. To link the thread that unites insurgent Chile
with anarchist resistance in our own territories. One should not forget that one of the
greatest dangers of the insurgency is the non-internationalization of resistance and its
passage into oblivion. Let's not allow it.
Let us link the uprisings of yesterday with those of today.
Fighting solidarity with those who are on the streets of resistance, arming their desires,
raising their stature against states and capitalism.
Solidarity Protest Rally in Chile - Thursday, November 28, 6pm, Monastiraki Square
Solidarity Assembly of Chilean rebels
https://vogliamotutto.espivblogs.net/2019/11/20/chile-demo-28-11-2019/#more-2431
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Message: 4
In the month of October 2019 there have been events in Latin America and in the world that
mark a time of towns in the streets, which mark times of struggle. Let's start by
analyzing the scenario in the Middle East. ---- JOINT ANALYSIS OF COJUNCTURE: LATIN
AMERICA AND THE WORLD MOVE ---- In the month of October 2019 there have been events in
Latin America and in the world that mark a time of towns in the streets, which mark times
of struggle. Let's start by analyzing the scenario in the Middle East. ---- KURDISTAN: THE
RESISTANCE CONTINUES ---- The struggle of the Kurdish people has entered a new stage. The
attack of the legalized dictatorship of the Erdogan AKP, that is to say of the Turkish
government, was predictable. Given the consolidation of the experience of the Northern
Syrian Federation, that peculiar experience of transition to socialism that takes place in
the framework of a cruel and bloody war, fighting against Islamic fascism, the Turkish
State, one of the group organizers like ISIS and others from the same area, it bombards
the population and intends to take over a strip of territory of at least 14 thousand
square kilometers, to transplant refugee population. Logically, population that does not
respond to Kurdish people's organizations.
At the moment the Turkish State has advanced and displaced hundreds of thousands of
people, including children and the elderly, with the purpose of sweeping the PKK in Syria.
The proposal of said party and its militias - YPG and YPJ - is the construction of
Democratic Confederalism, a proposal of strong grassroots, socialist and federalist roots.
This experience is a "bad example" for all the States of the region and for the
intervening powers such as Russia and the USA. All are in one way or another, enemies of
this process and the Kurdish people fighting for their freedom.
This experience of communal character is developing in a third of the Syrian territory and
including the Arab, Armenian population, among other nationalities and also villages of
varied religious belongings. Instead of a fratricidal war, the Kurdish people and their
organizations have built in Rojava a socialist experience with liberating profiles by
other interesting people, with great popular prominence, especially of women and those
groups that have always been the focus of the domination of the capitalist system In all
your orders.
Kurdish militias defeated the Islamic State with a balance of 11 thousand dead combatants.
A high price has paid the Kurdish people, but that has been its history, a history of
Resistance and combat against all forms of oppression. All our solidarity and support for
the struggle of the Kurdish people, an example of dignity. All our rejection of any
attempt at invasion and intervention in Rojava.
Lebanon and Iraq: the people go out
Neoliberalism causes people to win the streets. In Latin America, in Europe or in the
Middle East. On the entire planet. Lebanon and Iraq are no exception. Before an orthodox
pack, the Lebanese people took to the streets. Little press covered the fact and even some
spoke of the interests of the US and Saudi Arabia after the mobilizations to destabilize
the regime that would have some affinity with Iran. But the truth is, that among
anti-popular measures, the people left and gained massive presence in the streets. The
same happened in Iraq, a territory affected by the direct intervention of imperialism,
where massive mobilizations began against the ruling class since October 1, mainly
responsible for rising unemployment, the shortage of basic services and the precarious
conditions of lifetime. The government's response was a bloody repression, which left
today a balance of 300 dead and more than 15 thousand wounded, which did not prevent,
however, higher levels of mobilization in the popular sectors. These mobilizations from
Lebanon and Iraq are carried out at the same time as those carried out by the Chilean people.
Palestine: genocide continues in Gaza
The government of Benjamin Netanyahu persists in eliminating politically and physically
any expression that denounces the policies of Apartheid promoted by the State of Israel.
Great stir caused the order to deport Omar Shakir, Human Right Watch (HRW) representative
for Palestine and Israel, for allegedly supporting the BDS movement (Boycott, Divestment,
Sanctions). Videos of murders committed by the occupation army have also been made public
in the context of the demonstrations that took place to commemorate the death on November
11 of the historic leader Yasser Arafat, which also left several journalists injured and
incapacitated by lifetime.
Days later, and after the Israeli air force confirmed that an Islamic Jihad leader had
been dropped in a bombing, a rocket exchange began on both sides of the Gaza Strip,
leaving about 32 people dead and 71 wounded, 30 of those children, all from the
Palestinian side. After the mediation of Egypt, a truce was agreed between both parties.
For its part, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), headed by Prime Minister Mahmoud
Abbas, announced a month before the dialogues with all Palestinian factions began in order
to hold pending legislative elections since 2006.
LATIN AMERICA
Latin America is living a complex, contradictory, non-homogeneous time, where advances of
the right and the ruling classes are reflected but also important popular struggles and
resistance to the plans and policies of those above. It is not a closed, total right turn.
The response of the peoples is felt and placed as protagonists of this time. There are no
determinisms or fatalisms, you should not win despair either. The structures are expressed
in a certain way in each concrete situation and in each social formation, according to its
history. They do not predetermine courses of action, but they allow us to glimpse the
scenario in which social classes play, that is, the class struggle of all expressions of
the oppressed. But we insist, there are no homogeneities nor can mechanical transfers of
realities be made. With different rhythms, different profiles, the policies of those above
and also the Popular Resistance are developed. The peoples of Latin America have in their
record and in their memory wide and glorious episodes of struggle and combat.
The right turn that has taken place in the region with the ultra-right governments headed
by Bolsonaro, is generating popular answers and questions. In Brazil, poverty and violence
over popular sectors have grown alarmingly: an unemployment of 13 million and an
underemployment of more than 27 million workers, to point out some social drama data.
Millions of people with informal and precarious work, screwed by the scam of miserable
days and going hungry. Together with the 20% increase in the lethal action of the police
against blacks and the population of the peripheries, of the oppressed classes, the
sinister aggravation of the prison system and the rationalization of selective death. A
counterinsurgency technology stuck in marginalized bodies and territories.
The reciprocal support, the complicity of the double adjustment-repression as a reason for
a neoliberal security state where finance and its knife dominate, is in relief. Militia
government stage to manage the misery in the face of the scandal of a class of super rich
and great fortunes, which takes for itself more than half of all the wealth and common
goods of the country. That is to say, doctors trained at the Chicago school take place in
a special political configuration with the Crime Bureau of the militia police officers and
every activism and judicial trap that has been set in motion by Operation Lava Jato.
Bolsonaro has been implicated in the lines of investigation that lead the assassins of
companion Marielle Franco. The matter, which is far from being resolved, returns to the
public scene and generates some level of protest in the streets for justice and truth to
meet those responsible in the Marielle case. There is also some level of differences and
disputes towards the internal of the ruling classes, even among the mainstream media,
where the Red Globe now wants to show itself as "democratic", when in reality it led
Bolsonaro to the government. This moment of tension in the above, and bearing in mind some
discontent and rebellion that differently express those below, is appropriate to move the
field of the oppressed and generate situations of greater popular mobilization and
organization.
With Lula out of prison, due to the decision of the Supreme Court on the rights of trial
with presumption of innocence, the sectors of the electoralist left play again for the
restoration of a class agreement that does not conform to the mode of shock government of
this situation. We commemorate with our people every little victory against injustice,
every point of resistance that is practiced to confront the lawfare of the judicial
system. But with all our political independence and with much respect for the popular
affection of an important part of the country that is heading to Lula at this time, we
will not forget the infamous and horrific punishment of Brazilian prisons, which is the
racist and anti-poor punitive machine of the bourgeois justice. Entrust the political exit
of the Brazilian people to the freedom of Lula, So that he will be elected president
again, he is at least suicidal, because he does not place the demands of the Brazilian
people on the street and because ultimately, the situation in the country is not going to
be solved from the top. Only the people can sweep this authoritarian and neoliberal
government and the social and political forces that sustain it.
In Colombia, the ESMAD - police squad of shock and repression - has taken to the streets
with great harshness to repress student demonstrations, with several wounded and detained.
This is part of the militarized state policy of the governments of the Colombian right,
where it has been evidenced that there is no room for any "peace process." A large number
of popular militants have been killed, several of them ex-guerrillas. The return to armed
action by a sector of the FARC is proof of this.
Electoral processes and the coup in Bolivia
Three electoral processes with different implications in the future of the region have
been developed at the end of October: Bolivia, Argentina and Uruguay.
On November 11, the former Coca-Cola trade union leader Evo Morales and the MAS IPSP in
Bolivia experienced a coup d'etat, and was forced to resign from the presidency under the
direct pressure of the Armed Forces and the Police, reinforced under his government, in
through the pressure of large popular protests led by the right.
Morales, who had breached the anti-reelectionist mandate of the 2009 constitution, one of
his main political achievements, as well as the result of the 2016 presidential
re-election that clearly defeated and more importantly, the indigenous and union mandate
for the collective leadership, was presented for the fourth time to the presidential
elections with a diminished political capacity but retaining important bases of popular
support and the letter of good economic performance of the Andean-Amazonian capitalism
model, the most radical expression of the progressive cycle in the region.
The development of the political model of the MAS for almost 14 years, centered on the
caudillismo around the figure of Evo Morales under the myth of the indigenous worker
representation, whose decisions are taken in the party domes, using the base organizations
as a van tail, forged a vertical movement that proposes exits from above in the
institutions of the bourgeoisie. The weakening of the figure of Evo Morales leaves a
reference gap that opens the way for the interference of US imperialism together with the
most reactionary, misogynist, racist and neo-liberal business sectors.
His main rivals in the general elections of October 2019 were former president Carlos Mesa
of the Citizen Community party forced to resign in 2005 for the general strike for the
nationalization of resources and now questioned about his relations with Odebrecht and the
evangelical pastor Chi Hyung Chung of the Christian Democratic Party considered the "local
Bolsonaro" and accused Morales of turning Bolivia into Sodom and Gomorrah. The main
opponents who had co-governed territorially with Morales in the last period of time,
developed an anti-communist campaign based on fear of a second Venezuela, but also
appealed to the legitimate discontent of the population with corruption or low wages.
Given these irregularities in the counting and the government and opposition arrogance of
declaring victory in such a closed scenario, a wave of protests led by Morales's
adversaries began that began as vigils before the polling stations and then became massive
mobilizations and an indefinite civic strike since October 23 that for 17 days blocked the
most populous and conservative region of Santa Cruz, but also the progressive centers of
El Alto and La Paz. Important mobilizations and road blockades were developed, with the
participation of unemployed transport businessmen since November 6, university students,
residents of popular neighborhoods and mining worker sectors. For its part, the government
mobilized important union forces, indigenous and peasant women in their support denying
any possibility of political dialogue and denouncing a civic coup. In the meantime there
were strong street clashes between supporters and opponents of the government, which added
to the police repression, leave the sad balance of 24 dead today. These actions denote a
clear coup plan, backed by the US government and the CIA. In the previous days there was
already information about the preparations for this action. However, the Bolivian right
managed to capture and capitalize on some popular discontent, at least at that time. The
dissatisfaction with Evo and his government starts from different social sectors:
regional, union (with the COB in the lead), coca growers, students, professionals, today
appears mixed in this electoral framework and the right, reactionary and racist, try to
capitalize on it all you can. Expression of this has been the rioting of repressive forces
throughout the country, demonstrating that the inheritance of Banzer's coup thinking
remains intact in the upper layers of the Bolivian Army and the police.
The opposition organized around the Civic Committee with a focus on Santa Cruz radicalized
its position and Mesa went from accepting the OAS audit to reject it and proclaim "or the
jail or the presidency". He began a wave of violent protests that included barricades on
multiple roads carried out with private vehicles of the protesters, the burning of
government buildings and violence against state officials and their families, a movement
that spliced with police riots, with some labor demands and political purposes They
developed from November 8 in Sucre, Cochabamba and Santa Cruz and from there to the rest
of the country. At the time, supporters of the MAS developed actions to unblock barricades
and concentrations, supported by sectors of the security forces,
Morales accepted the OAS review of the voting by accepting a second round of elections,
while calling for a dialogue with the opposition on November 9. After the unfavorable
results of this body led by the United States and its political partners, the mass
government agrees to repeat the presidential elections on November 10. In the middle of
the development of a great march towards La Paz organized by the right-wing opposition
that sought to reinstate "God" in the presidential palace and called an intervention of
the Army, the dome of the Armed Forces "suggests" in open political intervention the
resignation of the government, which finally became effective with the resignation of
Morales and García Linera, amid complaints of coup d'etat and his departure to Mexico.
The cataract of errors of Morales and his government is striking. More than mistakes, we
must recognize that they are part of a conception that believes in changes through
bourgeois institutions. He did not firmly face the coup once it was launched; He summoned
to negotiate the most fascist sectors - directly Nazi - that were promoting the same, he
submitted himself to the opinions of the OAS (North American foreign policy organism and
the interference of said organism in Venezuela and the double standards applied according
to each country, that same OAS that supports the genocidal government of Colombia), among
other facts. And he self-exiles without more ... With that conception there are no
substantive changes or face any advance of the right or coup d'etat.
However, this new coup attempt is part of US policy for the area. Country that does not
control directly, that shows some degree of certain independence in foreign policy,
destabilize it until overthrowing the government that they see as an obstacle. Proof of
this is the daily attempts of the empire in Venezuela. That Venezuela that the empire
cares nothing about its political regime, its corruption, its ineptitude, its bureaucracy
and bolirricos; it matters only to geopolitical effects and mainly because of its wealth,
oil. Recall that in 2008, Bolivia expelled the DEA from the country - US anti-drug agency
- for its destabilizing work and constant support for the opposition, even organizing
armed groups. That has been the work of this agency and the CIA funded, organizing,
training the extreme right groups to give coups and to return to the effective control of
the governments to these sectors and to the most recalcitrant bourgeoisie, more
neoliberal. The old politics of the empire, more in force than ever. Evo Morales'
response, despite the coup d'etat, has been to resign as president and institutionally
channel the discontent, calling for elections again, despite calls to mobilize against the
coup in different locations in Bolivia as in solidarity in the rest of the continent.
The Bolivian people, that people who have an immense experience of struggle, who starred
in the 1952 Revolution and the gas and water war in more recent dates, which has a rich
millenary organizational tradition has shown incredible dignity and firmness. He has come
out to face the coup d'etat and relevant clashes with dead and wounded people develop. It
is a town that does not let itself run over and leaves with determination to face the
reaction. That popular mobilization opens a path. Not everything is said and the coup has
not consolidated. Some speak of «civil war», the truth is that the levels of struggle are
growing in the Altiplano.
The coup d'etat represents not only the project of plundering natural resources under the
interests of imperialism, but also exalts the most disastrous racist and colonial
component of the more than 500 years of submission to indigenous peoples. It is a
Christian-racist crusade against the Andean-Amazonian peoples, who organized from below
and with the Whipala as a standard face repression of the army and ultra-reactionary
attacks with high levels of radicalism. The struggle that indigenous peoples are carrying
out in defense of the conquests of the people and their dignity, suggests that the
articulating axis of resistance to the coup in Bolivia is the organized people fighting in
the streets.
Argentina: Peronism returns
In Argentina, the triumph of Peronism was more adjusted than thought. The ultra-neoliberal
Macri recovered 10 points of votes, reaching a total of 40%. Peronism could not exceed
50%. The social scenario in which this transfer of government occurs is undoubtedly marked
by the enormous social and economic damage caused by the adjustment and hunger policies of
the Macri government. As if that were not enough, Alberto Fernández and the Kirchner made
repeated calls not to occupy the streets, not to mobilize, to "endure until December",
"not to destabilize", "not to generate a new 2001". What was in the debate in these months
were two clear strategies in the field of the Argentine left: bank the governance of Macri
and vacate the streets,
But that "quietism" not only allowed Macri to regain ground, but also prevented an exit
from below to the crisis in Argentina. An attempt was made to place the popular movement
after the Fernández-Fernández formula, but it also fought. There were people on the
streets and concrete conquests, few perhaps, but conquests that allow popular
organizations to be toned. We know that the crude advanced neoliberal, which hit those
below hard during the last years, cannot wait for the times of politicking. Much less when
we are aware that the transition of government is marked by repeated attempts by employers
to impose a labor reform at all costs, and in any way, trying to roll back working
conditions to the nineteenth century. In short, this change of government,
With the victory of Peronism a period of co-optation of the popular movements opens again,
of weaving outlets and agreements based on spurious interests, of presence in the
government of the most recalcitrant sectors of Justicialism. The social pact that has been
woven even before Peronism was elected in October, seeks to prepare the ground to ensure
governance and contain the anger of the working class in the situation of adjustment and
misery. The alignment and conciliation in a broad social pact that includes a sector of
the piquetero movement, the Church, the union domes of the CGT and CTA, and business
sectors after the Fernández government,
Despite the delivery of bureaucratic leaderships, it will also be a dynamic and
interesting period for popular struggles. Our task in this regard will continue to
overflow and transcend the proposed output from above, regaining confidence in the
strength of popular organizations.
Uruguay also turns right
Uruguay, on the other hand, presented as an "oasis of peace and stability" by the FA
government - an image that has expanded throughout the region, which is continuity of that
"Switzerland of America" - also seems to turn right. In the October elections the big
winner has been the National Party. They have joined the historic Colorado Party and the
novel Cabildo Open, a party of military origin, made up of former soldiers and others in
activity, and has grouped almost all fascist groups and personalities that were scattered
in different sectors. Its candidate and main figure is Guido Manini Ríos, former Commander
in Chief of the Army until a few months ago. Manini Ríos comes from a traditional family
of Uruguayan politics, located in the spectrum of the extreme right. His grandfather was
the founder of the most conservative sector of the Colorado Party in 1913 and his uncle
was a member of the JUP (Uruguayan Youth of Pie, fascist clash group in the years before
the dictatorship). Family of landowners, politicians and military, all from the extreme
right. Guido Manini Ríos is a friend of former General Villas Boas of Brazil and Vice
President Mourao. To go seeing your connections ...
This sector -Cabildo Open- obtained about 11% of the votes. A high vote for a new party
linked to the milicos. It is an extremely conservative party and that is clear to the
whole of Uruguayan society. It is a direct ideological option that their voters make. In
addition, in the previous months there were several complaints about neo-Nazi groups that
were joining the Open Council and whose members were photographed with their leader. In
addition, Guido Manini Ríos has opened a subpoena for having hidden information arising
from statements by José «Nino» Gavazzo (repressor and torturer in the framework of the
Condor Plan, directly involved in the disappearance and murder of fellow FAUs) in a «Court
of honor»about their participation in murders of militants during the dictatorship. This
party will have a parliamentary representation of 3 senators and 11 deputies. We can say
that in Uruguay fascism now has its own party.
All right-wing parties support Lacalle Pou in the second round at the end of November. If
the National Party candidate wins (belongs to the Herrerismo, historically conservative
sector), he will implement a law of urgent consideration as he has already announced, in
which among other measures he will promote the dismantling of fuels, regressive changes in
education and labor relations , appear among the measures that have gained notoriety. For
its part, the Colorado Party promotes the Chilean model, that is, pure and hard
neoliberalism, but to the Uruguayan. From this combination of factors will emerge the
"multicolored" government program as Lacalle Pou has called it.
The Broad Front also proposes adjustment, perhaps more gradual, without touching the
social areas, as they declare. But the fiscal deficit is close to 5% and public accounts
seem to be complicated by mid-2020, just when a new budget has to be approved. Debt
interest payments due on those dates are an important bottleneck.
In Uruguay, two country "models" are not disputed in these elections: the model is only
one and the right turn with adjustment and repression too. What is "defined" is the
"dose", the degree of the turn, whether it will be more abrupt or not.
Therefore, next year is expected adjustment and stick from above, but on the other hand,
from below, Resistance.
A wave of rebellion in Central America and the Caribbean
The great days of protest in Puerto Rico, initiated since July 13, which led after massive
mobilizations such as the march of half a million people on days 17 and 22 and general
strikes to resign due to corruption scandals with humanitarian aid and comments of
contempt and discrimination against the population, of Governor Ricardo Roselló and the
New Progressive Party on the 24th of that same month, amid the deep economic crisis
experienced on the island.
On the other hand, the various waves of protest in Haiti against the government of
businessman Jovenel Moise and the Haitian TetKale Party, which occurred in February, June
and September, in the midst of the deep economic crisis, corruption scandals and an
agreement are of great importance. of the government with the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) to deepen neoliberal reforms. The mobilizations, resume the protests against the
electoral fraud of 2016, have included violence against the rich neighborhoods of the city
of Port-au-Prince and various general strikes, leaving the tragic balance of 77 dead.
Likewise, the wave of struggles in Honduras since October 10 and widespread since day 18
against the government of Juan Orlando Hernández and the National Party dotted with
corruption and drug trafficking scandals by Chapo Guzmán himself are still open. which
resumed the fights against electoral fraud of 2017, starring university students and
popular sectors.
The massive popular mobilization in response to the economic crisis, active unemployment
in the chain of production, distribution and services, social unrest with unpopular
governments permeated by public and private corruption, and the contempt of the
parliamentary bourgeoisie towards living conditions from their people they explain this
revitalizing wave of Central American and Caribbean rebellion that we must support and
from which we need to learn.
The stage that opens from the rebellions in Ecuador and Chile
October we said brought changes and brought struggle of the peoples. It began with the
uprising of the Ecuadorian people. Since October 2 in Ecuador there was an extensive
popular mobilization that achieved an important victory against the neoliberal package
promoted by the government of businessman Lenin Moreno of Alianza País, resuming the
struggles this year of medical students, hunger strikes victorious teachers and retired
electrical workers and civic unemployment in the Charqui region.
The Moreno government, deepening the pro-market policies developed by Rafael Correa
himself, decided to implement in the economic crisis, a structural reform agreed with the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) to obtain a loan for 4,200 million dollars that included
decree 883 that imposed a drastic increase in the price of gasoline of up to 120% which in
turn implied chains from all other economic sectors, and above all a labor reform that
imposed a reduction of wages for the majority of temporary employees of the public sector
in 20 %, more than 20 thousand dismissals of state workers, 50% reduction of the holiday
period, as well as mandatory salary confiscations and the anticipation of a precarious
labor reform.
Before the decree of rising of the gasoline, the town went out to the street. Lenin
Moreno's government reacts by decreeing the State of Siege. The degree of popular
mobilization increases with the strong presence of CONAIE marching on Quito. The
government flees from the capital and it remains under popular control for several days.
But let's see this in more detail.
The pack and its hard blow against the workers and the peoples of the country, aroused
various resistance. In the first place, it began a short stop of transport businessmen who
blocked roads, border bridges and urban roads, organized in the Federation of Passenger
Public Transport Cooperatives (Fenacotip) that lasted for 48 hours. Secondly, the
important indigenous resistance of communities from mainly the Andean zone and to a lesser
extent the Amazon, organized by the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador
(CONAIE), previously hit by the correista repression, which became the effective direction
of the movement. CONAIE organized the great march of tens of thousands of people, with
hundreds of trucks overflowing with participants, over the city of Quito, which managed to
fleetingly occupy the National Assembly on October 8 and occupy multiple public buildings
throughout the country. The situation forced the government to move to Guayaquil and
decree the State of exception, the curfew in the capital, press censorship and the
militarization of the country.
Thirdly, an important labor protest was organized around the Unitary Workers Front (FUT),
and important student and popular sectors, which developed partial strikes in oil
refineries and an important general strike on October 9. The movement had a new peak in
the mobilization for the day of the indigenous resistance on October 12, as well as
multiple protests in the large cities of the interior, with axis in the center of Quito,
where indigenous, peasants, workers and students occupied the city center and lived in
camps organized in parks and private universities.
There were 11 days of mass protest, cacerolazos, roadblocks and roads in the middle of the
country, and hundreds of thousands of people mobilized in the streets, with a tragic
balance of 11 dead, 1300 wounded and 1100 detainees, who remembered the heroics rebellions
of 1995 and 1997 against neoliberal policies. The natives decreed the state of exception
in their territory and retained military and police deployed in repressive activities to
be tried by their justice institutions. At the same time there were burns and looting in
some commercial areas, amid the government rhetoric of not going backwards with the
reforms and propaganda accusations against Correa and Maduro of a misty destabilization plan.
Finally, the very weakened Moreno government sat down to negotiate on October 13 with the
management of some of the organizations, suspending the decree that eliminated fuel
subsidies, although the other aspects of the package still remain in force. Although the
demand for Moreno's resignation did not deepen, the government sought to exclude urban
unions and organizations from negotiations and the elements of popular self-organization
did not spread throughout the country, the massive protest was important, as it entailed a
re-articulation of the popular movement, weakened and fragmented by correismo, in the
midst of increasing its political autonomy and intersectoral unity. In this context of
rising struggles and seeking popular alternatives to the crisis and the neo-liberal
adjustment,
In short, indigenous organizations, peasants, labor unions, students, youth, are the
participants and animators of this popular revolt that put the police and the Army in
check. Mobilizations with high levels of confrontation with the repressive forces and with
total class independence, since the politicians linked to former President Correa who were
present at the mobilizations were run. The people are not willing to be instrumentalized
and used by the caste of politicians. A popular knowledge of profound implications for the
realization of Popular Power.
The government had to repeal the decree and reverse its measures. A popular victory of a
people that has brought down several governments.
In Chile, a protest by secondary students with massive underground lanes against the rise
in the price of Santiago's energy and public transport fares implemented on October 6, was
strongly repressed, resulting in a day of national rebellion still open especially since
the National protests on the 18th of the same month. The second government of Sebastián
Piñera and the Chile Vamos coalition attacked the fairness of the youth protest and
prepared for the application of the State Security Law, showing great disregard for the
living conditions of the working class and the popular sectors and a closed defense of its
neo-liberal economic policy, heiress of the military civic dictatorship of Pinochet and
three decades of governments of the consensus and the right.
The student protest continued and was generalized by the capital, increasing the effects
on the metro system, and sometimes the workers and users of the system. The early
mobilization of education and health workers was added, and later organizations such as
the Unitary Central of Workers (CUT) and the Confederation of Students of Chile (CONFECH)
adhered to the mobilization, organizing large general strikes such as those of the 4 of
November. This is how the cacerolazos and mass concentrations were generalized throughout
the country, such as those experienced since October 20, with expressions such as the
march of the 25th of the same month, the largest in the country's recent history, which
gathered about 1´ 200,000 people in Santiago with axis in Plaza Italia, the mobilization
of hundreds of thousands of people from Viña del Mar to the headquarters of the Congress
in Valparaíso on the 27th or the march of the Limache settlers who traveled 100 kilometers
to Santiago. The activity of the secondary students massively organized in the
Coordinating Assembly of Secondary Students (ACES) and National Coordinator of Secondary
Students (CONES), was key, but also joined the Mapuche people who conducted concentrations
in the Araucanía destroying colonial symbols or the movement of women, movements all with
a long history of combating the cracked Chilean bipartisan regime.
In the midst of a popular mobilization, similar to the great days of national protest
against the dictatorship of 1983 and 1986, and an increase in popular violence with
barricades, looting and fires on various buildings, the Piñera government talked about the
country being at war and the first lady spoke of an alien invasion, the state of exception
and curfew was decreed in most cities of the country and a violent repression develops
that generalized ill-treatment and torture, harassment and sexual abuse and repression by
police and military forces. At the time Piñera was forced to repeal the rise in the
ticket, enact minimum social reforms in terms of pension, minimum wage and freezing of
rates, make a cosmetic change of cabinet,
Although seemingly worn out, the day of popular protest in Chile is still open, and
territorial assemblies in public squares, schools, universities, neighborhoods and unions
remain under Chile's slogan awakened and a growing demand from outside Piñera. So far
there is an unfortunate balance of 30 dead and 2,000 injured and 5,000 arrested. It is
noteworthy that the activity of organized anarchists, although minority, has been
important and in the midst of the struggle, forms of popular self-organization flourish.
The current movement can achieve important economic and salary conquests, press for
legislative reforms in transport, education, pensions or health and lead to a clear
increase in the levels of organization, mobilization and popular self-management.
The Chilean people have cracked 30 years of neoliberalism and the entire post-dictatorship
heritage. The repression was hard but Carabineros was overwhelmed by people in the
streets, that's why Piñera decrees the State of Exception and the curfew, removing the
Army from the barracks. The people challenged both impositions and continued on the
street. Mass mobilizations in urban centers, others in neighborhoods, barricades,
demonstrations of anger and rejection of model symbols ... The town has broken normality
in Chile, with and without a general strike. The mobilizations continue and ferment down a
process of organization and resistance, a wide and rich experience accumulates and a new
stage opens. Uncertain, but a stage of street people defying power.
However, the leftist parties, for the most part, promote the convening of a Constituent
Assembly that endows Chile with a new Constitution, knocking down the inheritance of the
Pinochet dictatorship. Although it is a meaningful claim, since part of the inheritance of
Pinochetism is the Constitution and the legal order that guarantees and that no government
- including those of the Concertación - dared to touch, enables a "solution from above" to
the crisis opened by Down for popular mobilization. It enables the parties of the system
to find a "solution" to the problems of the Chileans, guaranteeing the same rights ... to
the possessing and dominant classes in the country and to that odious guarantor
institution of the bourgeois order that is the Army. No Constitution under capitalism will
touch private property in all its terms or guarantee the dismantling of the Armed Forces,
nor will it socialize the profits and property of copper. The experience of Allende and
Popular Unity speaks clearly of its own, of the limits that "tolerates" the bourgeoisie
and the empire.
But the most complex of the Constituent, is that it places in the hands of the oppressors
and those willing to succeed them in their role, the solution to popular needs and their
inevitable deception, because there are a thousand ways to circumvent consecrated legal
texts. In this way the people are placed again as a tail van of the parties of the system,
of their discussions, obliges them to take sides for one of them and set aside the
organization and the popular cause. It is a corral of branches.
Instead, the alternative is in that same down which has shaken and cracked the model. A
process of unification of popular struggles, in search of a crisis solution plan built by
popular organizations. An articulation of the oppressed from the bottom up, building
Popular Power, with self-management and direct democracy. Strengthening popular
organizations and a process of convergence must be the objectives of the militancy of
revolutionary intention.
We want to be clear: when we say Popular Power we say capacity for action and decision of
the people, of their grassroots organizations articulated in a federalist way, from bottom
to top. It is a purely popular process, outside the State and against him. We can mention
as historical examples the Collectivizations in full Spanish Revolution, the
Machnovitchina in Ukraine during the Russian Revolution, the experience in Rojava today,
but also countless processes that Latin American peoples have built and build where the
participation of those below is decisive
For now, the mobilizations continue and that process remains open. Vast experiences and
teachings must be taken out of here, because a new stage opens.
We want to express clearly all our support to the comrades of the Santiago Anarchist
Federation (Chile) and the Libertarian Revolution of La Paz (Bolivia) who are inserted in
the mobilizations and promoting a work orientation in the midst of the struggle.
Village time
With the towns of Ecuador and Chile a time of town opens in the street. Of the peoples
mobilized throughout Latin America. Hopefully, other towns, rebellions, events that can
enable pre-revolutionary situations or pre-announce them. In each country at its own pace,
with its idiosyncrasy and according to each specific situation. All this in a medium-long
term perspective.
A cycle of popular struggles against neoliberalism and its consequences opens. Because
this stage of capitalism, of crude neoliberalism, generates, without a doubt, more
resistance, people on the street. Given so much dispossession and repression, the people
mobilize. It is not an exclusive right cycle, as it has been proclaimed. Surely the
progressivities - as we met them until 2015 - are coming to an end. Those that last, will
change by influence of the right, the adjustment imposed from above and the economic
limits of the system on a world scale. They return for total looting, but the one below is
fermenting their responses and a really popular exit.
While the levels of repression will increase, the teachings left by the Ecuadorian and
Chilean peoples are clear: repression, including the Armed Forces, with people on the
street and practicing direct action at all levels can be overwhelmed. As an example, in
Ecuador a tank was put out of combat by the action of the people.
It is essential to strengthen popular organizations, to contribute in the debates about
the ways and paths of change, to clarify that the paths that the system always opens, end
in a precipice. It is from below that strong people and federalism are built, the only
organizational mode that relies on popular organizations and not on self-chosen
avant-gardes and purportedly "enlightened." There is no possible exit "from above" in the
scopes and institutions of the system, those spaces only for the bourgeoisie and the
empire can serve. Change comes from the town and what the town can build, with its
limitations and problems, but it will be much richer than the rotten bourgeois
institutions, institutions of oppression and death.
The life and construction of a different society is at stake. In that fight we are
embarked and Organized Anarchism - the Specifism - has much to say in proposals for
authentic emancipation.
NO TO THE STATE HIT IN BOLIVIA!
LONG LIVE THE RESISTANCE OF THE PEOPLES!
TO STRENGTHEN THE FIGHT AND POPULAR PROCESSES!
FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF POPULAR POWER!
FOR SOCIALISM AND FREEDOM!
UP THOSE WHO FIGHT!
URUGUAYA ANARCHIST FEDERATION (FAU)
ROSARIO ANARCHIST FEDERATION (FAR) -ARGENTINA
CÓRDOBA ANARCHIST ORGANIZATION (OAC) - ARGENTINA BRAZILIAN ANARCHIST
COORDINATION (CAB)
LIBERARY GROUP VIA LIBRE - COLOMBIA
Related Link: http://federacionararquistauruguaya.uy/3739-2/
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31654
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