Today's Topics:
1. Greece, 4th Congress of Anarchist Political Organization By
APO [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Greece, Patras, Announcement of the 5 marches arrested on 6
December by Pegasus [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Canada, ucl-saguenay, Collectif Emma Goldman - [Saguenay]
"It's a seed, it has made other movements grow": Testimonies of
an occupant of the Cyriac forest in 2004 (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. vrije bond: [Leuven] Defend the Rojava Revolution together!
- Together against fascism and patriarchy! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL - State of the
wrestling n ° 2,To amplify the strike, let's organize ! (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Greece, vogliamo tutto: Solidarity with those arrested /
arrested for the 11 years since the December 2008 uprising
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Russia, avtonom: The emigration of the people - the saving
valve of power by Vladimir Platonenko [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. Greece, liberta salonica: REPLACEMENT TERRITORY | SATURDAY
14/12 -- The #1 risk to the state and capital (a confession & a
commitment) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
9. US, black rose fed: STATEMENT: ONE MONTH SINCE THE POPULAR
REVOLT IN CHILE (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
The 4th Congress of Anarchist Political Organization The Federation of Colleges will be held in Athens on December 21-22, 2019.
Observer groups are foreseen on the first day of the Court and for specific procedures.
To express interest and contact you can contact the mail: anpolorg@gmail.com
Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collections
No related posts.
http://apo.squathost.com/
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Message: 2
We, along with hundreds of other people, participated in the march of December 6th in memory of Alexis Grigoropoulos who was murdered by the
special guard Corcona. During the arrest and the abductions, most of them were subjected to intense violence by the MATs, both physical and
verbal (using extreme sexism). While detained at the police station, we were not allowed to contact a lawyer and provide medical assistance
for the time to a partner who was severely hit in the head and to an injured companion who requested to go to the hospital. ---- We have
been in the detention center of the Patras Police Station since Friday.
We are sending a message of solidarity to all the fighters out there.
They don't scare us, they don't terrorize us.
Solidarity will defeat fear.
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Message: 3
In the article " [Saguenay]Defending the Cyriac Forest: A Camp of Several Weeks in 2004 ", a story of the occupation of the Cyriac Forest
was sketched out with the help of the testimony of Louise, the spokesperson of the fight, as well as information from the deceased website
and newspaper articles. In this new article, I wanted to interview a second participant in the occupation, Jean-Denis, to add another point
of view on mobilization. Due to the means used for the maintenance and the relaxed form of it, I could not carry out a verbatim of the
exchange. Rather, I took the points in a text, which I subsequently validated by the participant. ---- For Jean-Denis, the action of civil
disobedience is to place in the context that followed the release of the movie "The Boreal Error" of Richard Desjardins. With the awareness
raised by the film, which the director had come to the region, many people saw that it was time to take action to defend the forest and stop
the abuse of foresters. A publication he had seen in the newspaper alarmed cutting plans in the Cyriac Forest, a mixed forest with
century-old yellow jobs.
Working near the site of the occupation, which began on October 29, Jean-Denis took part in the struggle from the very beginning. "The
solidarity of the occupation was fantastic," he reports. The people who were there were mainly from the world of the region. People from
quite diverse backgrounds, many of whom made trips to and from the camp. Many came from artistic or community backgrounds. Retirees and
students of the baccalauréat en plein air (UQAC) too. Even people from the Saint-André-de-l'Épouvante Ecological Festival (at Lac St-Jean).
On the spot, a huge tarpaulin was used as a central gathering place. There was a kitchen area with very simple furniture, to protect the
food from bad weather, and dishes. There was also a large tent-prospector with a wood stove. "People brought their tent and camped around.
Every day there was a meeting. Consensus was not always easy. In the heat of the moment and with the highly variable commitment of the
participants (some making more or less frequent trips while others were practically always there), decision-making was more difficult. with
the reactionary attitudes and the recurrence of certain aspects. The risks of arrest were very low according to Jean-Denis, because the
owner accepted the occupation and the path was not hampered by the encampment or the displacements. The intention to block the arrival of
the forest machinery was still real. Some people had in this vein planned to settle with ropes above the path where the machinery had to
pass to block access.
Towards the end of November and the beginning of December, the fight ran out of steam, he says, with an outbreak of gastro-intestinal
disease that has contaminated some people in the occupation. Moreover, with the winter context, the snow on the tents and the hay made the
camp more difficult to hold. The arrival of the machines on November 24th, on the 26th day of occupation, was not blocked because of the
negotiated agreement with the forestry company, but it was filmed as well as the first cutting operations. "The stress of the workers was
palpable," he tells me. After dismantling the main camp, Jean-Denis pulled up his tent a little further to monitor logging operations, but
no one finally slept there and the occupation ended.
On balance, the participant believes that the battle has certainly helped counterbalance the dominant discourse of the industry and its
devastating cuts. "It's a seed. It made other movements grow. The occupation can, according to him, serve as inspiration for the militants
who defend the fjord against the implantation of large industrial projects. We must find the critical language and make the threat on the
environment obvious. The fact remains that the majority of the population remains blinded by dollar mirages. "The studies on the projects we
see today are sloppy, the ecologists are taxed as alarmists." Awareness of respect for the environment and the enhancement of heritage
remain current struggles. "It's sad to see the dominance of the forest industry that brings the crops profit and profits. Workers who have
high wages, they make their turn of ivory, in the region. Criticism of the exploitation of natural resources is shocking. "The North
American dynamic is perverted in the imagination of mechanization and the industrialist ... we prefer to invest in concrete and machines
than in humans. Why is it necessary to squander resources as quickly as possible? ". The participant wants the development of a new culture,
a new link between Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals, where technologies would be used to live on the territory in a more thoughtful way,
Jean-Denis finally laments the lack of prospects for change of some participants in the fight. Some cottage owners in the area have joined
more to save the peace of their little slice of paradise, than to take action to transform the abusive practices of foresters in the region
and bring a social debate about the needs and how resources are exploited.
In closing, see also, if you have not already done so, the previous article on the subject " [Saguenay]Defending the Cyriac Forest: A Camp
of Several Weeks in 2004 ".
Even today, respondents to supplement the information contained in the two articles in this series continue to struggle in different ways
for society to change.
Listed 16 hours ago by Collectif Emma Goldman
http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2019/12/saguenay-cest-une-graine-ca-fait.html
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Message: 4
Demonstration on 14 December, 13.00 @ Diestsepoort 6, Leuven (Belgium) ---- Click here to view the international call-out for an
international day of action for Rojava on December 14th. There will also be a nationwide protest in the Netherlands, starting at 14.00 at
Dam Square, Amsterdam. ---- The war of aggression started by the Turkish army and its jihadist allies on 9 October 2019 against the
Democratic Federation of Northern and Eastern Syria, brought with it a phase of global solidarity and resistance. The past weeks have made
it clear to us all that the resistance of the peoples of Northern Syria is inseparable from the global struggle against patriarchy, fascism
and capitalism. Around the world, millions of people protest against social injustice and capitalist exploitation. The protests of Chile,
Bolivia, Colombia, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, Tunisia and Catalonia are united by the call for a world of social justice.
It has been shown that without smashing fascism in Turkey no democratic achievements in the other parts of Kurdistan as well as in the
Middle East can be secured. Until recently, North and East Syria was an oasis of stability in the country. Under the Democratic Autonomous
Administration (DAA) of North and East Syria, 5 million Syrians of various ethnic and religious backgrounds - Kurds, Arabs, Christians
(Armenians, Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Syriacs), Turkmens, Chechens, Alevites, and Yazidis - peacefully coexisted.
On one hand it was and is the resistance of the fighters of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the self-defense fighters of the YPG and
YPJ who forced the Turkish fascist state and the international powers to limit the Turkish aggression with so-called agreements and
cease-fires. And on the other hand, it was the hundreds of thousands of people in countless cities worldwide who formed a bridge of hope to
Rojava.
The international policies against Rojava - be it the direct war policy of Turkey, the indirect support by the USA, Russia and the EU or the
ignorance of international organizations like the UN - show that there is an international coalition against the revolution in Rojava, which
aims to destroy the hope for a better world, which is created through the new alternative democracy in North and East Syria/Rojava and
preserve the status of international colony of Kurdistan.
The construction of a system in Rojava based on radical democracy, women's liberation and ecology is a historical step for the revolution in
Kurdistan and the democratization of the whole Middle East. This victory captivated the world and marked a new beginning for the oppressed
peoples of the region, who built a system of self-governance that gave a voice to all of the region's communities. The international
solidarity with Rojava shows that the struggle for liberation is international and boundless!
The mass extermination campaign of the fascist Turkish regime continues unabated. It expresses itself by thousands of political prisoners,
the destruction of world cultural heritage, nature and Kurdish cities, forced administrations, the de facto abolition of the right to vote
and the attacks and ethnic cleansing, on Rojava. These attacks take place with the support of the international community of states. The
peoples of North and East Syria continue to challenge us with their resistance to defend the revolution and make it the cradle of global
democracy.
With this in mind, we call for an international day of action on 14 December 2019. Let us carry our anger together against the Turkish war
of aggression, on the streets and public squares. Let us break the state of normality. As long as the killing continues, the resistance must
continue.
Solidarity with the worldwide people's resistance!
Together against fascism and patriarchy!
https://www.vrijebond.org/defend-the-rojava-revolution-together/
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Message: 5
The State of the Fights is a public bulletin that will be published by the Libertarian Communist Union throughout the movement. It
synthesizes information on the mobilization and proposes elements of analyzes. Make it go ! ---- A transition weekend ---- The inter-union
sends positive signals ---- Friday, December 6, the inter-union (CGT, FO, Solidaires, FSU and youth organizations) met. She calls for a day
of strike and mobilization on Tuesday, December 10, and to renew the strike by then. It is historic that a broad inter-union calls to renew
the strike but also to give him quick and strong follow-up. This should encourage us and we can build on this to build confidence in the
movement, to renew the massive strike in areas where it is already strong, and to allow less mobilized sectors to join the fight. In this
sense, the date of December 10 is an opportunity to catch for less mobilized sectors. For the future, however, we must be careful not to
fall into the same trap as that of the 2010 strike: be satisfied with days gone by. Even if they are close together, if they do not serve to
extend and anchor the reconducible strike they will be insufficient. Worse, they risk exhausting the workers who are on an unreasonable
strike, trapped in the proxy strike despite themselves and them. The ball is in our camp!
Mobilisations against precariousness
This Saturday, December 7 saw several cities hosting events for unemployment insurance and against precariousness. These demonstrations have
not had phenomenal success, having probably been too little prepared. However, it is important to link the pension reform and the
unemployment insurance reform: in both cases, they aim to exploit more and more workers. We refuse to spend our life winning !
A low GJ Saturday
There was no big rebound of the mobilizations of the Yellow Vests Saturday, December 7, even if blocking actions and demonstrations were
carried out in many places. In places where strong and progressive GJ collectives still exist, the local labor movement can not afford to
create links quickly and effectively. Indeed, the movement of the GJ has affected part of the population often remote from trade unions, and
the unit of the exploited class depends among other things on this type of rapprochement.
Strategic Outlook
To register the movement over time, we can focus our actions in a few specific directions.
Be united in the face of repression
If the repression seems to be established for the moment on a high but usual level, one thing is to note in particular. Trade union
processions now seem to be, in many places, just as much the targets of police charges and other violence as the rest of the processions.
Order Services also do not seem to be spared. This reminds the manifestation of the 1st May 2019 in Paris, where the police had loaded the
SO of the CGT, behind which was Philippe Martinez. This should push us to organize the "Organized Serenity", as we say at UCL, where at
least the security of the processions, in an ever more serious and coordinated way. No doubt the authorities will try to separate the nice
protesters from the "breakers". It will be necessary, as we always do, to refuse this dichotomy. But this should not be used as an excuse to
avoid debate on protest strategies. Finally, remember that demonstrations are only a moment in the social movement. The construction of the
strike in the boxes is much more fundamental and essential.
Continue to turn the far right
In several places, on Thursday 5 and Friday 6 December, various far-right representatives were fired from demonstrations or picket lines.
Whether it is the RN, the UPR or other fascist and / or confusionist components, we must continue to be, to the extent of our means,
uncompromising vis-à-vis their presence. These recovery companies are unbearable because they are the result of a movement that wants to
deeply divide the working class, conveying a racist, sexist and homophobic ideology. His social pseudo-discourses are only powder in the
eyes, because the extreme right is also at the service of the capitalists.
Articulate sectoral claims and comprehensive claims
The issue of pensions is clearly the backdrop of the ongoing social movement. Retreats have always been a subject of importance for which
workers have regularly mobilized en masse. But in several sectors, sectoral demands, sometimes very down-to-earth, resurface on the occasion
of the social explosion that we are experiencing. Listing these sectoral demands, working closely with colleagues and their concerns is a
central task of the period. On the one hand because to bring sectoral demands will allow to have partial victories which will give optimism
for the continuation. But also because, articulate these demands of everyday life, with those more global that sometimes seem more abstract,
allows to develop a discourse on the foundations of our exploitation. It is through the experience of day-to-day exploitation, and what
allows us to begin to free ourselves from it, that we can make the link with the global functioning of capitalist society.
We can also put forward claims specific to certain parts of the proletariat, such as women. November 23 against violence against women was a
success. Let us take the opportunity to show that economic violence and physical violence against women are two sides of the same coin.
That, for example, pension reform, which will further impoverish retired women, will make them more dependent on their husbands, and
therefore subject to domestic violence.
Build a student and high school student movement
The student movement is weak, and almost everything is to be built. Some facs started to mobilize, as in Bordeaux, Rennes and Saint-Denis.
The militant tasks are almost everywhere to the information, of the universities as in the high schools. Here too, specific demands may
emerge, such as around student precariousness or the reform of the baccalaureate.
Animate self-managed struggles, closer to the field
In many sectors that are little or no struggle at the moment, workers and workers seem to be pushing a number of union teams that are
vegetating. When the base mobilizes, even without a dynamic union team, it is the sign of a deep determination. But of course, the fight is
all the more difficult to organize, especially if you want it self-management, ie appropriate by each and everyone. This determination must
be organized, otherwise it will run out. Organizing a GA, even during a walkout of one hour, so that colleagues decide together what actions
they want to lead, this is the first step to enter the mobilization. This will allow everyone not only to feel part of a collective, but
also to be an indispensable individual to the collective, and whose voice carries. More and more, we see collectives of workers
communicating via WhatsApp groups. You have to pay attention to what is said about these groups, for security reasons, but it is a simple
and effective way to keep in touch with your colleagues, outside AG time. However, we must insist that dematerialized contacts do not
replace physical meetings of strikers, essential for all to participate, exchange, "educate" together to self-organization. but it's a
simple and effective way to keep in touch with colleagues, outside AG time. However, we must insist that dematerialized contacts do not
replace physical meetings of strikers, essential for all to participate, exchange, "educate" together to self-organization. but it's a
simple and effective way to keep in touch with colleagues, outside AG time. However, we must insist that dematerialized contacts do not
replace physical meetings of strikers, essential for all to participate, exchange, "educate" together to self-organization.
In this context, attention must be paid to the size of the MAs. While GAs with hundreds can be impressive and give courage, they often turn
into meetings of union representatives. In fact, workers who are less accustomed may not be able to speak. We can prefer GA by services,
more restricted, where we know each other better and where we speak more easily.
And now, what's going on ?
The success of the day of December 10th will be crucial, and for this, Monday, December 9th will be dedicated, in a maximum of places, to
mobilize a number of colleagues always growing, to organize the rise of the claims, to make banners in short, everything that connects a
working collective in struggle. And for the strikers who are already returning to shop, service in his box or sector. It should be noted
that the temporality of the movement will be very tight, because we can not know what will happen at the end of year holidays. It remains
two weeks to amplify and anchor the movement to the maximum. From this results a sense of urgency, which can also be mobilizing.
For further
Some readings to go further in the analysis of movement:
The strike, it is organized, it is widened, by the red and black railwaymen
After the success of the 5th, the postal workers must amplify the movement, by the red and black postmen
Activists from the strike, by Théo Roumier
Penalty: A concept trapped by Jean-Yves Lesage
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Pour-amplifier-la-greve-organisons-nous
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Message: 6
No one alone against state repression ---- Once again on December 6, 2019, thousands of people took to the streets across Greece in memory
of Alexander Grigoropoulos , assassinated by cops E. Korkoneas and V. Saraliotis, holding the flame of his 2008 insurrection alive. .
Militants / Ries protested against state murders of uniformed garbage and repressive onslaught unleashed by the right state management,
trying to bend those who resist state and capitalist barbarism and not stoop UV head. Large police forces have been mobilized again and
combined with the crescendo of violence and authoritarianism that has preceded it. They tried to sow the terror so that people would not go
down the streets.The huge involvement of those who choose to resist has effectively challenged state terrorism. The Democrats of the
republic have again put their repressive mania on those who choose to find themselves on the streets.
In Athens , at the end of the march, in the neighborhood of Exarchia, police officers attacked concentrated beatings and tortured them with
50 violent abductions, 11 of which were upgraded to felony arrests. The arrests / raids went through a prosecutor and investigator and were
released on restrictive terms. In Patras during the course erupt conflicts with the police forces, which go straight shots in chemical and
stun grenades, violent arrests and partners / isson injuries.The number of kidnappings reaches 19, 7 of which are converted into arrests, of
which 4 arrested are charged with felony charges. The 5 detainees / inmates are being held in the Patras General Directorate until today and
will be interrogated tomorrow Tuesday 10/12 by an investigator.
Once again, the perpetrators have been beaten, sexually assaulted and sexually tortured in order to enforce democracy and sow terror.
The attacks do not terrify us, they persuade us
Solidarity with those arrested / arrested in Patras and Athens
Nothing will be left unanswered
anarchist collectivity Vogliamo tutto e per tutti
https://vogliamotutto.espivblogs.net/2019/12/10/solidarity-demo-6-december/
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Message: 7
If criminalization saved the Russian leaders in the dashing 90s from the revolution, now emigration is saving. Then most of those who were
capable of decisive action, instead of fighting with the top, took up the struggle with each other for a place in this very top. Now these
people are just leaving. Moreover, this is not even about political activists, who are persecuted within the country on the one hand, and
willingly released outside of it, on the other hand, so that they remain there. ---- This is not about politicians and journalists, which
are not many. We are talking about mathematics programmers or even drivers and car mechanics who are unhappy with the living conditions here
in their own country, but at the same time dream not of improving these conditions, but of finding the best conditions abroad. Incidentally,
it is easier for them to do this than for a politician or a journalist. Politics in a foreign country is difficult to achieve success,
precisely because he is a stranger here. Obama, who became president of the United States, was the son of a Kenyan, but he himself lived in
the United States. He had lived in Kenya for twenty years and moved to the United States after that, if he had not even been a governor, no
one would have voted for him. Can you imagine Navalny, elected mayor of Chicago? I can not imagine. It's easier for a journalist, but not by
much. So, Babchenko left Russia, so what is he doing now? He writes about what a bad life in Russia? This is known without him. In the
Russian Federation, he would have a larger audience and sphere of activity - he could write about a variety of things. Therefore, for the
same Babchenko or Navalny, it would be better to change life within the country.
But for a trucker Pupkin it is better to just go to another. Where he can easily find work - drivers are needed everywhere. However, abroad
Pupkin may face competitors from other countries who are ready to drive a car at a lower price than he. Or vice versa, it will turn out to
be an undesirable rival for local drivers whose union will put sticks in its wheels. But maybe it's not bad. And if Pupkin is not a driver,
but a programmer, then with knowledge of the language he will surely find a good job. Therefore, those working in "high technology" or in
science primarily leave the country. Moreover, on average they know foreign languages better than drivers and locksmiths. But the latter
often find it easier to succeed there than here. And in any case, it is easier for them to do this than to change the order in the country.
Therefore, Vysotsky's phrase "There aren't enough violent ones, and there are no leaders" is not quite true for Russia. The point is not
that there are no potential commanders, but that there are no potential fighters. Although possible commanders often have to carry their
legs. Remember the joke about the fact that everyone knows: "It's necessary to bring down" - but someone is thinking about who and someone
is thinking about where. And therefore, it is not true that the government is blocking all outlets for popular discontent, thereby preparing
an explosion. She leaves some way out. And even constantly points to him: "Do not like it - leave!"
A similar situation is characteristic not only of the Russian Federation. Lukashenko deliberately squeezes out potential oppositionists from
Belarus, especially young people. The fact that over time no one can remain in the country except the elderly, he does not care much - for
his age there will be enough workers. The same is true for Latin America. If Trump or any of his like-minded people still manage to build a
wall on the border with Mexico, he will thereby increase social tension in Mexico. Although, even now we do not see much social tranquility
in Latin America. Yes, and a fair, if not a large population, left Kyrgyzstan. One of my friends, who grew up in Kyrgyzstan in a
Russian-speaking environment, said that in Moscow he learned to speak the Kyrgyz language better than he knew in Bishkek. True, in Latin
America, and in Kyrgyzstan, the community has survived. But emigration from Ukraine is huge. The revolution of 2013-2014 it did not prevent.
Apparently, mass emigration does not make a social explosion impossible, it only reduces its possibility.
In addition, many different processes are taking place in the world, sometimes not just balancing some trends with others, but sometimes
even turning them into opposite ones. So the economic crisis in the late 00s led to the fact that many emigrants from the "post-Soviet
space" lost their jobs and were forced to return home. It was they who became the most active participants in social unrest in Moldova and
in the Baltic countries. And it is possible that the instigators, for these very unrest began shortly after the mass return of emigrants.
And this is due, among other things, to the fact that, having visited Europe, they have seen enough of the local social activity of the masses.
And yet, if emigration does not reduce the likelihood of a social explosion to zero, then, in any case, it reduces it thoroughly. Even the
Irish, who repeatedly showed their mother Kuzkin to the British, were amazingly quiet throughout the 19th century. Although it was at this
time in Ireland that the terrible famine of 1845-1849 occurred. There was famine, but there was no rebellion. It is precisely because the
most active people simply left the country - for sixty years from the middle of the 19th century until the beginning of the 20th century,
the population of Ireland almost halved. Incidentally, in the United States, where the majority of emigrants went, they rebelled yet. But in
Ireland itself there was no one to rebel. And one more detail. If in the past the inhabitants of Muscovy, who fled beyond its borders, could
not only help the Tsar of Moscow, conquer new lands, like Yermak, but also go to war with him, like Razin, then the current emigrants from
the Russian Federation in a new place for the most part become such supporters of the Russian government, which are still to be found within
the Russian Federation. It is understandable, the problems that this power creates for those remaining in the country are not affected by
emigrants. And few of them are likened not only to Razin, but even to an American Irish involved in the creation of Shin Feyn or IRA. In a
word, the more people manage to get out of the Russian Federation, the more difficult it is for those left to dump the existing order in the
Russian Federation.
PS I'm not going to blame everyone who left for desertion. It is foolish to reproach a prisoner who escaped from prison for escaping, not
raising a riot. Disgusting even. I just show the problem. And I don't even offer a way to solve it, because I don't see yet. I'll see - I'll
offer. In the meantime, one can only hope for the best, but be prepared for the worst
https://avtonom.org/author_columns/emigraciya-naroda-spasatelnyy-klapan-vlasti
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Message: 8
Well, yes, we admit it. We are the # 1 risk to the state and capital. Although our good manners and - most of all - our modesty would not
allow us to accept it so generously under other circumstances, at this stage, after all this strenuous effort on the part of the government,
we cannot hide behind it. our finger. We're not going to get them crazy people ... ---- Well, yes, we are. The greatest threat to the Greek
state, whose (like every other) historical role is to safeguard the interests of capital, that is, the interests of those who earn by
exploiting the labor of those who have no other way of survival than to sell - often in derogatory terms - their workforce. And, to prevent
any misunderstanding, to clarify that we do not naturally mean "we" as a collective, nor "we" as anarchist federation, nor even "we", in
general, as anarchist / antisocial. No. Some hundreds or thousands of people, however determined and daring they are, are very unlikely to
be able to pose such a serious threat on their own. The real danger for detainees is of course elsewhere.
When the suggestion you make is that of the militant and ruthless self-organization of the exploited and the oppressed in an anti-capitalist
and anti-state direction, then you are obviously a potential threat to the state and the bosses. But when your suggestion gets fleshed out,
socialized and massively appreciated, not because you just say good-bye to the world, but because this way of struggle turns out to work in
the end, when applied in practice, then this potential and theoretical threat is starting to become material and real for the regime. In the
face of this threat, the real threat, we have played a few hundred and thousands, one - in our humble opinion - not so negligible in recent
years.
Well, yes, we admit it. We don't let anything fall down. The anarchist / antiauthoritarian space may have been primarily focused on militant
anti-repressive and anti-fascist movements (extremely crucial spikes undoubtedly, as it has been proven over time), but in the last decade
the fan has been open to others. participating in or creating every possible and unlikely race process. From uneducated and militant trade
unionism to schemes and initiatives in schools and universities and from grassroots and work groups to workplaces, from horizontal
self-organization to neighborhood assemblies, from self-managed (livelihood or non-business) activities of nature, from occupying abandoned
buildings and repairing them to accommodate race procedures, self-training processes, libraries, events, concerts, community kitchens and
much more, while at the same time providing a solution to the housing problem faced by locals and immigrants, the promotion of transnational
solidarity, anti-war mobilizations and anti-militant actions by solidarity and refugee / migrant movements, solidarity movements and defense
political prisoners or prisoners seeking and fighting, movements against racism, nationalism, sexism and patriarchy, movements against the
mafia, against fascist mobilizations or attacks, against employers' arbitrariness, against the abolition of the Sunday holiday and the
auctions of the first house, against privatization, against bills and decisions that further underestimate our living conditions, against
repression, police violence and state killings. We could continue filling the entire page. And behind each separate "theme" there are texts,
marches, conflicts, actions, posters, brochures, events etc, and often there are similar costs, namely arrests, courts, penalties, cop
injuries, boss redundancies, etc. We could continue filling the entire page. And behind each separate "theme" there are texts, marches,
conflicts, actions, posters, brochures, events etc, and often there are similar costs, namely arrests, courts, penalties, cop injuries, boss
redundancies, etc. We could continue filling the entire page. And behind each separate "theme" there are texts, marches, conflicts, actions,
posters, brochures, events etc, and often there are similar costs, namely arrests, courts, penalties, cop injuries, boss redundancies, etc.
Until the tumultuous years of SYRIZA's rule, in which the social frustration and resignation that followed the abolition of "hope" led to
unprecedented ebb and flow of class / social struggles, we were among those - albeit unbelievably - partisanship. they did not miss an
opportunity to recall their uncompromising attitude and to cultivate, with whatever forces they might, the most favorable conditions for the
reshaping of the racing procedures. The adoption of the memorandum and the insurance bill by SYRIZA naturally found us on the streets,
finding us in strikes, marches and clashes. The continuation of the same inhumane anti-immigration policy has found us once again raising
embankments in defense of refugees / immigrants. And so on. That is, we were - to the best of our abilities - where we needed to be. That's
why, after all, we kept counting hits. The squatter evacuations were not rare on SYRIZA, neither the arrests of the protesters, nor the
police violence (remember that after the No Border Festival in Thessaloniki three town squads were evacuated, with this orphanage building
being housed in the Orphanagehouse demolished!). Only then did the government opt for a more "underground" management, without going out and
shouting it proudly at the television windows, like the current one. But the work was done well then, with the state demonstrating its
continuity in repressing struggling sections of society. The squadron evacuations were not rare on SYRIZA, neither the arrests of
protesters, nor the police violence (remember that after the No Border Festival in Thessaloniki, three town squads were evacuated, with this
orphanage building at the Orphanagehouse demolished!). Only then did the government opt for a more "underground" management, without going
out and shouting it proudly at the television windows, like the current one. But the work was done well then, with the state demonstrating
its continuity in repressing struggling sections of society. The squadron evacuations were not rare on SYRIZA, neither the arrests of
protesters, nor the police violence (remember that after the No Border Festival in Thessaloniki, three town squads were evacuated, with this
orphanage building at the Orphanagehouse demolished!). Only then did the government opt for a more "underground" management, without going
out and shouting it proudly at the television windows, like the current one. But the work was done well then, with the state demonstrating
its continuity in repressing struggling sections of society. with the building of this orphanage in Tuba where refugee families were to be
demolished!). Only then did the government opt for a more "underground" management, without going out and shouting it proudly at the
television windows, like the current one. But the work was done well then, with the state demonstrating its continuity in repressing
struggling sections of society. with the building of this orphanage in Tuba where refugee families were to be demolished!). Only then did
the government opt for a more "underground" management, without going out and shouting it proudly at the television windows, like the
current one. But the work was done well then, with the state demonstrating its continuity in repressing struggling sections of society.
It is not surprising that the ND government chooses to attack the anarchist / antisocial area now, but also more broadly in every living
struggle process, as the fact that class / social struggles are at a historically low level after the SYRIZA rule makes us obviously
vulnerable. . No particular acumen is required to observe that along with anti-Nazi occupations and "anarchist Exarchia" any other race or
movement is hit. From the MAT attacks on students of the ASOEE who attempted to break the ban to hold a general assembly, to demonstrators
following the end of the mass rally at the Technical University, to students demonstrating in Kavouri, where their planned meeting was being
held, until the abolition of university asylum, the passage of anti-union law that makes strike declarations virtually impossible, and the
intention to abolish or restrict marches in the center of cities, the message the government sends to the world of struggle is clear:
"Whoever lifts his head, we will break him". It is not, of course, a vendetta with the anarchists, no matter how eagerly they try to present
it simply as a concealment of their true aims, but a vendetta with everything in a society that has the potential and the potential for
overcoming or even breaking it. existing balance of forces. With everything that opposes the existing oppression and exploitation treaty and
is not afraid to go out and fight against it. the passage of anti-union law that makes strike declarations virtually impossible and the
intention to abolish or restrict marches in the center of cities, the message the government sends to the world of struggle is clear:
"whoever raises his head will we break it ". It is not, of course, a vendetta with the anarchists, no matter how eagerly they try to present
it simply as a concealment of their true aims, but a vendetta with everything in a society that has the potential and the potential for
overcoming or even breaking it. existing balance of forces. With everything that opposes the existing oppression and exploitation treaty and
is not afraid to go out and fight against it. the passage of anti-union law that makes strike declarations virtually impossible and the
intention to abolish or restrict marches in the center of cities, the message the government sends to the world of struggle is clear:
"whoever raises his head will we break it ". It is not, of course, a vendetta with the anarchists, no matter how eagerly they try to present
it simply as a concealment of their true aims, but a vendetta with everything in a society that has the potential and the potential for
overcoming or even breaking it. existing balance of forces. With everything that opposes the existing oppression and exploitation treaty and
is not afraid to go out and fight against it.
Unless there is anyone who seriously thinks that all this donation is really done for some broken sidewalks or glazed places and for
demonstrators' clashes with repressive forces on the anniversary marches ... No, in our opinion it is not. What they are afraid of is that
these conflicts, from limited and decadent, become massive and unpredictable, as was the case, for example. student mobilizations against
the abolition of Article 16 in '06 -'07 or the unprecedented extent; the duration and intensity of the uprising that followed the
assassination of 15-year-old Alexandros Grigoropoulos by the Cork Corps in December '08, or the massive and clashing strikes and
anti-government demonstrations that pitted the anti-Mafia or '12 of Paul Fyssa's assassination by the neo-Nazis at Golden Dawn in '13. All
the events that cost and terrified them, most of which - let's not forget - were ruled by the ND! That is to say, they fear that class and
social struggles will become massive and radicalized, owning a range of practices that are not disciplined or compatible with the laws and
frameworks imposed by the bosses through their cops and judges (as it seemed for a while before the bottom-line signed their conviction,
leaving their hopes on Syriza's adventurers. In short, they try to extinguish the flame before it can again believe enough that there can be
a fire. Because causes and causes are already abundant and the next time they will grow rapidly, that's for sure.
A few days ago, this gang - held by vigilante ministers like Voridis, a former tsunami leader of dictator Papadopoulos' youth and a current
champion in colotuba (see "I have never been public" his admiration for the Colonel's junta and has stated that there were no dead in the
riot at the Polytechnic (he is wildly remembered, in the Novartis scandal), but also sadly downplayed visions. such as Deputy Foreign
Minister Domna Michaelides, who had stated that "the sanctification of the anti-dictatorial struggle has taken on the dimensions of
collective mental illness" - Kouli came out and said,
A few days later, the same gang that under Karamanlis approved a 28 billion euro state guarantee package for Samaras, voted for the 2nd
memorandum which was genuinely misleading for workers as it envisaged extreme austerity measures in the public sector and wage slashing,
while Kouli has already - within a few months - already voted to amend the penal code to "defrost" (even retrospectively) the bank accounts
of suspected individuals a criminal fraud and money laundering activities (commonly known as money laundering, fraud, usury and other such
"excellent" occupations) while preparing to cut almost all social benefits, such that, as everyone knows gang, she dances at the pace
whistled at her by big bosses, while her boss' sow is tucked away in the Siemens scandal, so, by the mouth of Michalis Chrysochoid, this
ridiculous man who had never received a live television broadcast read the memorandum he had just voted, gave a 15-day deadline for
immigrants / refugees and anarchist / antisocial collectives housed in occupied areas to voluntarily leave them - a deadline that ends at
random automatically December 6, the anniversary of that murder of Alexandros Grigoropoulos.
It is an estimate of the extent to which the government's rampant rage in its attempt to impose on society the "law and order" doctrine is
the result of a vengeful vengeance on the world of struggle and what is a planned television production with blood and fire, aimed at
rallying the conservative part of society in disgrace, which began to disagree with the management of the "refugee" while at the same time
distracting public attention from corruption issues Like the Novartis scandal or the unimaginable Noor1 scandal. To what extent is this a
personal project of the ambitious man who serves as Minister of Repression (who recently saw his chair shake and is now trying to play it a
soldier, and to what extent is the policy of the "serious Golden Dawn" band set within the government. What is the point of the government's
rampage and from where the rampage of cops continues on its own?
The sure thing is that they want to unravel the thorn in their sides now, who believe that it "gets" them, before they find themselves back
on the wall. And that seems to be trying to do it by provoking intense and jittery reactions on our part with their deliberately provocative
choices.
After all, there has long been a coordinated campaign of targeting and "criminalizing" both anarchist / anti-authoritarian and immigrant /
refugee, orchestrated by the government and executed by the ever-eager media regimes, in which they do not even appear. as the greatest
threat to Greek society and the greatest obstacles to its prosperity. How many times have we not seen the latest news in ELAS
(Hollywood-style) news, in which armored hooded cops inflict refugee / migrant seizures to find families and playgrounds or playgrounds ,
like the one in the ASOEE, to find helmets, fire extinguishers, flags with flags and empty bottles (heavy armor corresponding to the Syrian
army under the imminent Domna Michaelides). All of this is told by people with the above resumes and credentials, who voted for memos - some
without even reading them - praising the junta, chasing people with axes, who are mired in corruption and scandals, which they ran with the
power to serve the big mafia and the big shark, and now they are preparing new measures to further devalue our lives ...
If these are our enemies, if they chase us, if they see us as the biggest threat to their business, then we have done something
right for so long, then we should feel - and feel! - proud of our choices . So we promise them that we will continue to fight with all our
might, for the day when the hell on earth will send one and this good barbaric murderous system and its rotten staff to the dustbin of
history, building a society of equality, solidarity and freedom, without wars, exploitation and oppression. And that we admit is a commitment.
Why, as the poet says (with a little paraphrase):
"And what you didn't do to bury us / but you forgot we were seeds"
THIS STEP BACK
SUPPORT CAPITALS AS A PART OF CLASSICAL AND SOCIAL GAMES
AGAINST THE TERRORIST STATES AND THE CAPITAL
REPLACEMENT ROAD:
SATURDAY 14 DECEMBER
at 13:00, in Kamara
Thessaloniki Freedom Initiative - member of the Anarchist Federation
lib_thess@hotmail.com
http://www.libertasalonica.wordpress.com
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2019/12/10/
------------------------------
Message: 9
We present to you an analysis on the uprising that has been underway in Chile produced jointly by Black Rose/Rosa Negra (US), Solidaridad
(Chile), and Acción Socialista Libertaria - ASL (Argentina). Versión en español abajo ---- One Month Since the Start of the Popular Revolt
in Chile: Feminist and Libertarian Communist Statement ---- A Preface to October 18th ---- On October 18th, a popular rebellion broke out in
Santiago, Chile that quickly spread throughout the country. The demonstrations that began in response to a spike in the public
transportation fare quickly transformed, in a matter of days, into a social upheaval rooted in mass discontent over 30 years of
privatization and precarious economic policies. As the phrase circulating through street graffiti and social media states, "It's not about
30 pesos, it's about 30 years."
The cost of living in Chile rose substantially in 2018-2019. As an example, on April 2018, the government announced a 30% increase in
personal taxes applicable over the next three years. In January 2019, state officials announced a 6.4% increase in TAG (toll roads in the
Santiago region). In May, electricity bills increased 10.5%. In September, the ISAPRES (private health insurance) rose 50% on average for
GES premiums (associated with illnesses that the state is required to cover) while FONASA (state insurer) rose its premiums 3%. At the
beginning of October, electricity rose once again 9.2%. All of this has occurred in a context in which 50% of all employees receive an
income less than $400,000 Chilean Pesos ($496 USD) per month, while the cheapest rents in Santiago can run between $200,000 and $285,000
ChileanPesos ($250-350 USD). Unsurprisingly, the household debt has reached a record high of 73.3% in relationship to disposable income
during 2018. The $30 peso subway increase announced in October was the spark that ignited the flame. These previously mentioned economic
policies have made life precarious for the working class and was complemented by a series of state repression strategies to violently
contain the growing discontent.
In Chile, the Year of Political and Social Discontent began on March 8th
2019 has been a year of milestones; the first being the March 8th Feminist Strike-a historic moment in Chile-marking feminism's entry into
the political field of social movements. Their front and center slogan, "Against the Precariousness of Life," has proven to be a central
slogan used in the mobilizations that broke out since October 18th. Although feminism was invisibilized during the first weeks of the
protests, in the days since feminists organized a presence at the marches, raising concrete demands. The feminist movement - of which the
March 8th Feminist Coordinator has been a fundamental proponent - has developed a transversal struggle against the patriarchy, capitalism,
and racism, highlighting the necessity for feminists to be present in all neighborhood assemblies, cabildos (neighborhood councils), and
community onces (teatime). It has been feminists who denounced before anyone else the disappearences and the use of sexual violence as a
torture mechanism against women during the demonstrations, replicating methods employed by the genocidal military dictatorships in Latin
America in the 1970s and 1980s.
"We see this current moment[in Chile]both as a popular reaction against neoliberal policies and an incipient regional anger and
disillusionment with the left governments that formed the so-called "Pink Tide", which came to power with popular support and hope,
inspiring various sectors of the international left, but created more continuity than change."
High school students - one of the most active groups in the demonstrations since the 2006 militant student mobilizations known as the
Penguin Revolution - have suffered a year of extreme repression. There were widespread media images this year of the riot police attacking
students at the National Institute (a prestigious all-male public school) in an attempt to implement policies of state control and
repression inside the schools. The "Safe Classrooms" Law is an attempt to break the legacy of the student movement. The National Institute
students, who have played an emblematic role in directing the student movement, were subjected to police violence, such as the expulsion of
student leaders, and were criminalized by media outlets.
These same students organized the mass subway fare evasions on October 11th, jumping or breaking subway turnstiles to protest the 30 peso
fare increase. Within days, their call to join the evasion movement grew in popular support. On Friday, October 18th, Piñera's government
responded with even more repression, transforming the peaceful act of evasion into a battle against the riot police. When city and
government officials closed the entire Santiago subway system, forcing thousands of workers to pack crowded buses or walk home, the citizen
response was not of frustration toward the students but solidarity. The people as a whole rose up to evade, fight against the police, and
attack and loot in mass the businesses that created precarious conditions in Chile: Isapres (health insurers), AFP (pension funds
administrators), ENEL (electricity distributor), large supermarkets and retail stores.
Given this scenario, the government strategy has been to increase their repressive strategies against protesters. On Friday, October 18th,
President Sebastian Piñera declared a state of emergency that enabled the government to place military forces in the streets, and establish
a military curfew for the Santiago area. The people, far from being intimidated, stood firm in the streets and defied the military curfew,
by banging pots and kitchen utensils ("caseroleos"), building barricades, and attacking the military and the police with rocks or other things.
The widespread discontent reflects anger over years of neoliberal policies and state repression that the people have endured. There are 24
reported deaths, over 200 people have lost sight in an eye due to rubber bullets and pellets, and there are at least 52 complaints of sexual
violence by the hands of the police or military since the protests began on October 18. The social movement slogans "No more AFP" and "End
the Commodification of Education, Health, Housing, Transportation, and Natural Resources," as well as the call to replace the 1980
Constitution drafted during the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-1990), resonate at protests across the country. The governments' 30-year
indifference to popular demands underscore that the only way to end the neoliberal experiment is through a grassroots movement to transform
society. Unfortunately, there is no peaceful way out. There is no solution to the conflict while the military is in the streets and a
government deal is unacceptable while human rights abuses continue against working people.
Chile in Global Context
The oppressive situation imposed by the political and economic system in Chile, institutionalized by military dictatorship and continued by
the Concertación (center-left) governments, is not an isolated case in either the region or the world. In Ecuador, Haiti, Lebanon,
Catalonia, Hong Kong, and various other places, people are tired of abuses by the capitalist ruling class. Global protests call to stand up
against the International Monetary Fund (IMF), as well as the states and rulers who execute their policies.
We must understand the popular uprising in Chile in that light. We see this current moment both as a popular reaction against neoliberal
policies and an incipient regional anger and disillusionment with the left governments that formed the so-called "Pink Tide" (Argentina,
Venezuela, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Nicaragua), which came to power with popular support and hope, inspiring various sectors of the
international left, but created more continuity than change-particularly after the 2008 economic crisis and the fall in commodity prices.
Meanwhile, as authoritarianism and the right make advances in the region, we observe with remorse the recent coup d'etat in Bolivia and the
brutal racist and class-based oppression against native and peasant communities. Finally, we must highlight the coup d'etat in Honduras in
2009, backed by the United States and driven by the Honduran oligarchy and army. Ten years of neoliberal policies has left Honduras in a
major political crisis, leading the population to protest against repression, corruption and privatization in recent months.
In other parts of the world-with US and European complicity-a genocidal military campaign by the Turkish state is underway in Syria. Turkish
military encroachment aims to reverse the liberated cantons' community life and the socialist project led by the YPG, YPJ, and Kurdish
people's militias. In Catalonia, some weeks ago, masses took to the streets in support for self-determination, independence, and in
repudiation of the judicial ruling that imprisons those who fight. We have also seen Ecuadorian indigenous people and workers organize a
revolt that halted a state package of adjustments (Decree 883). In Haiti, the months-long protests led to the resignation of the president,
something also achieved by Lebanese protesters in opposition to state corruption and government policies that seek to impose an economic
burden on the shoulders of working people. In Hong Kong, protesters have been fighting for more than six months to prevent the passing of a
Chinese extradition law. In New York, on November 2, a day of protests and subway fare evasions was organized in response to the high costs
of living and racist police violence. NYC protesters used Negro Matapacos (cop killer black dog), a street dog who participated in student
protests and a symbol of the struggles in Chile. As demonstrated, Chile is part of a worldwide network of struggles that are emerging
against an unlivable system.
Class Struggle, Direct Action, and Attempts at New Forms of Organization
We are able to stand up against those who oppress us with mass support and through direct action. On Friday, October 25th, more than 2
million people marched throughout Chile and Wallmapu[1]calling on President Piñera to resign and in favor of a Popular Constituent Assembly.
The Chilean people demonstrated that there is no need for a plebiscite because they already voted with their feet, bodies, and
determination. The reaction by the right-wing government has been more repression and persecution and on November 7 a Public Order Plan was
announced that intends to criminalize all forms of protests, which we reject.
But beyond the barricades and mass direct action there is another story. Through the destruction of hundreds of symbols of colonization in
squares and towns something new is being woven. Throughout Chile, slowly but surely, hundreds of territorial assemblies, cabildos[local
councils], and community onces[literally "teas," small gathering like a coffee meet up]consolidating a new form of popular power. Historical
forms of organization by the working class are being reinvigorated- once encased in our collective memory. We are building the foundations
of a new movement engendered from rage and protest that is both constructive and widespread. To coordinate and plan successfully, we need to
develop popular unity from below, which is our primary task at the moment.
An Urgent Task: Solidarity with the Chilean People's Struggle
The Chilean working class is carving out a path of struggle against the ravages caused by the neoliberal project. The state has no solution
and we cannot trust the regime's political parties who make agreements among themselves and behind closed doors, and who are trying to
promote a "Peace Agreement" and water down the potential of a popular constituent assembly. The agreement, which lacks broad representation,
intends to buy Piñera time while refusing to address the immediate popular demands. The agreement does not include the demand for justice
for human rights violations and state murders, and offers only superficial changes designed to distract and demobilize.
The current tasks, agenda, and emancipatory perspective must be those visions and demands put forward by working people in the streets,
workplaces, schools and universities. Organizing and supporting the growth of popular neighborhood assemblies independent from political
parties allows the grassroots blossoming of debates to initiate and build a program of demands in the short, medium, and long-term.
We call on comrades abroad to support the struggles of the Chilean working people by participating in local protests and assemblies or
cabildos and promoting events or talks about the political situation in Chile, Latin America, and the world. The Chilean struggle against
neoliberalism is a struggle that resonates throughout the globe. If the Chilean people achieve their demands, it will be an example for
social movements internationally. As the Santiago street graffiti exclaims: Neoliberalism was born and will die in Chile!
SOLIDARITY WITH THE CHILEAN PEOPLE RISING AND FIGHTING!
FOR THE CONSTRUCTION AND COORDINATION OF TERRITORIAL ASSEMBLIES THAT DEBATE FOR THE CREATION OF A TRUE PLURINATIONAL AND FEMINIST POPULAR
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY!
FOR SOCIALISM AND FREEDOM!
¡ARRIBA LXS QUE LUCHAN!
Solidaridad (Chile)
Acción Socialista Libertaria - ASL (Argentina)
Black Rose / Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation - BRRN (United States)
Endnotes
1. Wallmapu is the name for the ancestral territory of the Mapuche people and nation, located in southern Chile and Argentina.
https://blackrosefed.org/statement-one-month-since-popular-revolt-in-chile/
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