Today's Topics:
1. France, Union Communiste Libertaire - Vincenzo Vecchi Case:
Automating State Vengeance (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Czech, AFED, From the memories of a Jewish anarchist: The
story of Moshe Gonchararo about anarchist youth in the Soviet
Union [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. [Chile] Santiago: 24th Day of Social Uprising By ANA (pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. gargantas-libertarias: THE DEEP POLITICAL CRISIS OF BOLIVIA
"NI EVO, NI TABLE, NI CAMACHO" (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Vincenzo Vecchi was arrested on August 8 in Brittany under the terms of two European
arrest warrants (MAE) for convictions of thirteen and four years in prison in Italy.
Sentences without evidence and totally disproportionate to the alleged facts. ----
Vincenzo participated in Genoa in 2001 in the demonstration against the G8 and in 2006 in
Milan in an unauthorized anti-fascist demonstration. The latter was opposed to a parade of
the extreme right party, Fiamma tricolor, authorized despite the Scelba law that prohibits
the apology of fascism. ---- The MAE, a weapon of repression ---- Like many other
Italians, he was the victim of repression by the "Code Rocco", inherited from the fascist
years of Mussolini, under the title of "sacking and looting" which is based on the notion
of "moral competition". It is a principle of collective guilt totally contrary to the
presumption of innocence and fundamental rights. It allows to sentence to six to fifteen
years in prison for the only presence at a demonstration, without material evidence. This
law was reactivated to condemn Vincenzo and his comrades to very heavy penalties [1]. On
August 8, he was arrested in Brittany under the terms of two European arrest warrants
(EAW), for convictions of thirteen and four years in prison in Italy.
The support committee to Vincenzo has proved that the EAW issued for the conviction of the
anti-fascist demonstration in Milan in 2006 is illegal and false, since the sentence has
already been carried out. That of Genoa was considered "incomplete" and a request for
additional information was made to the Italian courts.
To respond to the request, a voluminous file full of technical documents was received at
the registry of Rennes. The illegal broadcast of the MFA for Milan is justified by a wish
to explain the enormous sentence of thirteen years in prison by the fact that Vincenzo had
already had a remission of sentence for this conviction and that there could be two
discounts of sentences.
There is also a letter in Italian addressed to the French attorney general who got lost in
the file. He explains that dragging the case back the painful memories of "Genoa 2001 "
for everyone in Italy and that it begins to stir all that ... We imagine that justice in
particular does not want us to talk again about extreme repressive practices in which she
participated.
Recall the extremely brutal repression that marked the counter-summit of Genoa. It has
traumatized all of Italy, and deterred several generations of Italians from exercising
their right to protest. An anti-globalization activist, Carlo Giulioni, was shot in the head.
The memory of Genoa 2001
Hundreds of others were beaten (for example at Diaz school), locked up, humiliated and
tortured at the Bolzanetto Barracks, a sinister memory [2]. This violent police
repression was condemned by the European Court of Human Rights [3]and by Amnesty
International [4]but was subjected to total impunity: no trial took place following the
death of Carlo Giuliani, and no prison sentence was carried out by the carabinieri. The
Genoa G8 marks a turning point in both the struggles and responses of states in Europe.
Some time later, the attacks of September 11, 2001 in New York occurred and many forgot
the events of Genoa.
The EAW set up to replace the extradition process in Europe creates an automatic
administrative relationship between justices, where civil society can no longer intervene,
particularly with regard to political prisoners. Any action on the political power to
prevent the surrender of a person to a third country is futile because the same political
power can no longer nor to rule, nor prevent this reference [5]. The case of Vincenzo
demonstrates that a state can falsify or even make an EAW with the vindictive intent to
recover an activist he wants to silence by imprisoning him. How many are never reported as
such on the 18,000 to 19,000 AEM issued each year [6] ?
Vincenzo, trophy of repressive politics
There is, in the integration of exceptional jurisdictions in the legislative arsenal, an
extreme repressive drift and deleterious increasingly heavy. Throughout Europe, "law and
order" is playing the card of escalation, police violence is unleashed, and liberticidal
laws are adopted. In France, the "anti-breaker law" is used to repress the struggles by
rejecting the responsibility of the violence on the demonstrators, the alterglobalists,
the ecologists, the young people in the cities, the yellow vests, the migrants on the
borders ... It allows arrests for the sole offense of "participation in a conspiracy to
commit degradations and violence" , such as moral contest"of the Rocco Code in Italy.
How then not to worry about the fate of people arrested in this context of rising
far-right movements ? What safeguard would really exist if this world were to rebase into
the "unspeakable" ? It is for all these reasons that we refuse that Vincenzo Vecchi be
handed over to the Italian authorities. In the current political context, we do not want
it to become a trophy for the repressive policy pursued by the Italian government.
We call on all collectives and associative, cultural, trade union and political
organizations to sign "the call to international solidarity with Vincenzo" [7]and the
questioning of this weapon of repression that is the MFA. We call to join all the rallies
demanding the release of Vincenzo, to support initiatives against the criminalization of
the right to protest.
International call for solidarity
A court decision will be rendered on November 15 by the Rennes Court of Appeal. Anyway,
Vincenzo will remain a political prisoner and the struggle of the support committee
continues ! Either because the European Arrest Warrant for Genoa has been validated by
the Court of Appeal and there will be an appeal in cassation. Or because the mandates will
have been broken and Vincenzo could be free in the European Union only in France, because
the EAWs are still running in the other Member States.
Pierre (UCL Lorient) and Vincenzo committee
To sign the call: appel.vincenzo@gmail.com
[1] Infokiosques.net of 24 September 2012.
[2] Many documents on the events of Genoa 2001 are available on the website
Comite-soutien-vincenzo.org.
[3] "Italy condemned by the ECHR for police violence at the Genoa G8 in 2001", Le Monde, 7
April 2015.
[4] Amnesty International release of 5 April 2005.
[5] More information on the European Arrest Warrant on the website
Comite-soutien-vincenzo.org.
[6] "The use of the European Arrest Warrant by weakened prosecutors", Le Monde, 9 October
2019.
[7] The complete call can be downloaded from: on the website Comite-soutien-vincenzo.org.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Affaire-Vincenzo-Vecchi-Automatisation-de-la-vengeance-d-Etat
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Message: 2
I have never written memoirs and I assume that it is not necessary to do this to
perpetuate the author's personality in the memory of the offspring, but only so that the
reader can learn specific historical facts from the time when the author lived and worked.
of the time he was interested in, he felt the so-called "smell of the time." In this
particular case of the era of "developed socialism" in the Soviet Union, which - as is to
be believed - has gone back in history and will never return. ---- I write these brief
memories of the suggestion of my friend Anatoly Dubovik, a historian and one of the
ideologues of contemporary anarchism in Ukraine. Tolja believes that texts of this type
will help historians and young enthusiasts of the movement to better understand the times
in which we, the older followers of anarchism, lived.
There are hundreds and thousands of authors in the world belonging to various
socio-political movements who have experienced much more than I have suffered much more -
more precisely, I have not suffered. I did not sit in Soviet prisons, I was not subjected
to involuntary "psychiatric" treatment. I cannot come to the reader with anything that
reminds the true and frightening memories of such "bison" of dissent of all kinds and the
struggle against Soviet totalitarianism, such as Vladimir Bukovsky, Alexei Murzhenko,
Vladimir Osipov, Leonid Plushush, Josif Mendelichev ... looking back and exaggerating
their own personality. So I will try to keep the facts strictly.
I was born in 1962 in Leningrad, a family of engineers. Both the father and mother came
from completely assimilated Jewish families. His father was born in 1937 in Kremenchug,
his mother in 1938 in Leningrad. There were not only Jews among my ancestors.
Great-grandmother Berta from her mother's side was born at the end of the 19th century in
a small town near Vitebsk, and apparently in the tow at that time among the Jews of
fashion assimilation ideas she escaped from her home to live independently: wait for the
groom to earn bread, learn and gain expertise to be useful to others. The escape from her
family brought her to Vitebsk, where, according to the numer Claus, accepted in Tsarist
times for Jews from the "settlement zone", she got to university and eventually became a
doctor. Sometime between 1912 and 1913 she met a young Armenian official, a Greek
national, Vladimir Sovapulose. As a result of this romantic relationship, the
great-grandmother became pregnant. It turned out that the Greek was not at a level - his
parents were categorically against marrying a Jewish woman, yet not baptized. The
great-grandmother, who did not attach any importance to religion in her life, was more
likely to categorically reject baptism. They broke up and in January 1914 my grandmother
Kira was born. I will not be boring and tedious about the fate of an assimilated family
with Jewish roots. In short: when her grandmother grew up, she married Zaporozhyn, Nikolai
Vasilyevich, an engineer from a Volga peasant family with mixed Russian-Tatar (or perhaps
Chuvash) roots. Thus began and so continued to disrupt the traditional, sacred, Jewish
town, the Jewish traditional way of life. that Greek is not at the level - his parents
were categorically against marrying a Jewish woman, not yet baptized. The
great-grandmother, who did not attach any importance to religion in her life, was more
likely to categorically reject baptism. They broke up and in January 1914 my grandmother
Kira was born. I will not be boring and tedious about the fate of an assimilated family
with Jewish roots. In short: when her grandmother grew up, she married Zaporozhyn, Nikolai
Vasilyevich, an engineer from a Volga peasant family with mixed Russian-Tatar (or perhaps
Chuvash) roots. Thus began and so continued to disrupt the traditional, sacred, Jewish
town, the Jewish traditional way of life. that Greek is not at the level - his parents
were categorically against marrying a Jewish woman, not yet baptized. The
great-grandmother, who did not attach any importance to religion in her life, was more
likely to categorically reject baptism. They broke up and in January 1914 my grandmother
Kira was born. I will not be boring and tedious about the fate of an assimilated family
with Jewish roots. In short: when her grandmother grew up, she married Zaporozhyn, Nikolai
Vasilyevich, an engineer from a Volga peasant family with mixed Russian-Tatar (or perhaps
Chuvash) roots. Thus began and so continued to disrupt the traditional, sacred, Jewish
town, the Jewish traditional way of life. They broke up and in January 1914 my grandmother
Kira was born. I will not be boring and tedious about the fate of an assimilated family
with Jewish roots. In short: when her grandmother grew up, she married Zaporozhyn, Nikolai
Vasilyevich, an engineer from a Volga peasant family with mixed Russian-Tatar (or perhaps
Chuvash) roots. Thus began and so continued to disrupt the traditional, sacred, Jewish
town, the Jewish traditional way of life. They broke up and in January 1914 my grandmother
Kira was born. I will not be boring and tedious about the fate of an assimilated family
with Jewish roots. In short: when her grandmother grew up, she married Zaporozhyn, Nikolai
Vasilyevich, an engineer from a Volga peasant family with mixed Russian-Tatar (or perhaps
Chuvash) roots. Thus began and so continued to disrupt the traditional, sacred, Jewish
town, the Jewish traditional way of life.
Why am I writing about all this? In order for the reader to understand what forces clashed
in education in me, who saw the light of the world in the early 1960s. On the one hand,
internationalism, turning into cosmopolitanism, and utter indifference to religion by my
mother's family, on the other hand, a clearly expressed search for their own national
roots, hidden under the influence of the grandmother's family by the father.
My dad's great-grandfather, working on the railway in Kremenchug, Asher Jezesson, has been
supporting the family since the age of 11. He was killed by the Tsarist Cossacks - they
stabbed him and threw him off the train. I guess it happened before the revolution. A
newspaper reporter who witnessed his death photographed a bloody pool left by a Jewish
railwayman and was printed by a local newspaper. When my great-grandmother with the
orphans (among whom my grandmother was) was preparing a yartite, the annual reminder of
the death of a man, she took this picture in her hand and said a single sentence:
"See what the Russian people have done to your father."
My grandmother repeated the words that had been written to her memory for a lifetime. Then
came the year 1937, shot grandmother's brother Sjulik (Israel) as a "Trotskyist", on the
other hand was punishment and execution of some of my relatives for non-existent guilt.
Then came the year 1941, the evacuation, when my grandmother ran with my father in her
arms. The photograph of Asher killed, but the sentence remained.
In the late 1950s my parents met in Leningrad, in 1962 I appeared in the world.
First I went to an eight-year, then I went to a ten-year. The psychological impact of
secession from the Bolshevik ideology was strong, although Grandpa Kolya on her mother's
side was an orthodox communist, albeit anti-Stalinist. In childhood, when we went out for
walks, he used to tell me:
"Miko, Lenin was a good man, Stalin was a bad man before and after the war. He was also
good during the war. Understand? "
"I understand, Grandpa," I said, though I certainly didn't understand any of it. In my
Russian grandfather, she managed to combine the devotion of the ruling ideology with the
injustice of exclusion in 1937.
How and why did I become interested in anarchism? I don't know. I don't remember. It was
all said: understanding the pretense of language of preachers of the Soviet system (by the
early 1970s, nobody seemed to have any doubts about the pretense of this system); my
child's bitterness from my grandmother's sentence that the tsarist Cossacks had killed her
father; grandfather's influence - if it were not for Soviet power, it would not become an
engineer, an educator, a candidate for sciences, and would remain an ordinary peasant, and
therefore pre-revolutionary power was even worse than new (now I'm not quite sure); and
how I was offered to join the party in the early 1980s when I was visiting the institute
and my mother hissed ominously:
"There will be no communists in my family!"
Certainly the "voices for the hills" also had some influence. We all listened to the voice
of America and the BBC in the family, even Grandpa's Orthodox Communist. It was assumed
that Radio Liberty and Free Europe were too much, that they were not objective. Israel's
voice in Russian and Yiddish only listened to my other grandfather (father's) Khayim; he
chuckled and rubbed his hands, always announcing one thing at the end of the listening -
what was the current water temperature in the Jordan River. Our distant relative, Aunt
Ulja, once a close friend of Anna Andreevna Akhmatova when she came to our house, told me
(although she sometimes resorted to French):
"Misha, your grandfather, Dad's dad, has gone completely mad. He doesn't care what the
Communists are for the devil to take them. Its wondering how many degrees Jordan has. Let
the world be on fire, the whole planet on fire, the Communists celebrate - nothing, its
just one thing: how much water today is in Jordan. As if he was about to climb into the
Jordan tonight to bathe! These Zionists are completely shot. "
Under the word of the Zionists, she envisioned everyone who not only cursed the "Macht
Union" - the native Soviet power she physically hated - but also cared about what was
happening in Israel.
At the age of ten, I learned that:
the Bolsheviks are bad; the imperial power, ie the power of the bourgeoisie, also means
nothing good; that anti-Semites are dilapidated but nothing can be done about them; that
being a Jewish-nationalist (at the time I thought it was the same as a Zionist) was a
disgrace. Who was responsible for everything my family and my peers, friends and
classmates had to endure? - Bolsheviks and Nazis. That everyone who fights with Soviet
power and is locked up in the camp is holy (at that time I did not know that in the
dissident movement there were such figures as Ogurcov, a supporter of the
Christian-monarchist movement of Russia, Ivanov-Skuratov and Borodin with their strange
understanding national issues, and open fascist Fetisov). Not only the dissident, but also
the nationalist movement aimed at detaching their peoples from central power in Moscow
aroused sympathy. Lithuanian, Estonian, Ukrainian, Armenian. In January 1978 an explosion
occurred on the Moscow metro by a group of Stefan Zatikjana. I remember that no one
believed it to be a real terrorist act by Armenian nationalists. We agreed that this was a
provocation by the KGB in order to deal with the Armenian nationalist movement. It did not
occur to anyone that the cost of such a provocation would be too high - to officially
acknowledge the existence of a combat underground movement in the successful Soviet Union.
The explosion killed and wounded people, moreover, another unexploded bomb was discovered
at Kazan station in Moscow. More than twenty years have passed, and I - in Israel - have
seen a documentary film on television showing an excerpt from the trial of Zatikjan and
his people. Of course, they were filmed by state security officials. I was amazed by the
beautiful face of the main accused, who became frightening when he was given the last
word: "USSR - Russian-Jewish state ..." I've never heard this from any Armenian in my
life. Suddenly I remembered the phrase in an article in the 1978 Izvestia newspaper in
which the process was described. There was written about animal anti-Semitism of the main
accused. I didn't believe it then, as far as I can remember. And at the beginning of the
new millennium I heard it on TV.
In such an atmosphere, at the age of 14, I saw a book by Leo Corný's New Direction in
Anarchism , (1) published in St. Petersburg at the beginning of the century in my father's
bookshelf . This book changed my life, changed my pioneer-opposition protoideology. The
ideology of anarchism has shown me that it is possible to be a proper person outside the
order of a particular party; beyond any particular nationality and religion; besides
everything what we, big and small, scornfully called "their system".
(Now, after almost thirty years, I think that even in anarchist ideology there was an
exaggeration, more precisely, a variety of exaggerations and extremes; but I still think
there was no more structured, more serious and open theory than that of Kropotkin and
Rocker, not based on an immediate political benefit, but on the concept of Freedom and
Justice as such.)
I was a teenager. I searched the library shelves and secondhand books for literature
related to anarchism, but I found it little, damn little: I really had Leo Corný; a
revised and thoroughly polished edition of Kropotkin's Revolutionary Notes for Children;
the biographies of Kropotkin and Bakunin, very carefully written by Natalia Pirum.2) I had
the last two books as reference books and took them as such to Israel.
In 1979, when I was sixteen, I could no longer conceal the discoveries of the New Ideology
and began to tell them about it to my classmates. Most of the kids preparing for the final
exams were completely indifferent. Only my "best kind of childhood", a friend and friend
from kindergarten, Valera Bogdanov, listened to me with an open mouth. Leša Tarakanov and
a few others joined this group. I will not give their names because they played a very
poor role in the history of our group. Tarakanov proved to be a great person, who really
took the new ideology to heart (a few years ago we met in St. Petersburg, I would not call
him an anarchist anyway). He became the head of the "combat troop" of our "organization",
which for the conspiracy called BI - Bunch of idiots. He was the author of the emblem of
our group. He copied a bit of the West German RAF. In the middle was a Schmeisser-type
submachine gun framed by the words "For yours and ours!" It was this mark that
demonstrated the childishness of our notions of illegality. Real illegals in the
conditions of totalitarian regime would never occur to create any signs, symbols and anthems.
Fact: In 1979, in Leningrad, the city of three revolutions, 3) we founded the group
Chornny Peredel 2,4) whose ideology we described as anarchist. I wrote a program that was
a wild eclectic of Kropotkin-Bakunin thought, quotations from Horst Mahler and Ulrike
Meinhof (which we mistakenly ranked as anarchists), two three phrases by Timothy Leary, an
American hippie ideologist of the 1960s, and Jerry Rubin, a yippie ideologue. times. All
this is adorned with references to the narrative ideology of the 1870s and 1980s (Željabov
- Perovská) 5) and improved by a good dose of quotations from the Strugacky brothers
(primarily from the Ugly Swans, without giving any source).
The program was published in two copies on the typewriter of my grandfather by the
Communist (and destroyed in 1984 in April, when I felt that the KGB was deeply interested
in some of us).
With this program, with faith in the world revolution, with a vague understanding of the
sense of belonging of peer friends, with the feeling that everything would end up
differently for us in the 37th, I entered the history faculty of the Leningrad Pedagogical
Institute AI Gercen.
Here I met my future (first) wife, Ira Platonova (Shvarcberg), and set out to proclaim the
ideas of Absolute Freedom to the masses - between Leningrad hippies at Nevsky Prospekt
Metro Station and Gostiny Yard and at a park near Kazan Cathedral. The ideas had some
success with local hippies and punks, especially the idea of fighting neo-Nazism. Because
it was impossible to fight the ruling ideology personified by the CPSU Central Committee,
we decided to fight the so-called "Nazis" in youth circles. The ideology of neo-Nazism was
quite popular among adolescents in large Russian cities already in the late 1970s; We
discovered the Nazis by their appearance: by their peculiar hairstyle and clothing (black
jackets, military caps with stylized swastika, shaved temples, etc.). I will not forget
the spectacular brawl between pissing Nazis and punks in the autumn of 1980 at Primorská
metro station. We disseminated typewritten leaflets calling for a fight against
"neo-Nazism - an unofficial propagator of the ideas of official Soviet power." The
semi-official Leningrad Rock Club (actually existed at the time, 6) or did this cultural
phenomenon only appear a few years later? I don't remember) in his warlike song-allusions,
he legitimized this fight. But after some time, I saw a leader of the pissing pans and
Nazis in the café on Zverinská Street (the legendary St Petersburg side behind the moat):
they sat at one table, sipped at the port7) (beer?), What they brought with them, and
talked about another battle. At that time, it occurred to me for the first time that all
the actions of the local youth were in strict agreement with the KGB. which called for a
fight against "neo-Nazism - an unofficial propagator of the ideas of official Soviet
power." The semi-official Leningrad Rock Club (actually existed at the time, 6) or did
this cultural phenomenon only appear a few years later? I don't remember) in his warlike
song-allusions, he legitimized this fight. But after some time, I saw a leader of the
pissing pans and Nazis in the café on Zverinská Street (the legendary St Petersburg side
behind the moat): they sat at one table, sipped at the port7) (beer?), What they brought
with them, and talked about another battle. At that time, it occurred to me for the first
time that all the actions of the local youth were in strict agreement with the KGB. which
called for a fight against "neo-Nazism - an unofficial propagator of the ideas of official
Soviet power." The semi-official Leningrad Rock Club (actually existed at the time, 6) or
did this cultural phenomenon only appear a few years later? I don't remember) in his
warlike song-allusions, he legitimized this fight. But after some time, I saw a leader of
the pissing pans and Nazis in the café on Zverinská Street (the legendary St Petersburg
side behind the moat): they sat at one table, sipped at the port7) (beer?), What they
brought with them, and talked about another battle. At that time, it occurred to me for
the first time that all the actions of the local youth were in strict agreement with the
KGB. 6) or did this cultural phenomenon appear only a few years later? I don't remember)
in his warlike song-allusions, he legitimized this fight. But after some time, I saw a
leader of the pissing pans and Nazis in the café on Zverinská Street (the legendary St
Petersburg side behind the moat): they sat at one table, sipped at the port7) (beer?),
What they brought with them, and talked about another battle. At that time, it occurred to
me for the first time that all the actions of the local youth were in strict agreement
with the KGB. 6) or did this cultural phenomenon appear only a few years later? I don't
remember) in his warlike song-allusions, he legitimized this fight. But after some time, I
saw a leader of the pissing pans and Nazis in the café on Zverinská Street (the legendary
St Petersburg side behind the moat): they sat at one table, sipped at the port7) (beer?),
What they brought with them, and talked about another battle. At that time, it occurred to
me for the first time that all the actions of the local youth were in strict agreement
with the KGB.
We distributed leaflets at events among ours. In our group, people were coming and going.
There were a few sharp guys, among them Leša Zudov, nicknamed Leo Zadov, a conscious
eighteen-year-old anarchist with whom we disagreed about the national question: he hated Jews.
In November 1980, we drove to Vyborg, a town near the Finnish border, where one of our
suburban forests hosted a "showcase" of our group. With a black banner, we marched a few
kilometers under the snowy firs and pines. One of the students from our faculty took great
photos of this event, but he refused my request to put the photos in our archive. Now I
say to myself - thank God.
In the winter of 1980 my wife Irina, an active Leningrad hippie, failed at the rehearsals.
It was a direct secret order - none of the examiners hid it. A month before, Irina stepped
out at a seminar in philosophy, highlighting some inconsistency with Marx. Someone slammed
it. The task of the dean's office was then to throw her out of the institute. Not the 37th
year, but any. "It was easy to get through." Easily meant breaking the central nervous
system: Ira had been in bed for months. It is unpleasant to talk about it, all the more
because it is not directly related to the purpose of this story. Let me just say how,
after the last rehearsal, when Associate Professor Ostrovsky smirked her the ball into the
index, she came out of the auditorium - and fell. Something defied. Ostrovsky crossed it
and went to the dean's office. He chuckled on the way. I grabbed her hands and looked at
the associate professor. That was the first time in my life that I felt hatred. Not
abstract, but quite specific.
In 1981, in the Institute building, the Kagebos found a pile of leaflets calling for the
liberation of Sakharov and something similar. There were two faculties in this building -
history and philosophy. They searched everywhere. They were particularly keen on our
"ideological". They took several students, among them Dima General, a hippie poet, an
artist (they seem to have broken him); my close friend of a Jew's friend, Roma Miller (for
friendly relations with some Vitej Acharov, a representative of the "National-Stalinist
Party"; the intervention of a high-ranking father did not help - they excluded him); they
summoned me. They asked what I could tell them about the "Generalov and Miller students."
I said they're good guys, they learn well. "You think everyone is good and they learn
well," the secretive grumbled as he dismissed me.
At that time, we were working on plans to overthrow the Bolsheviks throughout the country.
We got a library, prepared plans to find real means to fight. We were thinking about the
Sinjavin mud, where the weapons of the Second World War were buried.
At that time, the letters SNZ (Schwarze Neu Aufteilung zwei - the German name of our
organization) were seen in Piter in many subways. Some of us wrote, some did not. Why SNZ?
Shortcut Cornovo peredela 2 did not sound very nice Russian: CPD.
On March 1, 1981, on the centenary of the killing of Tsar Alexander II. I organized a
small gathering on the Yekaterin Canal (Gribojed's channel under the Bolsheviks), where
the Savior's Temple stands on blood.8) The passers-by were wondering, the police did not come.
And in the spring of 1984, my former classmate Lena Rubert (assimilated Russian-German
family from the Leningrad Germans), a member of the group, called me: "Miško! (proudly) I
wrote a leaflet: The Death of the CPSU! I put it up at our institute. Let them see! "
For God's sake!
"How did he write?! Hand or typewriter??? "
"Hand."
Two days later they took him. Nothing better than pinning a handwritten leaflet on the
door of the Department of Marine Engineering where he studied. Apparently they recognized
it by handwriting.
I don't know exactly what was written there. Something like the USSR is a fascist state.
On the last day of April 1984 I was sitting at a lecture. I had a suitcase of dissident
literature with me. My friend Sita Kandaur read it carefully. There was, I think,
something from Alexander Isaich (Solzhenitsyn), a few issues in Israeli magazine 22, and
some other things. I would say the Leningrad manuscript LEA .
Knock on the door. The Dean's secretary came in.
"Gonchar! Urgent to the Trade Union Committee! " "Light," I whispered, "take the suitcase,
sit on it, and don't let anyone in until I get back."
And if I didn't come back? Would I ruin my life?
She was sitting on a suitcase with literature. Until I came back.
In the yard - 1984. April. Just a year to the beginning of the "perestroika". I go to the
trade union committee and I feel that everything is wrong. Opening the main door.
A smooth-shaven face in a civilian dress laughs and tells an anecdote to a pale chairman.
"Good day. Míša Goncarok, Faculty of History. Did you call me? "
Young man with careful haircut catches my hand:
"Mikhail Markovich! We are waiting for you! We need to talk. Let's go! "
They had never been called by my father's name before. I was twenty. Well what. My knees
were shaking, but let's go.
He led me to a tiny room near the union office. As you walk down the corridor, you won't
even notice this room. Somewhere beside the sound was already a large reel tape recorder.
The discussion lasted about five hours. He asked me all sorts of things. What is the
group, why Corny peredel, why SNZ. What books we read, what we do. The names of some
participants, including Rubert, emerged. From the question he asked, I understood that a
maximum of two of my friends voluntarily or coerced to tell the secret what was happening
at our meetings. It was very unpleasant to find out that the same Rubert had told
everything he knew and did not know, and added that I had him write a famous leaflet and
finish the stupid thing by hanging it on the door of the institute to make it known. In
the words of the State Security Officer, Lena proved to be a complete jerk - he was
crying, not hesitating to fall to his knees and begging for forgiveness, which made the
interrogator quite disturbed. I wouldn't believe the secret, but I knew that my friend
Lena, even with her broad shoulders, is a big srab. In addition, I learned from the
interview that he had told them the names of people associated with me, including those
who had nothing to do with our childhood illegality.
Among these was my friend and classmate Igor Tantlevsky, who had nothing to do with the
group or anarchism. Igor and I were illegally learning ivrit in the apartment of teacher
Valery Ladyzensky. Tantlevsky was also invited to be interrogated, for which he then
blamed me and quite rightly pointed out that he does not want to be responsible for my
asshole friends who are sidelong sacks and just mistakenly call themselves anarchists,
"but not mutually exclusive".
Let's add that Tantlevsky is now Russia's leading biblical and hebraistic expert, author
of many large solid books, professor at St. Petersburg University, chairman of a number of
scientific committees, participant in international Judaist conferences.
In the interview with the secret, there was such information that Rubert didn't even know,
so I realized that the secret was quoting the things I said in an interview with one of
the guys we called Brigadier. I think my name was Voloda. For many years, I was told that
Vova Brigadier was obviously a provocateur, with a tendency to be hereditary (his father
turned out to be an officer of the Ministry of the Interior). what happened at our gatherings.
I was asked to act like a true comedy: he attended meetings of hippies, punks, and others
- and then reported. I explained that I did not understand why I was so honored: no
organized group was and is not; We had the books we read from legal secondhand books. I
found out that the snitches did not know or wanted to announce our fantastic plans to
overthrow the state, perhaps they were worried about their skin. Neither the ring program,
the emblem, nor the plans to leave the Sinjavin Mud for rusty weapons were spoken.
Ten times, differently each time, he suggested that I become a confident. On the brink of
hysteria I said - no. Of course, I was crazy all the time: a nasty smirk of the secret, a
lamp shining in the face, the noise of a tape, all of which had a great effect on my
nerves. I smoked all the cigarettes, he offered me his. I took and smoked his whole box
over the next few hours. I remember it was a white-blue box back then favorite HERE. Later
I was told that taking cigarettes on offer is by no means permissible - it is an imaginary
sign of potential acceptance of cooperation. When I refused again, he began to threaten.
"You, Mikhail Markovich, are a historian, a future educator. We can't allow ourselves to
raise our children. "" Well, don't let me do that. I'm really a historian. I needed to
study the anarchists in the original, there is little material in readers and textbooks.
Is it a crime? Tell me exactly what I did? What did I break the law? "He grinned."
Nothing, but you say the child's play stinks. Help us, please be good again. "" No. "
He changed his attitude: "We know your wife is ill. You want us to find her a good doctor?
Free of charge. Care level. "" Thank you, I don't want to. Even so, they will recover. "
"But you will go to the military." (There was no military department at our institute and
all graduates had to enter military service like the others.) "If you help us, you don't
have to join the army. You want? "" I don't want to. Everyone has to, I'll go too. What
you propose to me is illegal. How can you, as a representative of an official institution,
propose illegal things? "" Good. So imagine: you will be in the army. There are weapons.
Sub-machine guns. And they shoot. You will be on guard and suddenly someone will fire at
you. And it will kill you. What a shame! "
This sounds silly from a distance. But there, in that miserable little room, my fantasy
worked to the fullest. It was only by the will that I did not allow the chatter. Just in
our family suffering in the 37th was always said: such a proposal can never be accepted.
Not for nothing. Once you give up and never get rid of it again. They will never let you
go - they will blackmail you with the paper they give to everyone willing to cooperate. I
had only one thing in my head: "I will not be human, but shit. All my life. "I tried not
to listen to what she was saying. Will I get fired from the Institute? I'll survive. I'm
going to be a sweeper or a boiler room. Like Víta Coj.9) To distract myself, I began to
rock in my chair like an old Jew in prayer.
Suddenly he asked, "Do you want some fresh air? Go to the window. "As a robot, I went to
the window. "OK? Sun, air, people. Free, without remorse. Turn around. "I turned to him,
his back to the window. Suddenly, he slowly pushed me toward the window, still
interpreting something. I almost thought he wanted to throw me out the window.
But it was obviously his last attempt on his part.
"All right ... Write a receipt." I'm not signing anything. "" I need to bill. Reports are
also made here. Without that confirmation, I can't let you out. Or we'll go to Lithuanian
if you want. You will sit there for as long as you need, and you will write the receipt
anyway. ' He handed me a pen.
I will still remember the text of the confirmation, or perhaps I will never be able to
forget it:
"I, Goncharok, Mikhail Markovic, undertake not to disclose the content of the conversation
with a KGB employee." Date, signature.
He led me out. We went up the stairs together. Before we broke up in the yard, he said as
he lit himself:
"Weird. We didn't agree. I haven't seen one like this for a long time ... And your friends
are so soft. You'd be watching that Rubert. He cried, rolled at my feet, wanted to kiss
our shoes. Carefully. If you continue your stupid games, your heads will fall. I promise
you that. Bye."
And he left.
On wooden feet I walked back to our building. Lectures are over. In the courtyard sat
World Kandaur. On a suitcase with anti-Soviet literature.
She got it.
I think they just didn't need a case then. He wasn't planning or anything. It was not our
children's revolutionary games. If necessary, they would start off right. It was only
later that I learned that in the same year they opened the case of the Martynova dissident
group in Piter. They started it all together.
I remember when I came home I said to my mom, "Don't get upset. I will be fired from the
institute. "It was before the defense of the thesis.
In a few days Lena called Rubert as if nothing had happened. He began to say that the
officer who had interrogated him had left him his business card and was now friends. I had
no idea why he was calling. Whether he's really such a bastard or an incredible fool.
"Leona, don't call me again." He laughed in confusion. I hung up. He didn't call me again.
And what is strange - I wasn't fired from the Institute. They gave me the opportunity to
complete it and defend my diploma. I was sure he wouldn't let me do that, and I was like a
thorn every day. After all, for much smaller things and without "sectarianism", they
flashyly threw my wife out of the same institute just four years ago. Only a few more
times they sent a messenger to me. They were inexperienced, and I realized they were
talking to me "according to the assignment". The year-old leader, a Russian boy, came to
me, not looking into my eyes and explaining that they were persecuting Jews in our
country, preventing Jewish teachers from progressing, even professors (where could they
go?!). It was so stupid and eye-catching that I pathetically replied to him, "This is a
Zionist provocation. The Jews live very well with us. "Suddenly he left. I don't want to
talk about other cases.
They also listened to my phone. I talked to Igor Tantlevsky once, I think about girls
(sorry). Igor began to portray his victories too openly and I was not left behind.
Suddenly, an unfamiliar female piercing voice entered the conversation:
"Guys! What is it! Are you not ashamed? That's what a guy calls himself! Yuck!!!"
So it puzzled us that we hung up almost simultaneously - the voice was still screaming.
The audibility was excellent.
I have to say that I totally agree with the woman - certainly from the corresponding KGB
department (recording or whatever they call it there). I don't remember exactly what we
said, but it must have been quite disgusting and undignified when even the secretions got mad.
One more thing I was and remained strange. Literally a few days after the "talk", the
activist of the Leningrad Zionist movement called me Volod Korenman, a good friend of mine
(now doing a tourist guide, lives near Jerusalem), and suggested that we go to welcome
former President of Israel Efraim Katzir, a well-known scientist Union at a scientific
conference (biochemical, I think). Katzir, who appeared in Piter, wanted to combine the
pleasant with the useful and to meet Jewish activists.
I arranged a preliminary meeting with Korenman. We met, I told him everything. He
whistled. He said he had no fear personally, but I had to decide for myself: going to meet
Katzir or not. Young pride did not give me, I decided to go (if I go today, I'm not sure).
The meeting was to take place at the Primorská metro station, on Vasilyevsky Island. This
is no longer an issue: I will just say that Mr. Katzir and his wife did not allow us to
meet us... But they all took pictures of us in advance. The strange thing about this event
was, and it remains, that it all happened a few days after my "talk" with the secret, who
assured me that "heads would fall" if I continued to deal with politics.
The heads did not fall.
And that's all. I went on to discuss the theory and history of anarchism, but I just
forbade organizing similar groups and circles. I learned ivrit and yiddish, I came to
Israel in 1990 and started to study science. Here in Jerusalem I work in the central
archive of the history of Zionism, I wrote enough articles in Russian, ivrit and Yiddish
in scientific and popular magazines, published three books and a booklet on the history of
anarchism in its various forms. The official theme of my scientific work is the history of
the Jewish anarchist movement (Yiddish anarchism). I write with the whole world, with
scholars, anarchists, with their libraries and archives, and nobody prevents me from
pursuing any subject. They just help me at work. I do not hide my ideology and political
orientation and it does not shock anyone. I'm happy here, and for normal people, what
matters most in contact with me is
An extraordinary consequence of unpleasant conflicts with the officially non-existent KGB
was a series of interviews with Israeli secret service staff. I was supposed to answer
their officer's question on arrival (such questions are given to all men between 20 and 50
years after landing a plane with new repatriates at Ben Gurion Airport): "Have you had any
conflicts with the security authorities or the police in the USSR?" Yes, I had, and I said
because of anarchism. God, what happened! I was perhaps the first anarchist to come to
Israel from Russia that year. Surely half the secret from that department was running to
see me. The next year I was continuously invited to various places because of the
question: "What is anarchism? Why am I an anarchist? What am I going to do with my
anarchism here in Israel? "The discussions were much calmer than in Russia, but it
gradually started to upset me. It seemed to me that the Soviet secret and their Israeli
colleagues taught the same teachers to communicate. I didn't forget to tell them, and at
the last summons I added that if I had committed a crime, let them tell me, and if they
didn't - let them stop.
They stopped.
Moshe Goncharok
Jerusalem, August 2002
Comment:
1) Leo Chernyy (, pr.n. Pavel Dmitrijevic Turcaninov), 1878-1921, supporter of
anarchoindividualism; imprisoned in Russia during his studies between 1901 and 1903; later
worked in the Anarchist League in Paris; after his return to Russia, he co-founded the
House of Anarchy in Moscow, published the newspaper Klic (Calling); along with nine other
anarchists, he was shot on September 27, 1921. His book New Direction in Anarchism:
Association Anarchism was published in Russia in 1907 and for the second time in 1923 in
New York.
2) Pirum NM, Bakunin . Moscow 1970, 400 pages; Pirumová NM, Petr Alexejevic Kropotkin.
Moskva 1972, 224 pages. Natalie Mikhailovna Pirum (), 1923-1997, historian of anarchism.
3) Leningrad - the city of three revolutions - the second largest city of Russia
Saint-Petersburg (called St. Petersburg in 1914-1924, Leningrad in 1924-1991, colloquially
Piter) was founded in 1703 and in 1712-1917 it was the capital of the empire. The term
"city of three revolutions" refers to the revolution in 1905, in February 1917 and in
November (VRSR) 1917.
4) Cornyy peredel was originally a revolutionary Narodnic organization founded in St.
Petersburg in 1879. The members were eg GV Plechanov, LG Dejc, VI Zasulicová, the press
authority was Zerno newspaper and the magazine Cornyj peredel . Part of the members, the
so-called Aristocrats, went to the organization Narodnaya volja (People's Freedom),
focused on terrorist actions against tsarism (13 March 1881 carried out a successful
assassination of Tsar Alexander II.). Narodnici (Rus. Nativ = people) was a political and
cultural movement with the organization Zemjla i volja (Soil and Freedom), which since the
1860s. sought to overthrow tsarism and land reform. The ideologues of the movement
included MA Bakunin, and one of the lines of nationalism resulted in an anarchist movement.
5) Andrei Ivanovich Željabov and Sofija Lvovna Perov were Russian birthdays, members of
the executive committee of Narodnaya Volya. In 1881 they were sentenced to death and
executed for participating in the preparation of the assassination of Tsar Alexander II.
6) Leningrad Rock Club () was officially established in March 1981, when the first concert
took place. The effort to establish it dates back to 1973. Despite the supervision of the
KGB and party organs, the club was a unique opportunity to operate rock music and since
1983 to organize rock festivals.
7) The suggestion of song lyrics legendary rocker Leningrad Soviet period Viktor Tsoi.
(See Note 9) (Mom anarchy Dad portskýho cup) of a plate Night of r. 1986th
8) The Temple of the Savior on Blood was built by Tsar Alexander III. in the place where
the assassin was assassinated in 1881 against his father, Emperor Alexander II.
9) Viktor Coj (), 1962-1990, composer and singer of the Leningrad rock group Kino; In the
early 1980s, one of the most authentic and popular musicians of the genre, which at that
time was more or less underground. By the end of the 1980s, Coj was able to give concerts,
record albums, make movies, travel the world. He achieved tremendous popularity (62,000
people attended his concert at the Moscow Luzhniki stadium), but never stopped working as
a cauldron and distributed his albums for free. He died in a car accident.
Source: http://socialist.memo.ru/1991/goncharokmoshe.htm
Translation and Notes -dm-
Published in Existence No. 4/2014 on War.
https://www.afed.cz/text/7064/ze-vzpominek-zidovskeho-anarchisty
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Message: 3
The government's strategy of wearing down the protests had no effect, now they call for
division among the exploited. By all means, they try to raise awareness with the talk that
if the protests continue, wages will decline and labor will be lost. That the Uprising is
a dangerous thing for microenterprises... Power and the media encourage "job protection"
and private property. They want to pressure the poor out of fear and make them question
their neighbors to silence the protests. The psychosis of "yellow vests" to protect their
homes from invisible enemies shifts to business districts, where workers as oppressed as
protesters stare at them with sticks, stones and even machetes. Performing a job for the
police that serves only the powerful and their interests.
The eruption of hooded men in some elite neighborhoods has caused panic in the most
privileged sectors. In Manquehue de Santiago or Reñaca de Viña del Mar, wealthy blond
people dressed in odious "yellow jackets" and gathered to defend their lifestyles and
properties. In their hands they carried baseball bats, irons, golf and hockey sticks,
their belts concealed firearms. Despite the threats the barricades were erected at their
corners. The tension between the two sides was total and the spark that would ignite the
anger was about to explode.
The highest point of this clash occurred when protesters took to the beaches of Reñaca in
a festive mood, a man got out of the vehicle and shot several times at the group, injuring
one of them in the leg. The name of the person using the weapon is John Cobin, a gringo
and white supremacist, declared a worshiper of Pinochet and the Chilean neoliberal system.
The event created total chaos in the resort, anger overflowed and hundreds of people
burned all the capitalist icons of the place.
Not even the postponement of Teleton, one of Chilean's most beloved institutions, could
overshadow the beautiful Social Uprising.
In Italy Square, renamed "Dignity Square" by rebels, fewer people gathered. Among those
who came to "zone zero" was an anonymous man who distributed 500 goggles to protesters.
Most of the weekend's unsubmissives participated in activities in neighborhoods and
territorial assemblies, where they collected medical supplies to treat the injured.
Hundreds of cyclists organized themselves and cycled to the Santa María Clinic to show
solidarity with Gustavo, the 21-year-old who was attacked with bullet bullets and was
injured in both eyes, becoming blind.
On Hill, strangers attacked and set fire to the local court.
Hackers have created an application with the addresses of police members, your neighbor
may be a footman and sniffs what will happen in the air. Blow by blow we will return your
repression!
There are 4500 detainees during the 24 days of clashes, we need to make them feel our
solidarity inside the bars.
We are still on the streets, without leaders or political parties. Organizing ourselves
horizontally, autonomously and self-managed.
WE ARE A DANGER FOR YOUR ORDER!
Let's be the benzine bottle of Revolt Social!
IT'S NOW OR NEVER!
NT
Related Content:
https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2019/11/11/chile-santiago-22o-dia-de-revolta-social/
anarchist news agency-ana
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Message: 4
From Libertarian Gorges, we share this statement and we stand in solidarity with those
voices that the traditional media and partisan propaganda make invisible, those social
movements that embrace the struggles from below, from autonomy and dissent, and that do
not bend to looting policies and State exploiters who say they are indigenist, ecologist,
worker and feminist, who have rather dedicated themselves to agreeing with the
transnational business sectors. In addition, we join his call against the
ultra-conservative Messiahs who intend to assume the historical struggle of those below as
their own, to seize power and carry out equally anti-popular and extractive policies. In
Venezuela we know that history, we also live in our own flesh that malaise that this
statement refers to,
THE UNITED PEOPLE, ADVANCE WITHOUT PARTIES! Let them all go and there is nothing left!
"Bolivia lives crucial moments and writes black pages of the history of Latin America. In
moments of unease and confusion we want to remember that we are a warrior people, more
non-violent; combative, but not murderous. In October 2003 we joined our forces, skirts,
aguayos and wipalas to expel a looting government, we sealed that pact with the blood of
our sisters and brothers.
Unfortunately, we have been losing this process since 2008, when the MAS government made
the first great pact with the oligarchic and racist right, a right that we thought
defeated, at that time they returned to the palace and today they take it with bibles and
hate speeches.
At the time, environmental groups, peasant organizations, indigenous and workers alerted
President Evo and his government, about the dangers of continuing a nation-state model in
unity with the rich, businessmen and transnationals, and the people felt that the
president Evo became blinded to power, specializing in Mother Earth, without respecting
the rights of indigenous peoples, there was no democracy and the hardest part was that it
divided social organizations and that in these days of crisis many of them have left
alone. We know that from outside it is difficult to understand all the discomfort that has
been generated in the country and it is even incompressible how you can turn your back on
an indigenous and leftist government
However, in the face of the fascist and racist wave of hatred and confusion, we condemn
violent discourses and actions against headquarters, former authorities, and misogynist
actions against women. The entry of fundamentalist and conservative groups to the
government, and the attempt to impose a military civic government led by Luis Fernando
Camacho and Carlos de Mesa.
In these uncertain hours, we call for the pacification of the country. Numerous looting
and hate actions are proliferating through the streets of our cities. We are committed to
the independence of the popular sectors, we add to the feeling of outrage at unnecessary
deaths and pain of the general population. And we call on the popular withdrawal to reduce
the violent escalation promoted by both sides.
CASA Collective, Bolivia, November 2019 "
Source:
https://oiedc.blogspot.com/2019/11/la-profunda-crisis-politica-de-bolivia.html?fbclid=IwAR1fAxdAJJeyIDwRMMvSVeXiouk2fY4RTJPhTYO_w4Yt5KtCMw1sR9s
https://gargantas-libertarias.blogspot.com/2019/11/la-profunda-crisis-politica-de-bolivia.html
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