Today's Topics:
1. Greece, ANNOUNCEMENT-INFORMATION ON THE EVENTS AND THEIR
EVENTS INCLUDED ON PATRA 6 DECEMBER by Pegasus [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Poland, Workers initiativr: Information on the report "Full
culture - empty accounts" -- Department: Mazowieckie [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. US, black rose fed: INSTEAD OF IMPEACHMENT: INDICT THE
SYSTEM - "Until life is worth living" by IG (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Britain, freedom news: Report: Manchester & Salford
Anarchist Bookfair (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. avtonom: In Moscow, pickets of solidarity with women of
Rozhava [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. zabalaza.net: The relevance of the ICU of Africa for modern
day unions and liberation movements by Warren McGregor (ZACF)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. US, black rose fed - Beyond Pension Reforms: Interview on
the General Strike in France (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. Holand, Vrije Bond Congres (nl) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
9. ait russia: Chilean anarchists report on rebellion days
45-53 [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
This year marks 11 years since December 6, 2008, the day of the state assassination of the anarchist pupil A. Grigoropoulos by the corpses
E. Korkonea and V. Saraliotis, in Exarchia. The latter has been in free circulation for some time, and even seeks to return to the police,
while the former has recently been released despite being declared incomprehensible for the murder, having specifically stated that he did
not regret it, since Grigoropoulos was an antioxidant. ---- This year marks 11 years since the grand insurrection of December, which shook
the foundations of power, created a rift in time, forever shattering the myth of social peace and the era of growing prosperity. It showed
that the struggle from below, self-organization, rupture and counterattack are the only options against state and capitalist violence and
barbarism.
December 6th is a day of remembrance and a struggle for everything that happened then, their meanings, their legacies, but also for what is
happening today both in Greece and worldwide. A day painted this year by the Chrisochoid ultimatum for squatter evacuations or settlements
with their "rightful" owners. It is, so far, the latest state move in a comprehensive state repressive strategy since the election of the ND
and until now but also in the light of the choices of previous power managers, as the main issue for the power holders is to keep the state
afloat. there is the continuation of state violence, exploitation, the capitalist machine that flattens lives and the natural world.
Against this backdrop, despite the terror and climate of fear that media and government have been vigorously trying to build, crowds are
choosing to take to the streets supporting and framing morning and afternoon calls. During the afternoon patrol in Patras, clashes with
police forces erupted. The MATs carry out murderous beatings of chemicals targeting protesters' heads (widespread practice), hunting and
beatings, sexist abusive speeches and acts against protesters, in collaboration with the polite Hafyedikourian koufiidoukourtou in many
violent abductions and finally in 7 arrests.
Four people are charged with a variety of misdemeanors and felony counts, while a fifth is charged with felony counts. From the other two
minor persons, signature on various documents is obtained without the presence of lawyers or parents. The same thing was attempted with the
other detainees / inmates in an attempt to load up on them.
It is also well known that the police are trying to plant offenses and "cook" cases against detainees. In this case too, "findings" were
attempted to plant in front of the eyes of some of the defendants, who, when they realized this, began to protest vigorously. In the
hospital, police also searched and took photos of anyone who appeared to be "suspicious", as transported by people found there, to provide
medical assistance for their injuries.
Comrades go straight to the Ermu police station to find out about the status of the people who were abducted. There they are informed that
there are no injuries and no further information is given. After several hours, several individuals are released without charges being
filed. They tell the solidarity about the real situation in the department's detention centers, that is, there are many people detained in
various parts of his body, people who have long sought medical attention and lawyers.
Among those eventually released were those with bruises and scarring but also those with deep head injuries that needed immediate medical
attention as well as serious knee injuries. One of those eventually arrested, a person with a chronic medical problem, is denied access to
the necessary medicines.
Another of them, with a deep wound to the head from a responsible chemical attack, receives blows at the point where he bleeds. For more
than 3 hours handcuffed in the ward, the only help he was given by the cops was a toilet paper for bleeding. The pressures of the
solidarity, comrades / confessors manage to be transferred to the hospital, where they are examined in the presence of police and asylum
seekers in the examination room. The results of the tests are received by a politically motivated police man who decides not to wait for the
x-ray in hard copy. The request for a forensic report is answered by handcuffing him and transporting him back to the detention centers
refusing to provide their details when requested.
All of this, of course, is neither surprising nor surprising. Murders, persecutions, arrests, imprisonments, torture of prisoners, the
repressive and treacherous delirium, are the standard tactics of the state that is cruel to oppress those who fail, those who fight, those
who dream of a
world of equality and freedom.
They will always find us across the street, wherever in the world the heart of the resistance beats, side by side, collectively,
collectively and from below, to fight for the overthrow of this stinking world of death and misery, to fight against in the plans of the
state and the capital, against isolation and cannibalism, against the poverty and looting of life.
Whatever arrests they make, whatever occupations they evacuate, as many heads as they open, they will never defeat those with blood and
struggles conquered, they will never defeat companionship and solidarity, they will never win the race for life. We won't let them.
SOCIAL-CLASSIC GAMES ARE NOT LEGAL THAT IT IS UNLAWFUL,
IT IS JUST AND NECESSARY
SOLIDARITY IN DOWNTOWNS AND EVERYONE COMPETING
FREEDOMS ON THE DECEMBER 6-DECEMBER DETENTION IN PATRA AND NATIONAL AREA
BACK CANNIVES, FRONT PARTNERS
Solidarity rally: Monday, 9/12 at 6pm Appendix Occupy
Solidarity in Courts: Tuesday 10/12 (Gunari and Corinth)
------------------------------
Message: 2
The creators of the report 'Full Culture - Empty Accounts' published on ozzp.pl on October 21, 2019 inform that on April 11, 2019, in
response to a request for public information, Teatr Powszechny im. Zygmunt Hübner in Warsaw sent data on the employment status and average
remuneration at the institution. By omission, however, these data were not
included in the report. This error resulted from an oversight on the part of the report's authors. We deeply regret the situation.
The data provided by Teatr Powszechny will be published soon.
http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/mazowieckie/item/2543-informacja-ws-raportu-pelna-kultura-puste-konta
------------------------------
Message: 3
Today the Democrats released their "Articles of Impeachment" to indict Trump, a narrow and legalistic critique of how Trump went outside of
established norms to abuse his power and refuse to cooperate with the investigations of Congress. Completely left out, of course, is any
larger critique of what's wrong with our political and economic system: this is what we think needs to be talked about. ---- Democrats have
accused Trump of "high crimes and misdemeanors." Yet as the old anarchist adage "property is theft" reminds us, the worst crimes being
committed today aren't ones against the system, but are intrinsic to it. ---- From the vast inequality of wealth and power, to the millions
who struggle to pay rent, feed their children, or keep up with crippling debt, while they work for jobs that don't provide enough and pay
ever-increasing rent to blood sucking landlords. From American's vast and systemic racial inequality and injustice to the millions of Black
and brown people who are harassed, imprisoned, or killed by police every day. From the legacy of slavery to the colonial genocide of native
peoples and interventions around the world. From the structures of patriarchy deeply embedded in society to the thousands of instances of
femicide every year.
For the working class to win a better world we need strike votes more than impeachment votes. It'll take more than a few days of
deliberation in Washington, DC: it'll take deliberation in our workplaces, schools, neighborhoods and communities in the months and years
ahead. More than simply removing and replacing one set of elites with another, it'll take removing and replacing capitalism and the state
entirely.
Why the Whole System is Wrong - Starting Points
Capitalism: An Introduction
No Time for Patience: Fascism, Climate, and Capitalism by Mark Bray
Climbing The Ladder: Brown Politicians Will Not Save Us by Ella Mendoza
Statement: Kavanaugh and a Feminist Movement Fighting to End Capitalism
Basic Introductions to Anarchist & Libertarian Socialist Politics:
Who Are the Anarchists and What Is Anarchism? / Español
Why I Am An Anarchist by former Black Panther Party member Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin / Español
Socialism Will Be Free, Or It Will Not Be At All - Introduction to Libertarian Socialism and Socialism From Below / Español
Podcast: History and Ideas of Anarchism: Mark Bray on Revolutionary Left Radio
Podcast: Anarchism and Marxism in Dialogue with Anarchopac / Article: Means and Ends: The Anarchist Critique of Seizing State Power by
Anarchopac
Our Strategy and Organizing Work:
Strategy: Below and Beyond Trump: Power and Counter-Power (2017) / Español
Strategy: Popular Power In a Time of Reaction: Strategy for Social Struggle (2018) / Español
Labor Strategy: The State of Labor: Beyond Unions, But Not Without Them (2019)
Podcast: Elections, Power, & the DSA: The Failure of the Left in Power
A Year in Popular Power is a four YouTube part series with BRRN members presenting on their organizing work. (preview below)
Our Core Political and Organizational Documents:
Mission Statement
Points of Unity
Role of the Revolutionary Organization
https://blackrosefed.org/instead-of-impeachment/
------------------------------
Message: 4
One of the reasons I love Manchester is that it's always had an attitude of looking out for each other that comes with being broke. It's
written into the life and breath of the city and something I'd always grown up with, a sort of "In the shit together solidarity", as a mate
once said as we watched the last few locals hanging out in the well of a ring of fading maisonette on a dying estate. You see it the world
over wherever working-class folk are just left to be for awhile and long before I'd ever heard the term Anarchism, this city told me that
you look after each other and pick each other up. ---- So it made me smile something rotten when outside Piccadilly station I drop my gear
down with a sigh (looking like trash after a long journey and with a bunch of bags with me) only for a random women to say "eyar love you
look like you need a cig" in an accent I've missed so very much. I take the offered smoke and only realise she thinks I'm homeless as she
lights me up. She didn't give a damn, she might be on her way to work but we're in the shit together and she thought I looked like I needed
a smoke.
I tell her it's stuff for an Anarchist bookfair stall and she cracks a massive smile. Before I even ask, she's griping about toffs ripping
out the "soul of town" and tells me she's not going to vote because "Look what Burnham has done round ‘ere, can't trust any of them lot!"
while giving me a conspiratorial wink. She's echoing the sentiments I hear from fellow Mancunians all the time, Since the 1996 bombing,
working class Manchester has been under attack. One of the areas this is most visible is in the housing market which has seen wave after
wave of investment seeing neighbourhoods such as Beswick, Langworthy and Collyhurst be chopped up and sold off. The residents of these long
established communities flung further and further out so that the rich people can live closer to the hub of business in the north west.
It's probably one of the reasons why Manchester has for a while now been very hard to organise in, between people being spat up and chucked
out to become a distant diaspora and those who remain in the last few working class communities within the ring road spend every moment
working just to keep the landlord of their back. It's not surprising that local organising then, has always suffered from a bit of waxing
and waning. Which is why the Manchester and Salford Anarchist Bookfair is such an important date in the calendar.
Since 2001 there has been a near enough regular bookfair with it's highs and lows and I think it's safe to say it's going from strength to
strength, despite the fact that it's currently put together by a crew you could count with one hand. This year they brought together just
over 30 stalls and a day of talks to the Engine Hall of The Peoples History Museum for what was a well put on day of Anarchism, networking
and learning. This year as well they had chosen to hold it in memory of Donald Rooum who passed away in August. Alongside the stalwarts of
Active, PM Press, Anarchist Federation and such there was also a good showing from Manc folk and even a stall from the North Earth Anarchist
Group who had missioned down from Newcastle and were no doubt taking a few notes for May's Newcastle Ewan Brown Anarchist Bookfair which
they are part of organising. (full list here)
OK, so the organisers could maybe do with a small PA system for the announcement of talks and the like (a mild fluff which may have
contributed to the IWW standing like piffy on a rock bun ahead of their talk) and the absence of a gig afterwards was something of a shock
for some (though they were happy to point the way towards a solidarity gig in support of West Papuans put on by MCR Punks 4 West Papua). Of
course this is splitting hairs and it really was a well organised and executed day, with organisers on hand from start to finish helping
everyone out and keeping it all ticking over with all but a single mild upset.
That mild upset came in the form of five or six of the local trans-exclusionary contingent distributing a leaflet titled "Gender Identity
Ideology vs Radical Feminism" which although more subtle in its bigotry than the usual and lacking the calls to join specific transphobic
groups, still got a massive groan from everyone who read it. The organisers intercepted the group and asked them to leave, which after a
discussion they did.
During this discussion a dozen or so people who had been handed a leaflet, the majority I suspect of those who had bothered reading it, came
back over and handed it back to them which was so well timed it was hard to believe it wasn't staged.
The organisers had made it very clear to all and sundry that any drama this year could jeopardise the existence of the bookfair as they're
heavily limited in the options for an venue which was universally accessible. Still they came, didn't even pretend to be interested in any
of the stalls, handed out a leaflet advocating a bigoted position and tried to to have a barney.
Instead they had their leaflets handed back or torn up and off they went.
It was very well handled and I applaud the intervention of the organisers who managed to keep it all civil and courteous, thus limiting
their usual attempt to manufacture a victory in the optics of them being terfed out. So far I've only seen one bit about it online which
amounts to griping about "how is it anarchy to stop someone handing out leaflets" which pretty much is on par with "how is it Anarchy to
sell a book" and other such drivel from people who get their understanding of Anarchism from the Daily Mail.
Alongside the stalls there were six talks planned to go right across the day, five of which went ahead and they were generally well attended
and saw a fair amount of engagement. I didn't manage to attend any myself but I heard from folk who attended the afternoon sessions and they
reported back that they were quite interesting and well worth it. They particularly enjoyed Ruth Kinna's presentation on her book "The
Government of No One" leaving one to remark "I'm not sure I really understood Anarchism until now" and another to be surprised by the
changing face of the museum itself, the presence of Kropotkin in its archives, and unfortunately their lack of public presentation.
They also enjoyed the somewhat more controversial presentation of The Anarchist Party, who presented their informal organising methodology
and tacit endorsement of voting Labour in the coming election as another weapon for social change. A somewhat unpopular position at the
Bookfair but one that is increasingly more accepted in the Anarchist milieu as the campaigns usher in their final days and the Tories
continue to exist.
The talks were rounded off with a session with D. Hunter, the author of "Chav Solidarity". A book which collects "his experiences as child
sex worker, teenage crack addict, violent thug and community activist to examine the ways in which our classed experiences shape the ways in
which we think and do our politics". A poignant full stop on the day reminding us of the worst aspects of this capitalist system and how it
so keenly breaks people down into usable commodities and surplus humanity.
No doubt the Manchester Bookfair crew will take a breather, have some time out and then start putting together their 2020 event. If you're
able and inclined you should get in contact and see what you can do to pitch in when the time comes and if you're not from Manchester, get
in touch with your nearest crew! It's very easy to start thinking that these events are put on by big crews, but alas they ain't, it's some
very exhausted Anarchos who would love your support!
You can contact them and stay in touch for more info either on their website, or their social media pages on Facebook or Twitter.
~ Peter Ó Máille
https://freedomnews.org.uk/report-manchester-salford-anarchist-bookfair/
------------------------------
Message: 5
On December 10, in Moscow near the Turkish embassy, individual pickets were held in support of the women of Kurdistan. The action was
initiated by the Moscow group of solidarity with Rozhava "Defenders". The women's organization Congress Star from Rozhava called on all who
care to pay tribute to the struggle of women in Syria against Turkish military aggression by taking part in the international campaign "16
Days to Combat Violence against Women". ---- People in many countries of the world responded to the call. On November 25, the International
Day against Violence against Women and the day the solidarity campaign with women of Kurdistan began, a massive feminist picket was held in
Moscow. Anarchists and anarchists, including those from the Defenders group, participated in this action as part of the anarchist-feminist
bloc . Among the main topics of the bloc was solidarity with women of Kurdistan.
On December 10, the final day of the solidarity campaign, members and members of Defenders picketed the Turkish embassy. On the posters were
photographs of the victims of the Turkish invasion of Amara Renas, Ruken Demin, Havrin Halef. Having honored the memory of these women and
all the victims, picketers and picketers with their other posters drew attention to the mockery in the prison of Esin Khavruk and the
persecution of Izmir journalists Ruken Demin and Milike Aydin.
An open announcement on anarchist resources has attracted the attention of not only anarchists and anarchists. Attending the picket were,
among others, participants in the union of the USSR, which was very far from anarchism. They stated that they mainly work with women and are
well aware of women's issues, and the topic of solidarity with the women of Kurdistan prompted them to come to the Turkish embassy.
After the departure of the remaining participants and participants of the rally, a single picket near the embassy was also carried out by a
supporter of the Left Resistance.
https://avtonom.org/news/v-moskve-proshli-pikety-solidarnosti-s-zhenshchinami-rozhavy
------------------------------
Message: 6
Presentation at the launch of the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union of Africa (ICU) Centennial Exhibition, William Cullen Library,
University of the Witwatersrand ---- 17 August 2019 ---- Author's note: the following is based on a 15 minute spoken presentation delivered
by the author at the event. It was not meant and should not be read as an exhaustive historical or critical account of the ICU. ----
INTRODUCTION ---- Amandla! ---- Audience: Awethu! ---- So, the audience is good. I suppose there is no need to talk about myself. Noor
Nieftagodien, of Wits History Workshop, has mentioned I'm involved in workers' and union education, and an activist. Importantly, I am an
anarchist, which means I am a syndicalist. But, despite my ideological affiliations, I am also quite non-sectarian.
I am excited to be part of a larger project on revisiting the history of the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union of Africa (ICU), along
with Professor Noor, and with my comrade Professor Lucien van der Walt, down at the university still-called Rhodes. My experience in
Industrial Sociology over the last few years, and my interest in labour history and left theory have indicated to me that there has been a
dramatic drop in interest in labour studies, and in particular labour history.
This project, that I am fortunate to be involved in, will help change this. It aims at revisiting the history of the ICU, to recover or
uncover and publish primary and secondary material, and to redevelop an interest in relatively neglected histories of popular and working
class resistance and movements. The labour scholars involved in the project are also quite interested in questioning many earlier narratives
established about the ICU. These narratives include a "rise-and-fall" thesis, which ignores that much ICU organizing in colonial southern
Africa well beyond its "heyday" of the 1920s. Some are also questioning understanding the ICU through the prism of the personalities and
actions of leaders and, thus, the narratives around contestations of power within the ICU.
I think what the project is proposing is a deeper look at its history - a much richer history that is to be uncovered. This panel is part of
that initial discussion. This project, this exhibition and this discussion today goes beyond these narratives, and also aims at examining
the ICU's particular relevance for working class and poor people's organisations and movement building today. This is what I want to focus
on in the minutes that I have remaining.
WHAT WAS THE ICU?
Firstly, the ICU, as most of us will know having gone through all of the material at this was formed in 1919, amongst black - meaning
coloured and black African - workers at the docks in Cape Town. That's a 100 years ago, and that's what we are commemorating.
In a few years, it quickly developed into a large-scale black protest movement. Although not the first trade union of black African workers
- that being the revolutionary syndicalist Industrial Workers of Africa formed in 1917 in Johannesburg - the ICU rapidly developed into the
most important black organisation and movement of working class and poor people in protest against colonialism, racism and capitalism in the
early 20th century. It organised in urban, rural and small town communities and work places not only in South Africa, but across the
southern African region including branches located in what was then Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, Southwest Africa and Basutoland.
It was by far the largest protest movement and organisation of black African people in its time, dwarfing and eclipsing the early South
African National Native Congress (the early ANC) and the Communist Party of South Africa (the CPSA). To explain: by the 1940s, some 30 years
after its formation, the ANC still only had around 4000 members; by the late 1920s, the CPSA had close to 2000 members. The ICU, however, at
its height claimed close to 150 000 members in just South Africa. It drew its rank-and-file from communities experiencing the twin processes
of a dramatically changing economic order that was violent, racist and exploitative, conditioned by colonial oppression, and the changing
nature of African and black society with the breakdown of pre-existing social, political and economic orders under capitalism and the modern
state.
The ICU's influence must not only been seen in terms of numbers of rank-and-file members, but also in light of the impact and influence
working class organizations have on the consciousness of the communities where workers and rank-and-file union members reside. These
communities also benefit in real terms from the progressive gains won by movements in which workers are involved. The ICU was a pivot of
protest, was involved in community-based movements, and was a power in the land.
STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES OF THE ICU
The ICU's weaknesses have been written about in depth. Some of these include the "big man" politics it suffered, and which split it; there
was little follow-through on promises, and weak articulation between its means and ends in key regards; there was and no real, developed
sense of how to sustain and continue to build a large movement over a long period of time. At particular points in its history there was
little democratic rank-and-file involvement in organisational affairs, beyond electing certain local representatives. Many officials were
also appointed by leaders and hired from outside the organization. Later, parts of the ICU developed quite an unfortunate penchant for
ethnic tribalism, which was mobilised in contestations for control by certain leaders.
However, its key strength, and what made it so attractive to many, was its ability to develop its own repertoire of ideas and actions. The
ICU, importantly, developed a new consciousness and militancy amongst oppressed black people, and the Union acted as a consciously political
movement. It was a union but it was not a union with a narrow focus. It was the primary political movement for oppressed black people at the
time, a filter for expression and a body for action by the downtrodden. It spoke to, and form a black majority. Importantly, it not only
organised in urban workplaces, but in small communities and rural towns, not just amongst workers, but among sharecroppers and other
peasantry battling against capitalist land dispossession and racist accumulation and proletarianisation.
Its tactics were conditioned by local experiences, and from its outset, by both racial liberation, and class-based struggles. It did not
distinguish race and class as separate terrains of struggle, but saw these conjoined forces of domination in the southern African economic,
political and social condition. It saw the black working class and poor as one big body of the oppressed, it actively organised across
colonial borders, and it located the struggle in southern Africa in the global struggle of the working class.
REVOLUTIONARY UNIONISM OF A SPECIAL TYPE
Now, how was it actually perceived? According to one-time ICU activist, Jason Jingoes (quote din Helen Bradford's fantastic book on the
rural ICU, A Taste of Freedom),
"...although its initials stood for a fancy title, to us Bantu, it meant basically that when you ill-treat the African people, I See You. If
you kick them off the pavements I See You. When an African woman with a child on her back is knocked down by the cars in the street, I See
You. I See You when you kick my brother. I See You."
Thus the ICU exhibited many aspects of a highly politicised unionism - not the political unionism we see today, where the union outsources
politics to a party and chases state power. It aimed at fundamentally transforming relationships of ownership and control for oppressed
black and working class people. It saw itself as a transformative organization; an organisation that would be at the forefront of
challenging domination, oppression and exploitation.
Despite some members and leaders having "dual" membership, including in the ANC and CPSA, the ICU had tenuous, mostly informal links with
political and nationalist formations. I wold argue that it did not see political parties, nationalist formations or state power as the
vehicles for social transformation. I think this is vital to any present and future reading of the ICU.
It engaged the state, to be sure, for example, attempting to leverage its position by utilizing Native Advisory Boards in the townships, or
even running court cases and appearing at government commissions. It engaged with other organisations that were claiming leadership of
African, black and workers struggles, including parties and other unions. But it never saw parties and state power as the primary loci of
transformation.
RELEVANCE FOR UNIONS AND MOVEMENTS TODAY
There are many lessons trade unions and oppressed people's movements can learn via a critical reappraisal of the ICU, not only what pitfalls
to avoid, but also by understanding that many circumstances confronting organizations today were faced by the ICU in the first half of the
20th century.
The ICU organised in what organisers and activists have always considered difficult terrains. Its rural base, particularly by the later
1920s in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia in the 1930s, was substantial, and at times militant in thought and deed. This allowed the ICU
to articulate and develop a profound response to the land question, which included union ownership schemes, through which it espoused the
aim of eventual collective, de-colonised and de-commodified working class and black ownership.
It had many ideological influences, including Garveyism, social democracy and Christian millenarianism. However, its ideas for organisation
and social transformation, and its stress on the centrality of unions, not parties, also signify its revolutionary syndicalist roots and
influences. It imagined, and saw itself as a One Big Union, and this union seen as the most strategic tool for anti-capitalist and
anti-colonial struggle. The syndicalist impulse cannot be ignored because it saw in the union the instrument of working class and black
liberation in southern Africa.
CONCLUSION
I will conclude by saying that a re-examination of the ICU reveals a broader imagination of what a union can be, and its potential role in
transforming society. It had a somewhat pre-figurative politics, aiming to build tomorrow today; this was developed in relation to an Africa
that was being transformed by colonial domination and racist capitalist development.
It was not simply the product of external ideological influences and socio-economic pressures, but also made by its rank-and-file, and by
its internal organizational imperatives and pressures. It was able to use its organisation and its struggles to develop its own repertoire
of ideas, politics and action, prefiguring a new social order by developing independent working class organisation bent on transforming society.
I would propose that as you consider the ICU you shift your analytical eye from the more usual national and nationalist lens and personality
narratives that I mentioned earlier - with their focus on individuals and contestations for individual power, their triumphalist story of
the rise of the ANC and CPSA, and their narrow views on what unions can or should be.
I would advise a focus on the modes of ideological, political and organisational development as dialectical processes informed by the cries,
demands and actions of the working class and peasant rank-and-file and their communities. Thus considered, it is not that difficult to see
the ICU not just as a union, as we know them now, but a creative rebellion. Its experiences offer rich lessons, to be visited through honest
analytical re-appraisal, which are relevant to modern day unions and liberation movements - if they choose to learn these. The ICU fought
for the possibility of a better world...we can redevelop this imagination by learning from it and our collective pasts.
Thank you.
ENDS
https://zabalaza.net/2019/12/11/the-relevance-of-the-icu-of-africa-for-modern-day-unions-and-liberation-movements/#more-6065
------------------------------
Message: 7
As French workers launched a general strike shutting down major cities with massive demonstrations we present this interview on the current
situation with a member of the Unión Comuniste Libertaire (UCL) or Libertarian Communist Union in France. The group was founded in mid-2019
through the merger of platformist groups Alternative Libertaire and Coordination des Groupes Anarchistes. This interview has been edited for
clarity. ---- BRRN: When did this general strike begin and what caused it? ---- UCL: In mid-September, the metro workers in Paris launched a
powerful 24 hour strike. It gave courage to a big part of the working class and as they decided to start an unlimited strike from the 5th of
December with other sectors, such as rail workers, started to call for a strike on that date. In the end, all the unions except the
reformist central union of CFDT, who is in favor of the government, were calling for a strike on the 5th of December and it was already
explicit that some sectors wouldn't come back to work after that.
The main issue the unions are opposing is the pension reform. From the end of WWII, the pension system is based on trans-generational
solidarity and specific systems from some sectors. This solidarity system is not perfect but it is the consequence of major worker struggles
and sacrifices during and after the war. Similar proposals have already been attacked harshly by diverse governments, like in 2003 or 2010.
And there was big struggles during these times too. But now French President Emmanuel Macron and the bosses behind him are willing to
implement a complete system change. The aim is to erase all the gains won by diverse sectors of the working class and to lower pensions
across the board. But of course the distrust goes beyond the pension reform: it is now clear that Macron is ruling for the bosses and the
rich, particularly after one year of the Yellow Vests uprising and some other reforms implemented such as the unemployment reform.
BRRN: How are these proposed changes to the pension system related to other reforms which have been initiated or proposed by Macron's
government?
UCL: Macron is a newbie in politics. Although he was formed the same way as other politicians - in "Grandes Ecoles" such as E.N.A
(Administration "Normal" College) - he claims not to bother with old recipes. By that, he does not mean he is some kind of new-way
socialist. What he means by this is actually that no matter what is the status quo, or what are the historical compromises that were reached
between workers/bosses and workers/the State, he will implement his vision of an idealistic neoliberalism where start-up entrepreneurs are
the new leaders and solidarity is only an empty word.
In that way, he found strategic allies in the union of bosses and in the upper management class. In general, he has given back tips to the
rich since the very moment he entered into power, by suppressing taxes on wealth, by liberalizing key sectors (he liberalized the human
transportation system as he was Ministry of Economics), by suppressing rights for the exiled and the unemployed and so on. But a coin has
two sides and this cannot work without the increase of repression for the poor when they stand up. In one year of the Yellow Vests, there
has been about 11 000 people in custody due to their participation in this social movement, thousands were injured and/or condemned. A
journalist who has a clear focus on police work during the last year says that the police made as many wounded (one-eye blind and maimed
people) as it did in the last 20 years of social movements - including huge social movements and unrests such as the banlieues uprising in
2005[uprising of largely North African youth in the suburbs of Paris around unemployment and racism]and the CPE reform in 2006[attempt to
introduce a youth employment bill that would create lower wages and less protections].
But one must be clear that Macron is not the problem itself. He is the new face that allows free-marketeers to speed up the implementation
of their politics and this is only one step further in the same direction of previous governments, from both right and left wings.
BRRN: What sectors are most engaged in the strike activity?
UCL: Clearly, the metro workers in Paris and the rail workers are the most engaged in the strike. The rail sector has been a very strong
bastion of the working class in France for decades now and it is directly concerned by the reform as they have a specific pension regime to
defend.
The electricity sector is quite active as well for the same reasons by cutting power to the police stations and official institutions.
But there are also other sectors that were engaged in the struggle before. The health sector has been struggling for the last six months,
especially in the emergency services in State hospitals. Fire fighter as well had a big national strike in November and they were repressed
in Paris by riot police as they were demonstrating, which was a big scandal because they are very popular and cannot be accused of being
looters and thugs. The workers of state radio group started a strike in the end of November for local employment and management issues. It
was very strong on the first days, then decreased, and now it has been reinforced from the 5th of December.
There are also significant strikes in the urban transportation of different cities and in the education sector.
BRRN: Have social movements, such as gilets jaunes[yellow vest movement], been engaged in supporting strike actions?
UCL: There was a lot of different blocks and collectives in the demos of the 5th of December. We've seen antiracist and migrant blocks (with
or without union affiliation), feminist blocks, climate blocks, a block in support of an "international uprising" in Paris with comrades
from all over the world. I think we can say that on the 5th of December, everyone who is involved in a social movement was in the streets.
The Yellow Vests movement in itself is not strong as it was last year. One year of repression, political clarification and interpersonal
conflicts happened since then. But those who remain active certainly are very engaged in the struggle, by blocking the roads, the depots of
urban transportation and the entrance of big factories, by animating yellow blocks in the demos and so on. The situation is very different
from one city to another but in general people know each other better so a relative dialogue can occur between traditional structures of the
working class and the Yellow Vests movement, although criticisms against the apathy of the unions is still an important theme in the Yellow
Vests discourses.
BRRN: In what ways have UCL militants been engaged in strike activity?
UCL: An important part of UCL militants are workers and union activists in the top sectors of the struggle, such as the rail and the
education sector. So the first action we have is to inform our colleagues, to animate the strike and to ensure as much as possible the
self-organization of the strike by the workers. We argue that the only way we can win the struggle is with self-organization as it allows
creativity and appropriation of their own strike by the workers. And that we must not go back to work before they withdraw.
Some of us are also active in Yellow Vests' collectives and assemblies and try to create bridges with other parts of the working class. We
also try to appear as libertarian socialists in demonstrations, distributing leaflets and stickers, selling our newspaper and sharing and
defending our revolutionary analysis.We also take parts in different actions to expand the strike and to make it more efficient, such as
with blockades, support parties and so on.
BRRN: Please describe the local situation in your region and what you have witnessed.
UCL: My city is middle-size for the French context - i.e. about 200 000 people - and with quite a popular and working-class environment.
However, it is generally not one of the most famous towns for demos and political activity and some leftists can even joke about how my city
is boring.
On Thursday, 5th of December though, we had a historical number of people in the demo. The unions announced about 18,000 people. At one
point, I was waiting for the Solidaires block[an alternative union, in which many UCL militants are involved]as I thought it was the end of
the demo. It happened to be only the middle of it. And they were not like a dozen as usual but several hundred!
First things first, we woke up very early to go with another comrade to support a Yellow Vests action in front of the depot of the urban
transportation company. Then we moved with about 60 people to block the entrance of the Renault factory (one of the main factory of the
city) with pallets, wood and trash containers. The CGT[the dominant and largest union in France]of the site joined us there. On the way, we
met with a group of workers who were on strike for local issues and we initiated the contact with the union as they depend on the same
sector. They were feeding the fire of their picket line with Renault bumpers they had in their company's storage!
Then I had to walk to the general assembly of the education sector. They were having a small gathering before so they arrived with about 300
people as a demo, it was very powerful. We took the sports hall as it was the only place near the starting point of the demo that could
gather so many people. Over 110 primary schools are completely closed for the day, which was never seen before as far as I know. We
discussed quite seriously the possibility of renewing the strike and many people we did not know from before actually engaged in the
struggle for the days after at that moment. In my city, unlike others, the majority of the education sector did not choose to renew the
strike the day after but people stay in the movement. Again Tuesday, we were 250 strong in general assembly and this time we were more
people willing to engage in a renewable[ongoing]strike.
Literal anarchist propaganda / Instagram
In the rail sector, the strike was and is still very strong and they did not even question going on strike for the days after. They voted as
one.
Then I went to a local meeting point we proposed as local CGT militants for the first time in the industrial zone where I work. I remember
we were afraid that no-one would come but in the end, we were three times more than what we expected at first when we left and we arrived
even more as people were joining us on the way.
The days after, we had demos on both Friday and Saturday, what usually never happen in my city. They were small demos, mostly activists,
yellow vests and workers of the rail (and the education) sector(s) but still it was a good sign. At that time, they arrested And we had
another big strike day that wasn't prepared on Tuesday. No-one knew what we should expect as we had prepared the 5th of December for a month
and a half and Tuesday was not in minds so we were not sure that a lot of people would show up. At the end, we had about 8,000 people which
is very good and still unusual for the size of my city. Next demo is tomorrow and the biggest one is planned on the 17th so we could have
time to prepare it. The stake now for us is to bring the education sector to a real renewable strike that could last until Christmas'
holidays, which could be a very good sign for the rest of the society. In the meanwhile, rail workers are holding on although December is
the worst month to go on strike with festivities and all. But a significant part of the population is willing to fight.
Macron's Prime Minister Edouard Phillipe had a speech today[December 11]and he managed to get on the wrong side of the only pseudo-union
that was supporting the reform and they will probably call for a strike as well in the coming days. We do not trust them at all but they
represent the liberal-friendly upper working-class and it can polarize even more the whole society against the reform and the government.
BRRN: Do you have any message for militants inside of the U.S. who are watching what is happening in France?
UCL: Even though we don't have much time to focus on international work these days, I can easily guess that Trump is happy about his rival
Macron being given a prod. But let's be clear: we would do way worse with him in power because he is even more arrogant than Macron - and
that's some feat!
More seriously, France has many economic interests in the US. It represented $32.6 billion Euros[about $40 billion US dollars]that France
exported in 2016 to the US.
The best piece of advice I could give you is to win your own struggles first, reinforce your organizations and counter-powers so one day we
can overthrow this capitalist system and the State. I know the situation these days isn't the best to be optimistic in the US but as a great
ancestor of us said one day in your part of the globe: Don't mourn! Organize!
https://blackrosefed.org/interview-general-strikes-france-ucl/
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Message: 8
Dear anarchists, comrades and vrije bond members - It is our great pleasure to invite you to the second yearly Vrije Bond Congress. ---- The
congress will take place from September 11-13 2020 at ‘Kampeerterrein Tot Vrijheidsbezinning' in Appelscha. All members of the Vrije Bond
are invited. The congress is organised on a yearly basis so we can come together and talk about the future of the Vrije Bond and the wider
anarchist movement. We want to mainly create space to discuss plans for the (middle-to-)long term and ideological topics. It is also the
perfect place to meet anarchists and Vrije Bond members from your area or who are interested in the same theme's. ---- All members of the
Vrije Bond are welcome from September 11. This Friday we will collectively set up everything for the congress. Fridaynight there will also
be an informal program with chock-full of cosiness. The congress itself will start Saturday afternoon. We will end the formal part on Sunday
afternoon. We are doing this, so people can leave from home on Saturday morning and be home on Sunday evening if they need to. Specific
times and the makeup of the formal and informal program will be sent later.
Do you want to come on Friday, to help out or just to meet people before the congress starts? Please let us know!
Reader
The congress preparation group will make a reader. Here will be published all the texts about the congress. For example how the decision
making process works at the congress and what the program looks like. It will also contain all the concrete proposals and discussion texts
which have been submitted by members in the run up to the congress. Do you have a proposal or something you want to discuss during the
congress? Send it to us and we will put it in the reader. The deadline is June 30 2020
‘Kampeerterrein Tot Vrijheidsbezinning' & practical things
The congress will take place at the ‘kampeerterrein Tot Vrijheidsbezinning'. This is an anarchist camping where no alcohol or drugs are used
in Appelscha, Friesland. We want to ask everybody who comes to bring a tent and sleeping gear.
We want to make the congress as accessible as we can. This is why we ask everybody to leave their dogs at home. Are you not able to sleep in
a tent? Let us know. We can arrange a sleeping place in the bungalow or one of the caravans at the terrain.
Do you have specific needs that we have to take into account? Let us know beforehand and want your needs are.
Do you have children you want to bring? Of course you can! We really want to help out in the child care during the congress. It would help
us enormously if we know how many kids and what age they are. We are also still looking for people who want to help out with the children's
program during the congress.
Do you have kids you want to bring? Let us know how many and what age they are, so we can take this into account when making the children's
program.
Militant snuggles,
Vrije Bond Congress preparation group
https://www.vrijebond.org/vrije-bond-congres/
------------------------------
Message: 9
December 2nd. 45th day of public rebellion: WE HAVE NEVER REACHED ANYTHING ... WE CAN'T GIVE UP! The use of unemployment as a weapon
exacerbates the campaign of economic terror. The authorities no longer have to scare everyone with "drug addicts, anarchists and bandits."
Now they are releasing the ghost of a recession and logically blaming it for a social uprising: "If we do not stop the protests, we will
stop the investments," the president of the Confederation of Industry and Trade threatens. ---- The monthly economic activity index fell to
-3.4%; the unemployment rate is projected at 10% by January 2020. Giving out ghostly promises, the government announces the creation of 100
thousand jobs. Another arrogant mockery was the decision of Congress to raise the minimum wage from 288 thousand to 301 thousand - by only
13 thousand pesos. These crumbs, which offers power, can cause us only laughter. Pinier announces, as a big step, a bonus of 100 thousand
pesos. This is pure deception: the truth is that it is 50 thousand bonuses, and only for those who have 2 dependent and only 25% of the
poorest families. A bonus that no one asked for is a miserable handout to calm the demonstrations. On the street, we continue to demand
significant decisions in the areas of wages, pensions, healthcare, education and the environment.
State lubrication mechanisms operate in an accelerated mode and further tighten its repression. The Chamber of Deputies approves the Law on
Combating Barricades and Against Robbery, which are actually laws against protests, increasing prison sentences to the extent of absurdity.
The entire political spectrum voted in favor, from the Independent Democratic Union to the Wide Front and the Communist Party. A painful
slap in the face for those who naively call for the use of power tools to "change the system from within." Do you still believe in elections
as a "form of struggle"?
The United States is now announcing, without any hesitation, "helping" the governments of Latin America so that popular uprisings do not
occur. The police confirm the purchase of an even larger number of armored vehicles that can let in gases and water. In Valparaiso, they
parade with their anthem and loudspeakers, while some police officers raise their hands in a Nazi salute.
The Nazis urge to crack down on protesters, taking advantage of the reduction in the size of demonstrations. In protest near the Alto Las
Condes shopping center, fights take place between "good children" and students. In response to the beating of people in the hoods in the
Belyavista quarter, an attack was made on nightclubs. In the morning, a demonstration for water is taking place on Dignity Square. In the
"zero zone" protesters continue to gather daily. Each time we become smaller, but, for an inexplicable reason, there are a lot of people on
Wednesday and Friday. The new police strategy is to take the Dignity Square before the protesters gather.
Clashes between hooded protesters and police continue. The walls turned into a real open-air museum of social uprising; passersby admire the
talent and originality of posters and drawings. Every day, groups of students continue to evade subway fares. By agreement, film workers
attended the event with a blindfold. The University of Santiago has stopped outsourcing 300 people, mostly janitors. They were hired by
contract, and their salaries increased. A very welcome and valuable measure. Resistance continues in the neighborhoods, and the barricades
do not stop burning. At night, violent clashes occur in Yungai, many injured and an attack on the police station. In Kopiapo, an unknown
person disabled an armored personnel carrier with a water cannon, climbing on it and blocking the hose.
Road tolls for motorcycles are reduced by 50% and similarly for cars, buses and trucks. 80% of the fines written off. Despite the agreement,
the movement against road tolls is unsatisfied and announces that it will continue to perform until inter-city fares are reduced.
On December 6, a large demonstration is scheduled on Dignity Square.
December 6, the 50th day of public uprising. THE FLAME CONTINUES TO BURN!
50 days have passed! Who would have imagined such a thing ... During the week we talked about how the number of people coming to the Dignity
Square sharply decreased. There was a call not to back down from the "first line": "They left us alone and we are framed" - this phrase
shocked. Some predicted that social rebellion was slowly dying. But the government, in complicity with the parliament, threatened "hellish
punishment" to those who continued to protest, and this caused the opposite effect - people returned to the street, and returned with the
fury of those who know that in this struggle you cannot trust political parties, that you only have yourself, joining us will make you "us."
On this eighth Friday of "social uprising," hatred was directed against the Broad Front and its miserable request for forgiveness for voting
against protest. That is why the night before the headquarters of one of the parties in this coalition, the Democratic Revolution, was attacked.
A group of La Legas residents hand out food; stylists give hairdressing lessons, and a little further, in special chairs, a massage is
offered for demonstrators. The best part is that all this is free. Solidarity and mutual support remain one of the pillars of these fifty days.
In other parts of the "zero zone" there is a violent confrontation between the protesters in the hoods and the police. A three-meter police
building rises in steps to the barricades, and this "Trojan horse" throws about thirty shields from the inside. And then the "sculpture" is
set ablaze to applause and screams. We all froze for a moment and got colder when one of the protesters in their hoods caught fire because
of the Molotov cocktail. Fortunately, it was quickly put out. With the help of a giant sling, people in hoods throw stones at the police.
The shields with the letter "A", lined up around, among other things, protect those who resist the onslaught of heavily armed policemen.
Under the Carabinieri monument, police barricaded themselves behind a trench of sandbags;
Fluid released by a fire hydrant from armored personnel carriers is dangerously toxic. Wet protesters are exposed because their clothing
literally burns their skin. Used chemical weapons have unprecedented power. Pepper gas is reported to reach at least the seventh floor of
buildings near the "zero zone".
The presence of a large number of anarchist propaganda, several banners of paintings and anarchist flags is noted. Posters of the
Revolutionary Propaganda Group (GPR) and a drawing by Alexander Grigoropoulos (Greek anarchist killed by police 11 years ago) stand out on
the walls.
At Costanera Shopping Center, another emblematic protest venue in Santiago, hundreds of people manage to get in and out. Outside there are
demonstrations that are being suppressed by the police. Numerous burning barricades illuminate Providencia Avenue, the largest at the
intersection of P. de Valdivia, Los Leone and Miguel Claro. At this last corner, a fascist named Orso Ricci threatened a protesting knife,
and then attacked those who were building the barricade. A counterattack followed, he was beaten and thrown unconscious, the police guarded
him until the ambulance took the law-abiding citizen.
At night, there were attacks on police stations at the Central Station and La Granja, during the last two policemen received bullet wounds,
in response to tankettes opened fire on residents! In Concepcion, civilian PDI agents infiltrate marches and detain people in hoods for
throwing incendiary bombs. In the same city, the police beat a famous violinist and broke his instrument. In La Serena, the Nazis attacked
the grave of Romario Velos, who was killed by the military during curfew. In Pucon, the famous Iron Man triathlon was stopped. Due to fear
of demonstrations, at the last minute the graduation of pupils of the 4th grade of Lyceum No. 1 was canceled, the students and their
relatives held a symbolic ceremony nearby. Then, at least one of them headed with the diploma in his hand to the Dignity Square and met
enthusiastic cries of support.
Sad official data to date says that at least 11,000 people were injured, 352 with eye injuries, 41 were killed, 121 went missing, 600 were
tortured, 12 were raped and a hundred were sexually abused. The number of prisoners and those brought to trial cannot be determined, but
those in pre-trial detention are about 1900. May such suffering not be in vain and revenge will come true.
Three private police cars were wrecked in Makul; they also had punctured tires.
December 10, the 53rd day of social rebellion: LOVE TO FIGHT IS OUR ENERGY!
Fewer people gather on the Square of Dignity. Today we are not thousands, but hundreds. Despite this, the conflict does not decrease, the
love of struggle and the thirst for revenge are unquenchable. The Bakedano Monument is hung with posters against abuses at the National
Service for the Affairs of the Juveniles, beautiful patchwork pictures and rebellious embroideries. There are also products of Mapuche
Indians. Then came a convoy that traveled 500 kilometers from the city of Concepcion. They were greeted with applause, and in their eyes one
could see a decision to continue moving forward. And the cops who filled the place backed down. Soon, however, a caravan of police armored
vehicles arrived. Protesters in hoods met them with a rain of incendiary bombs and stones. Comrades from the "first line" reported that on
December 6, one of the protesters was injured by a gas bomb in the head. His skull was broken and internal bleeding revealed. A person is
hospitalized in serious condition.
Before the Supreme Court, the camp of the Social Table was set up. Hooded protesters staged a noisy protest in a mall against Christmas
consumption. Starbucks employees are demanding the dismissal of a manager who ridiculed women and sexual dissidents who staged the play "The
rapist is you."
The Parliamentary Human Rights Commission interrogated the chief of police. It was stated that the fluid released from the BTR fire hydrant
contains CS gas, which, according to studies, causes serious damage to the lungs, heart, and liver. At the Central Post Office, a protocol
has already been created for victims of a significant increase in cases of chemical burns. According to doctors, two new gases were
discovered that were used against mass unrest, in which 27% of arsenic. This chemical weapon causes explosive vomiting among protesters.
On December 7 in the evening, a plainclothes police officer was identified in Valparaiso. The crowd attacked him, stoning and beating him,
as well as inflicting 5 stab wounds. People are outraged that the police shot helicopters at Viña del Mar, and the civilian police in the
car of the municipality tried to kidnap the protester, the solidarity forces managed to prevent this and save the guy.
In Kopiapo, two hooded people painted the house of the zonal general of the Carabinieri with insults and anarchist slogans, but during the
escape they were intercepted and detained by PDI.
In Loncoch, the Nazis attack the only cultural center of this place. Chilean Anonymous filters the names, addresses, and phone numbers of
fascist groups. Due to the fear of attacks and threats, the fascist restaurant "Lily Marlene" finally closed.
In Kilikur, where the bank used to be, today is a beautiful square with gardens maintained by neighbors who also exchange seeds.
At the UN Climate Conference in Madrid, the Minister of Energy announces the closure of the Ventanas I coal plant by 2020 and Ventanas II by
2022. Ecologists and residents of Quintero are satisfied, but remain vigilant. They consider closure a victory of social pressure.
The President of Chile is canceling his trip to replace the president in Argentina, and we can conclude that he did this for fear of
demonstrations against him in a Zandanian country.
Information about the situation of prisoners of social uprising is spreading more and more thanks to the activities of the "coordination of
October 18th".
National Association of Public Servants Strikes Tuesday, December 10.
A call for action is circulating on Saturday 14th at the Rondizzoni metro on the 105th anniversary of the attack of the anarchist avenger
Antonio Ramon Ramon against the butcher of the Santa Maria de Iquique school.
We are still waiting for improvements in pensions, salaries, healthcare, education and the environment ... This is not the end. We are not
cannon fodder, we are fighting for our own beliefs! THE BIGGEST REVOLUTION IN OUR HEARTS!
https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100011346371712&ref=br_rs
https://aitrus.info/node/5380
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