#Worldwide #Information #Blogger #LucSchrijvers: #Update: #anarchist #news and #information from all over the #world - 16.02.2020

Today's Topics:

   
1.  [Spain] The largest anarchist archive is in a hamlet in
      Toledo - ByJose Durán Rodríguez - ANA (pt) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  The Italian Union, By Massimiliano Illari USI - ANA (pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Anarchist Federation call for anti-fascist march in Sofia,
      Bulgaria: Saturday 22/2/2020 [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Czech, afed: We are your nightmare" - Interview with Kafeh,
      an anarchist movement in Lebanon [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #302 - Puy de Dome, A
      self-managed grocery store to revive a village (fr, it,
      pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  US, black rose fed: Canvassing Is Not Organizing
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






In the documentary center of the Anselmo Lorenzo Foundation, which seeks to gather, preserve and spread the history of the libertarian
movement, you can read Durruti in Japanese, see original posters of anti-Franco days in exile or what happened to his grandfather who
disappeared in 1937. ---- ByJose Durán Rodríguez| 12/29/2019 ---- Located just over 50 kilometers from Madrid, the city of Yuncler de la
Sagra, in Toledo, apparently does not offer anything in its window that prevents the passage of occasional visitors who travel through the
region. But appearances are deceiving, it is known. The territory was shaken bythebrick real estate boom that swept the region in the early
21st century - when the 40-minute drive to Madrid was sold as another incentive to buy an apartment there, the capital's 'new' PAU - the
name Yuncler is remembered among those who attended what today are the ruins - another uncertain real estate operation - by Vicente
Calderón: the club Super López, founded there, hung its flag faithfully in the stands in the northern part of the Atlético de Madrid stadium.

Let's add some more important information about the municipality: with a census of 3,759 inhabitants in 2018, in the general elections on
November 10, PSOE was the winning party in Yuncler with 627 votes, followed by Vox with 615. Unidas Pode 188, Pacma 25 and only one
Communist Party of Workers of Spain received one vote.

On the City Council website, you can read a text about the history of the city, which speaks of Yuncler as "a constant example of rebellion
among his people", "of those who leave because they do not want to pay taxes in the 15th century, passing by continuous legal proceedings
with the church, until the purchase of the city by the neighbors from D. Francisco Melchor de Luzón and Guzmán - before this knight had
bought it from King Felipe IV - who with his tyranny forces his inhabitants to leave the place, a fact that urges its neighbors to buy the
village of the nobleman ". In this "rebel" city is the largest documentary archive in Spain on the libertarian movement.

"I am moving 1,250 kilos with three fingers", tells SaltoSonia Lojo, library archivist at the Anselmo Lorenzo Foundation for Libertarian
Studies (FAL) for ten years. It does so, and opens a compact piece of furniture that allows you to see several corridors full of shelves in
which you can distinguish numerous boxes, folders and various organized and classified materials. As in Yuncler, the room hides things that
cannot be seen at first. We are in the "CNT historical archive, which is dedicated to gathering, preserving and disseminating the history of
the libertarian movement and the workers' movement in general", explains the doors of an industrial building that invites us to enter.

Inside, in the room with compact furniture, there is "the documentation generated by CNT since the beginning of the 20th century - in fact,
the origin of the foundation, created in 1987, is to preserve the documentation of the institution itself, which has over 100 years of
history - and what we have most is from the Civil War period, also from exile, from underground and from Transition to the present ".

Currently, Lojo's work is focused on the general inventory of documentation generated by the anarcho-syndicalist center, with about 3,000
boxes. "There is an inventoried part and in the process of cataloging", he details. It is internal documentation: plenary sessions,
assemblies, congresses, how the organization works, its agreements, forms of action... ". The last materials that arrived are transfers from
Barcelona and Valencia. When they no longer use the documentation frequently, it is forwarded to the CNT file. "Here it is organized and
made available for consultation", explains Lojo.

The FAL receives about 400 consultations per year by researchers. In Yuncler is the warehouse, where the documentation is kept and the
technical work is done. At the Madrid headquarters, researchers can make a digital consultation after a previous meeting. "30% are people
who are looking for their relatives or are investigating local stories, what was happening in their villages. Most of them are from the
Civil War period, but it is true that there is more interest in Transition and democracy ", explains the archivist, who also adds that there
is a growing interest in the knowledge of women's history. "This has been noticed in recent years, clearly because of the rise of feminisms
in which we live."

The registration of consultations allows Lojo to prioritize the enormous work to come - "if there are now 30% of consultations on names and
surnames, we have to work with onomastics, extracting the names from documents" - although the principle is always to catalog the oldest
material, as it is the most delicate.

TELL WITHOUT TALKING

An un cataloged file is a file that does not exist, as it does not allow information to be ordered, accessible and can be retrieved and
consulted, which is the end of the documentary task. As an example, Lojo points out that in the FAL deposit there are "un cataloged books
that are put in boxes and have been here for 30 years" without any evidence of them. The first thing, he explains, is to study the type and
content of the documents. Then, it moves to the classification phase, which informs the origin of the institution that generated the
document. And finally, there are the description tools, such as inventories, guides, catalogs ", which is what is offered to the public in
order to locate the documentation they are looking for".

Along with CNT documentation, the FAL deposit has other files: that of the International Workers' Association and the Free Women Fund, other
related organizations and personal funds (Felix Álvarez Ferreras, Cayetano Zaplana, Abraham Guillén) donated to custody. "The materials
arrive through donations, bequeathed by CNT militants themselves, by exile organizations or by purchases, which are usually the smallest
ones due to lack of financial resources", laments the librarian. In his opinion, the crown jewel is the photographic archive. "It is the
most wonderful. Not to mention that he tells everything: ways of life, psychology ". FAL has a Civil War photographic background with 1,735
originals, preserved and digitized.

The hemeroteca is a third part of the global fund. "It's always been said that when two anarchists get together the first thing they do is a
newspaper, so imagine," says Lojo, laughing. "We have 2,500 controlled headers, but there is still a lot to catalog." Among the most
striking publications preserved by FAL, from the 19th century to the present and all over the world, is Campo Libre(Campo Livre), a weekly
that used a double page for the agricultural communities of Castile, telling how they organized and worked . In the August 28, 1937 edition,
they dedicated this space to the community of Coslada, a city in Madrid where those who signed this text grew up.

Another area of FAL is the library, where about 40,000 copies are located, although only 6,000 are cataloged, including curiosities like
being able to read Durruti in Japanese. "The oldest book we have is from 1848, a text by Étienne Cabet on utopian socialism, which is
somewhat the origin of the ideologies of the workers' movement: anarchism, socialism, communism. FromEl hombre y la tierra (O Homem ea
Terra), by Eliseo Reclús, we have all the editions that were in the history of this publication ", says Lojo, who emphasizes that we are
facing a specialized library," which is not the same thing as a public library. We focus on very specific documentation, so the objective is
conservation, because we have documentation that even the National Library does not have and the loss of a document can be irreversible ".

Different materials kept by the FAL are thousands of original posters of exile, documents of the anti-Franco struggle outside Spain and
others that spread the libertarian ideas where the militants had to settle. And also an audiovisual archive with several means of
communication: 35 mm cans with historical films from the Union of Industry and Shows, microfilmed with digitalized war documentation or
complete recordings of the union's plenaries.

After the Civil War, the dictatorship made all unions illegal, including the CNT, and appropriated the resources that the union served
collectively: movable goods (vehicles, printers, machines) and real estate (buildings, land, mines), bank accounts, companies collectivized,
films, photographs and documentation. In 1936, the CNT reached about one million members and its political weight was very important in the
first months of the war, especially in Catalonia and Aragon. But that story has been erased by repression and exile. "It is difficult to
reconstruct the entire history of the CNT due to the lack of documentation. In the war, much was lost, another was saved, which researchers
are currently consulting. The things of hiding come from people in exile,

Once legalized in the late 1970s, the CNT started a campaign to claim the return of its historical heritage, still today in the hands of the
Administration, depositary of the documentation that proves the ownership of these assets. "It's a hostile relationship," says the
archivist, "mainly because of the rights issue. Now the Ministry of Culture has the Historical Memory Documentation Center, they call it
that, but it was actually a police file that took the documentation from us. We are in dispute for the return or, at least, for the property
to be recognized and to be able to use and disclose our own history. If we had it here, the dissemination activity would be much greater ".

FAL maintains a more fruitful and close relationship with the Institute of Social History in Amsterdam, where much of the documentation
saved by CNT ended: "We have a contract with them, for which they keep the documentation, but the property is ours. We visit them once a
year. In the future, the idea is that this documentation will return ".

The space itself - acquired by FAL - requires compliance with a series of requirements for the conservation of the material, including a
certain height and a security perimeter around the building, which will save two of the risks that threaten a document center: fire or
flood. It must also be a space where temperature and humidity can be controlled 365 days a year, which must be constant around 21 degrees.
Another danger is the appearance of librarians, insects that attack paper.

But the main difficulty faced by this Foundation for libertarian memory is the lack of human and economic resources. Lojo lists a list of
emergencies: "We need more specialized people working on the file to move forward faster. And we also need money to be able to conserve. We
need planned furniture. We have more than 200 posters in each drawer, which makes handling impossible. But each planned furniture costs
3,000 euros. The press is very delicate and we have 19th century newspapers. We need specific furniture that is very expensive ".

Source:
https://www.elsaltodiario.com/memoria-historica/fal-fundacion-anselmo-lorenzo-mayor-archivo-anarquista-yuncler-pueblo-toledo?fbclid=IwAR30KOu5HGpL9YpLb9JYf6ba43XkPn9NVW8NN

Translation> Liberto

anarchist news agency-ana

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Message: 2






The Italian Union Union (USI) is a revolutionary and libertarian union founded in 1912, after a split from CGdL (later CGIL, General
Confederation of Labor), a reformist union linked to the Socialist Party. Several CGdL unions rejected the elections and their centralized
union model, experimenting with other organizational forms that came together at the first USI Congress in Modena. ---- From its founding in
1912 until the consolidation of fascism, the USI had almost 500,000 members, characterized by a combative action on all fronts where it had
a presence. From an ideological point of view, it is in favor of neutrality when the First World War broke out, libertarian and
anti-fascist, which paid with the illegality decreed by the fascists, the destruction of their headquarters, periodicals and the arrest or
exile of many of their militants. At the end of the Second World War, it was attempted to carry out its reconstruction, but the political
and union scene, as well as the incomprehension of part of the anarchist movement, did not make it possible. Yes, it was possible in the
late 1970s, when a new generation of activists reactivated the USI.

Currently, most of the members (between 800 and 1000 people) come from Public Health, particularly in Milan - with around 500 -, a city in
which the presence of USI in several hospitals is historic. Health USI is present in Florence, Parma, Trieste and companions scattered
throughout Italy. The Health union will celebrate its National Congress this October in Parma.

Other relatively numerous sections are in Parma (70-80 members), Trieste (50), Modena (40), Ancona, Reggio Emilia, Bologna, Florence and Venice.

The USI works internally in an assembly and federal way: the sections must respect the statutes and our principles, being able to organize
themselves as they see fit, either as territorial sections or around the workplace. Decisions are made exclusively by those involved. There
are three national decision-making bodies: the Executive Committee meetings, in which the members elected in Congress participate, open to
membership; the National Committees of Delegates, which take place every three or four months; and, the Congress, which is celebrated every
three years and in which it participates according to specific regulation.

In companies, workers decide autonomously how to organize themselves. There are places where you operate individually; in others, where it
is still possible (the latest labor reforms limit the capacities of this organizational form) through the Union Representation of
Enterprise: collective body representing groups of workers affiliated to a recognized union that operates in the same work context. In other
companies, as part of the Union Union Representation (RSU), a collective body representing all workers from the same work context, who are
elected through elections among the team. This form of representation was the subject of continuous debate. The current posture of USI
continues to be critical with RSU, agreeing that the decision to participate or not is up to the workers.

The rights of the working class have suffered a noticeable deterioration in the last thirty years, and, in parallel, class consciousness and
labor combativeness have been remarkably reduced, to the point that passivity, delegation of responsibilities or servility is the main
feature at work. It is also true that there are periodically generous attempts to fight. USI seeks to encourage the latter and if they are
carried out by other "grassroots" unions, we try to show solidarity with them.

Current legislation makes it difficult for the union to negotiate with companies, suffering union repression, particularly during strikes,
currently with more legal limitations. In 2014 Confindustria, the Italian CEOE, and the majority unions, CGIL, CISL and UIL, signed a law on
labor representation that benefits them in exchange for further limiting the right to strike. This agreement was signed by USB, the most
numerous grassroots union. USI calls for strikes with unions that have not signed this agreement.

The labor struggles that the USI carries out are multiple, although most of them are individual cases. We have self-managed trade union
windows, structured in different ways, in different sections; in Parma, for example, in 2018 they took a hundred cases, resolved positively
on 95% of the occasions.

In all the places in which the anarcho-syndical is present, the struggle, whether small or large, is a constant. This is the case of the San
Rafael Hospital in Milan, where a strike was called in April with a demonstration in which more than 700 people participated, obtaining the
fixed hiring of precarious workers, various economic incentives as well as supplements.

In Trieste, USI mobilized against the dismantling of reception services for immigrants; in Parma, against the new Social Cooperatives
contract. In the Marche Region, the creation of an agrarian union linked to the union is being organized, which not only aims at defending
workers in the sector, but which also takes care of developing alternative productions.

Finally, it is worth highlighting the experience of Self-managed Solidarity, an organization that, from a libertarian perspective, seeks to
give concrete help in the face of natural disasters. The experience emerged with the 2012 Modena earthquake, when the local section provided
aid to the hard-hit population, and continued during the Le Marche earthquake. Among other initiatives, USI supported the March 8 general
strike; and as a historically anti-militarist organization that we are, we periodically conduct pacifist studies, debates and mobilization days.

One of USI's goals is to improve internal organization and, above all, concrete union action. We need active sections, present with an
operative union window, with reference lawyers and with the possibility of accessing services such as the unemployment claim, tax
assistance, etc.

The International Labor Confederation (CIT )), founded in 2018 in Parma, is important for USI for several reasons: for the diversity of
struggles, to maintain international contacts, to exchange experiences, for solidarity, to have the ability to intervene on a larger scale
in conflicts with multinationals; on the other hand, in an age characterized by the aggressive return of excluding nationalism, we propose
internationalism. Anarcho-syndicalism has concrete characteristics that must remain: the total independence of any party and the state;
assemblearism in decision-making processes; the determination to fight the boss and the government. But anarcho-syndicalism is not
necessary! We seek, in return, to extend the consensus in continuous coherence with the ideas that we profess, with all the limits that we
have, sure that only example and action are the best advertisement for what we think and say. We believe in anarcho-syndicalism so much that
we should not be afraid to take it to people, in a credible way and without ever taking a step back from our principles.

Source:https://www.cnt.es/noticias/la-union-sindical-italiana-la-usi/

Translation> Sol de Abril

anarchist news agency-ana

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Message: 3






Anarchist Federation's political call for anti-fascist march "No Nazis On Our Streets" in Sofia, Bulgaria: Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00 in the
Park (Park Tsentralna Banya / Banski Square) next to the city's central spa. ---- The fight against fascism and the system it serves is a
historic task for the oppressed and exploited land. ---- Christo Lukov was a Bulgarian nationalist general, leader of a chauvinist, fascist
organization called the Union of Bulgarian National Legions. He served as Bulgaria's war minister in the years 1935-1938, when he personally
established very close co-operation relations with top Nazi commanders of the Third Reich. During World War II, Lukov and his organization
were close associates of Nazi Germany and key articulators of the nationalist and fascist reaction in Bulgaria. On February 13, 1943,
fascist Christo Lukov faced proletarian justice and was assassinated by two members of the Bulgarian, partisan anti-fascist resistance,
Violeta Yakova and Ivan Burutziev.

Nowadays the neo-Nazi organization of the Bulgarian National Front, which boasts itself as the successor organization of the Union of
Bulgarian National Legions, has been organizing, on an annual basis, since 2003, in memory of the late Nazi-Lukashen nationalists. . This
course is also supported by the Bulgarian National Movement, the National Resistance, the White Front, neonazi hooligans, the Bulgarian
section of the fascist organization Blood and Honor, as well as other neo-Nazi organizations outside Bulgaria. However, the challenge posed
by the fascist public presence on the streets of Sofia remains unanswered by the anti-fascist movement. Contrary to the fascists' course,

The international capitalist crisis of overcrowding and the political destabilization of the bourgeoisie of power in the midst of the
constant poverty of the grassroots, the deterioration of the cost of their labor force, the deterioration of their standard of living and
working conditions, the mass unemployment, parallel to the reconstitution of proletarian resistance, they demand in the bourgeoisie the
alertness and the auxiliary to the state repression to mobilize the more reactionary reservations of the capitalist system, that is, the
fascists. Under these circumstances, then, it is not only by chance that the global rise of far-right currents, especially on the European
continent, is accidental. Today, at a time when geopolitical rivalries, war preparations, and open war fronts, primarily aggravated by the
legitimacy of energy resources and energy transit flows, a chauvinistic and warlike climate is constantly intensified by both the local
bourgeoisie and their political staff, which comprises the respective parliaments and government groups as well as the various nationalist
organizations lurking in the corner in order to derive the maximum possible political surplus from the peoples who are squeezed by the
military, political and economic interventions of their perialism. Moreover, today the alarmingly increasing tendency of a section of the
poor people to conservatism, intolerance, racism and fundamentalism constitutes a network of more general expression of social excitement,

Fascism is the birthplace of the capitalist system, its most aggressive reserve, the most advanced lever of the bourgeois
counter-revolution. Fascism is the mastiff of capitalism, which is called upon to undertake on behalf of capital the task of repressing and
attacking the struggling social base in the militant working class. In particular, fascism in power implies the most violent form of
capitalism, as it is the militarization of human labor, the curtailment of individual and collective freedoms, the marginalization of broad
social groups, the normalization of death, and is defined by suffocating and suffocating social life. governed by tribal laws, rampant
repression and surveillance. That is,

 From the above it is concluded that fascism cannot be overthrown by the mechanisms of the bourgeois system of economic and political power
of capital, because its strategic purpose is to serve the interests of capitalism. Consequently, fascism cannot be fought either in
parliaments or in the courts. Only organized anti-fascist action by the working and popular masses can fight fascism effectively and
effectively. Anti-fascist action must spread to every public place, to workplaces, schools, universities, and neighborhoods, supported by
the class organization and political establishment of the proletariat. The world of the social base should sharpen its anti-fascist reflexes
and thicken the ranks of militant anti-fascist initiatives in order to defend the material interests of the social class to which it
belongs. In addition, anti-fascist anti-violence is a necessary means of social and class self-defense, in order to prevent conditions of
general violence and coercion, but also to subdue and diminish fascist forces. Finally, the internationalization of the anti-fascist and
anti-capitalist struggle is a prerequisite for the establishment of a cohesive and militant front against fascism and the system it serves,
especially if we consider that the response to the world-wide dictatorship of capital can only be a social world. . in order to defend the
material interests of the social class to which it belongs. In addition, anti-fascist anti-violence is a necessary means of social and class
self-defense, in order to prevent conditions of general violence and coercion, but also to subdue and diminish fascist forces. Finally, the
internationalization of the anti-fascist and anti-capitalist struggle is a prerequisite for the establishment of a coherent and militant
front against fascism and the system it serves, especially if we consider that the response to the world-wide dictatorship of capital can
only be a social world. . in order to defend the material interests of the social class to which it belongs. In addition, anti-fascist
anti-violence is a necessary means of social and class self-defense, in order to prevent conditions of general violence and coercion, but
also to subdue and diminish fascist forces. Finally, the internationalization of the anti-fascist and anti-capitalist struggle is a
prerequisite for the establishment of a coherent and militant front against fascism and the system it serves, especially if we consider that
the response to the world-wide dictatorship of capital can only be a social world. . but also to subdue and diminish fascist forces.
Finally, the internationalization of the anti-fascist and anti-capitalist struggle is a prerequisite for the establishment of a cohesive and
militant front against fascism and the system it serves, especially if we consider that the response to the world-wide dictatorship of
capital can only be a social world. . but also to subdue and diminish fascist forces. Finally, the internationalization of the anti-fascist
and anti-capitalist struggle is a prerequisite for the establishment of a cohesive and militant front against fascism and the system it
serves, especially if we consider that the response to the world-wide dictatorship of capital can only be a social world. .

As anarchists and antifascists, as organic parts of the working class and the poor populace, we unequivocally declare that we will not allow
the atrocities of the past, which have been born of fascist regimes in many European countries, to overwhelm the populist in the years
1939-1945, capitalism itself, after all. But we hold, as a historical record of the revolutionary workers' movement, the grand, militant
anti-fascist action of the Partisan movement that buried fascism at the time. Today, we are committed to contributing to the recovery of
anti-capitalist, anti-war, anti-war, anti-imperialist and anti-fascist resistance on an international scale. Today, that we have once again
reached a decisive backlog because of the ever-increasing but recurring but frequent occurrences of the internal contradictions of
capitalism, we pledge to devote ourselves wholly to the purpose of the global social revolution, to the crushing of capitalism and
capitalism, global and peaceful unity of peoples, universal human emancipation in terms of generalized self-management. We call upon the
world of social base to unite on the basis of its shared material interests arising objectively from its position in the productive and
social pyramid, to draw up against artificial divisions (by sex, race, religion, age) that attempt to impose on us the holders of economic
and political power. The proletarians of all countries, united, Classically structured, politically organized and internationally
coordinated, we must dare the "impossible", lest we face the unthinkable. The imperative dilemma to which the world proletariat is called to
respond today is: Liberal Communism or State and Capitalist Barbarism. Anti-fascist struggle is an essential and integral part of the
anti-capitalist and anti-revolutionary revolutionary struggle. That is why we, as an Anarchist Federation, call for mass support for the
anti-fascist march to be held in Sofia, Bulgaria on Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00 in the park (Park Tsentralna Banya / Banski Square) next to
the central spa of the city, as well as in the cotton and transnational coordination of our common anti-capitalist and anti-fascist
struggles. politically organized and internationally coordinated, we must dare the "impossible", lest we face the unthinkable. The
imperative dilemma to which the world proletariat is called to respond today is: Liberal Communism or State and Capitalist Barbarism.
Anti-fascist struggle is an essential and integral part of the anti-capitalist and anti-revolutionary revolutionary struggle. That is why
we, as an Anarchist Federation, call for mass support for the anti-fascist march to be held in Sofia, Bulgaria on Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00
in the park (Park Tsentralna Banya / Banski Square) next to the central spa of the city, as well as in the cotton and transnational
coordination of our common anti-capitalist and anti-fascist struggles. politically organized and internationally coordinated, we must dare
the "impossible", lest we face the unthinkable. The imperative dilemma to which the world proletariat is called to respond today is: Liberal
Communism or State and Capitalist Barbarism. Anti-fascist struggle is an essential and integral part of the anti-capitalist and
anti-revolutionary revolutionary struggle. That is why we, as an Anarchist Federation, call for mass support for the anti-fascist march to
be held in Sofia, Bulgaria on Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00 in the park (Park Tsentralna Banya / Banski Square) next to the central spa of the
city, as well as in the cotton and transnational coordination of our common anti-capitalist and anti-fascist struggles. we must dare the
"impossible", so as not to be confronted with the unthinkable. The imperative dilemma to which the world proletariat is called to respond
today is: Liberal Communism or State and Capitalist Barbarism. Anti-fascist struggle is an essential and integral part of the
anti-capitalist and anti-revolutionary revolutionary struggle. That is why we, as an Anarchist Federation, call for mass support for the
anti-fascist march to be held in Sofia, Bulgaria on Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00 in the park (Park Tsentralna Banya / Banski Square) next to
the central spa of the city, as well as in the cotton and transnational coordination of our common anti-capitalist and anti-fascist
struggles. we must dare the "impossible", so as not to be confronted with the unthinkable. The imperative dilemma to which the world
proletariat is called to respond today is: Liberal Communism or State and Capitalist Barbarism. Anti-fascist struggle is an essential and
integral part of the anti-capitalist and anti-revolutionary revolutionary struggle. That is why we, as an Anarchist Federation, call for
mass support for the anti-fascist march to be held in Sofia, Bulgaria on Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00 in the park (Park Tsentralna Banya /
Banski Square) next to the central spa of the city, as well as in the cotton and transnational coordination of our common anti-capitalist
and anti-fascist struggles. The imperative dilemma to which the world proletariat is called to respond today is: Liberal Communism or State
and Capitalist Barbarism. Anti-fascist struggle is an essential and integral part of the anti-capitalist and anti-revolutionary
revolutionary struggle. That is why we, as an Anarchist Federation, call for mass support for the anti-fascist march to be held in Sofia,
Bulgaria on Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00 in the park (Park Tsentralna Banya / Banski Square) next to the central spa of the city, as well as in
the cotton and transnational coordination of our common anti-capitalist and anti-fascist struggles. The imperative dilemma to which the
world proletariat is called to respond today is: Liberal Communism or State and Capitalist Barbarism. Anti-fascist struggle is an essential
and integral part of the anti-capitalist and anti-revolutionary revolutionary struggle. That is why we, as an Anarchist Federation, call for
mass support for the anti-fascist march to be held in Sofia, Bulgaria on Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00 in the park (Park Tsentralna Banya /
Banski Square) next to the central spa of the city, as well as in the cotton and transnational coordination of our common anti-capitalist
and anti-fascist struggles. Anti-fascist struggle is an essential and integral part of the anti-capitalist and anti-revolutionary
revolutionary struggle. That is why we, as an Anarchist Federation, call for mass support for the anti-fascist march to be held in Sofia,
Bulgaria on Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00 in the park (Park Tsentralna Banya / Banski Square) next to the central spa of the city, as well as in
the cotton and transnational coordination of our common anti-capitalist and anti-fascist struggles. Anti-fascist struggle is an essential
and integral part of the anti-capitalist and anti-revolutionary revolutionary struggle. That is why we, as an Anarchist Federation, call for
mass support for the anti-fascist march to be held in Sofia, Bulgaria on Saturday 22/2/2020, 13:00 in the park (Park Tsentralna Banya /
Banski Square) next to the central spa of the city, as well as in the cotton and transnational coordination of our common anti-capitalist
and anti-fascist struggles.

NOR inch EARTH IN FASCISTS

Cl nostalgic AND YPERASPISTES fascism hostile People

crushed fascism AND SYSTEM TO THE litters AND nourishes

ANYPOCHORITOS, CLASS AND DIETHNISTIKOS RACE AGAINST tormented IN ORDER OF LABOR

Anarchist Federation

site: http://www.anarchist-federation.gr

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Message: 4





Kafeh, an anarchist movement operating in Lebanon, is active in the ongoing revolutionary uprising against the Lebanese state and its
capitalist economic policy. Kafeh members answer questions about their view of protests and anarchist organization in Lebanon. ---- What are
the specific features of the rebellion in Lebanon compared to so many rebellions that we have witnessed worldwide? ---- The Lebanese
Rebellion is unique in that it is a revolution not only against one system or one symbol, but against several. It is known that Lebanon has
18 sects and each sect has its bosses and leaders. And so this rebellion represents the people who have united against these leaders who
have brought us nothing but war and struggle, poverty and corruption. Although there are many similar things to the uprisings in other
countries in terms of oppression and demands.

What were the most annoying problems for people and what was the breakthrough that led to such an expansion of the revolutionary movement in
Lebanon?

The main idea is that the country has been ruled by the oligarchy for about 40 years and that the regime refuses to give up. We even see
fathers who give ranks and powers to their sons and grandsons to continue their rotten ways of governing. As a result, people suffering from
poverty, insecurity, the economic and social crisis have found no other way than to rebel and overthrow the regime.

What are the historical factors shaping the conditions for a revolutionary uprising in Lebanon?

The endless cartel of rulers and their families, which have deep roots in Lebanese history, being regional privileged families ruling over
religion and sects.

What are your goals as anarchists in your involvement in current protests?

The overthrow of the regime is certainly the first great step, as is the prosecution and punishment of corruption and oppression by
sectarian laws.

Name some anarchist and revolutionary slogans that you chanted during the protests or painted as graffiti.

All slogans are in Arabic, but could be translated as: "People want to overthrow the regime," "People get hungry, eat their rulers," "Our
war is a class war," "Down with the domination of the army" or "We are your night moth ". And of course there is an anarchist symbol on
walls, banks and government buildings.

What long-term preparations must anarchists take to defend the gains of a revolutionary uprising?

To spread anarchist philosophy among people and show them how perfectly they can live without being ruled by them.

What current or historical revolutionary movements or characters are the greatest inspiration for your group?

Catalan Revolution, Rojava, Mikhail Bakunin.

What other activities did your group engage with, apart from the current protest movement?

Meetings, public debates, social media platforms, research and education.

What actions would you recommend to anarchists in other parts of the world if they want to show solidarity with the revolutionaries in Lebanon?

To be honest, little financial help would be very useful.

What is your attitude as anarchists in the Middle East on Trump's so-called peace plan in the region?

We express solidarity with all oppressed individuals and groups. Therefore, the Palestinian people should be freed from the oppression of
Israel.

Source:
https://www.amwenglish.com/articles/interview-with-kafeh-anarchist-movement-in-lebanon/

Related link:
https://www.afed.cz/text/7073/libanon-prohlaseni-hnuti-kafeh

https://www.afed.cz/text/7114/jsme-vase-nocni-mura

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Message: 5






Passing the door of the Alternator is discovering a citizen store where the concrete notion of collective and self-management takes on its
full meaning. Promoting local producers, this Auvergne association allows the inhabitant of a small village to experience direct democracy
while revitalizing their village. ---- It all started with the closure of the local supermarket in the Auvergne village of Sauxillanges, a
small village of 1,200 inhabitants, not very far from Issoire. In order to find a solution to the programmed desertification of the village
and at the initiative in particular of four women, architects and activists, a vast survey is being carried out with the inhabitants. It
appears that the inhabitants are " waiting for a bulk food store, a grocery store or a friendly place " recalls Sandra, active member of the
association from the start.

Everything is organized very quickly: a first group of women mobilizes and begins a multitude of research, visits co-ops, alternative
places, approaches producers, examines the different legal statuses. A first constitutive assembly made up of 25 inhabitants met in July
2017 to refine the papers, the operation, the time slots. Finally, to start and cover the first costs, " keeping tables on the markets will
raise 5,000 euros " .

Between July and September 12, the association is registered and premises of 100 m 2 are open. The association will have been set up in two
months! Today it includes 180 members and 65 volunteers from the village and its surroundings.

Revitalize the city center thanks to social ties
The Alternator organizes workshops on ecological transition and sets up screenings-debates, offers board games, joins the Issoire toy
library. A cultural association and another for migrants are being created. Clearly, " the association has become a place of mutual aid and
a bridge between local associations " . Inform, advise, support and spread while being as transparent as possible, these are the group's
claimed leitmotifs. Thus the association participates " in all unifying projects " like that of the rue du Trac festival, at the end of
September. She also created an association called Roue libre, a bicycle repair workshop that organizes parties.

And because people meet " by working together, each and everyone talks about things that are happening in the surrounding villages, upcoming
events, the latest news. The social bond is revived " .

Promote local productions
Fresh local products, organic or in conversion, are presented in bulk. Concerning the producers, Sandra reveals to us, still a little
astonished, that " although that does less work for them and that the margins can be very interesting they did not immediately respond
present. They thought they were wasting their time and did not really see the group's objectives " , before adding, " now, convinced of the
merits of the approach, they come to offer their products. And there are more and more. The consumer also benefits thanks to the very low
margins on certain products " . The Alternator therefore works very well and generates a turnover similar to that of a small business.

A great initiative should be noted: the hiring of two employees part-time for a few months of the year. It should be noted that at the
beginning " this principle was not unanimous but the discussions at the general assembly (GA) ended up validating it. The people hired have
been involved in the project from the start, and everyone, both volunteer and employee, is gradually learning to find their mark within the
group, according to their personality and their life experience " . Difficulties, whether personal or organizational, are not all resolved,
however.

Direct democracy
The collective notes that, strangely, some and some do not imagine practicing self-management or direct democracy " when they do it
concretely " . They are so dispossessed of these tools " that they have to relearn how to work in a collective, without hierarchy, by
talking and doing together!" But how this is organized direct democracy ? It is through the collective meeting that the proposals of the
various working groups are validated (or not) and that the monitoring of their application is decided. The positions and responsibilities,
the methods of each and everyone then evolve according to comments or claims, in order to embrace the multiple facets of daily work. In this
way, " the collective therefore constantly refines its practices " . Yes, we can say today that the collective card works and that it saves
time.

The collegial mode which governs the association allows a priori not to have a hierarchy. And if the volunteers, members end up recognizing
the benefits of this type of functioning " it was necessary to achieve this result to fight some habits and remove doubts " : training
volunteers in different tasks " is a challenge!"" . Is the regulation too complicated? How can we improve the functioning of the
organization? Some do more than others and collective and administrative management is time consuming, etc.

One thing is clear today within the collective: members today would really need to meet more often and have adequate premises. A place where
could be organized, as Sandra says, " debates without stakes, where could deepen certain points and solve more collectively the problems ...
" Challenge which, given the motivation of the members, is far to be insurmountable.

To the order of the next GA: how to increase the number of volunteers, look for a larger room, organize events, parties, refreshments to
collect more money, " and above all that, by owning the premises and practices, living democracy " . Because it appears that " many people
make better decisions, decisions that are more virtuous for the collective, fairer, more courageous, more ambitious " .

Long live the collective !
And if there was a lesson to be learned from this adventure, " it is that we all, as Sandra declares with enthusiasm and conviction,
individually, need others to evolve, that if the operation does not leave the possibility to deepen democracy, it is the latter that will
disappear ... "

Thank you to Sandra, Agathe and the whole Alternator team!

Nicolas (UCL Auvergne)

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Une-epicerie-autogeree-pour-faire-revivre-un-village

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Message: 6






A common refrain in some quarters of the left states that elections help build capacity, but Organizing Work contributor Ray Valentine
argues that the skills built in canvassing for an electoral candidate do not translate to organizing workplaces or tenants. ---- By Ray
Valentine ---- If, like me, you have decided to spend a lot of time in leftist milieus or you encounter highly politicized people online,
you have probably heard a lot of talk about canvassing and phone banking over the past few months. As the Democratic presidential primary
nears its climax, thousands of volunteers are out knocking doors or making phone calls or sending texts to encourage voters to support their
preferred candidates. Friends of mine are making "Bernie Journeys," trekking to Iowa, New Hampshire, and South Carolina to evangelize for
the political revolution, lovingly documenting their canvassing experiences on social media and even fundraising to cover the cost of their
trips. Even more people are knocking doors closer to home, and some dedicated democracy enthusiasts are even working to support candidates
for local office.

Since I am a contributor to Organizing Work, you will probably not be surprised that I am pessimistic about the prospects for achieving
significant social change at the ballot box. My less sectarian friends have tried to persuade me to look for a positive side to the left's
enthusiasm for Bernie Sanders and other candidates. They argue that whether these campaigns win or not, and whether or not left-wing elected
officials are able to pass progressive reforms through America's dysfunctional political system, they help build a movement. As Chris
Maisano writes in Jacobin, Sanders' "army" of staffers and volunteers "will not forget what they learned when the campaign comes to an end,
and the relationships they establish now will likely feed into future organizing efforts both inside and outside the electoral arena."

The Canvassing Script
But what if that army were better off forgetting the lessons of the campaign trail? Election campaigns are built on particular forms of
activity, which I do not think are usually relevant in other contexts. Sure, all things considered, it is better for leftists to get out
from behind their various screens and learn to hold eye contact long enough to have a three-minute conversation with a stranger. But
volunteer canvassers on political campaigns learn skills and expectations that they have to unlearn to be effective organizers in their
workplace or apartment building.

I have volunteered for plenty of candidates, and I will almost certainly do so again, if only to wipe the obnoxious dead-eyed smirk off my
city councilman's face. I have seen how these things work and how they differ from what I have needed to do organizing tenant associations
and workplace committees. Canvassing and phone banking requires you to give a fairly short, scripted sales pitch as quickly as possible to a
huge number of people you will most likely never see again. Quantity of interactions is usually prioritized over quality. It's a low
percentage game, and canvassers are trained to move along quickly to the next person, especially if a respondent isn't receptive to the
message of the campaign. You need to cover your turf, and getting into an argument with any given voter just isn't worth your time: if
someone supports the other guy, you wish them well and move on to greener pastures. From the perspective of a campaign, one vote is as good
as any other. Meanwhile, canvassers and phone bankers are relatively interchangeable, and it's easy to show up intermittently for an
afternoon of outreach without having to give your life to the struggle.

Going Deep to Organize
An organizing conversation is very different from canvassing. It's mostly about asking questions and listening to the answers, being totally
present in the conversation, picking up small cues and going deep. Unlike a canvasser, an organizer needs to keep going back to the same
people and build up a working relationship with them over the long run. An organizer at a job or an apartment building or some other bounded
constituency can't always just move on. To win a majority of people over, you need to identify and convince existing social leaders who
influence the people around them and can be a massive obstacle if they oppose you. That means shying away from conflict and disagreement is
impossible. When those leaders are resistant to being organized, the organizer needs to confront their objections head-on, get real, and try
to persuade them no matter what. An organizer depends on building close relationships with a particular set of individuals, because
organizing means asking people to make sacrifices and take huge risks - with their jobs, their livelihoods, their homes - which you can only
do once you have won their trust.

The nature of canvassing matches the incentives that exist in electoral contests, and I don't think campaigning could be improved by
grafting on organizers' techniques. Social science research suggests that virtually all forms of campaigning, from ads to direct mail to
direct door-to-door outreach, are mostly ineffective at changing voters' minds. Almost all voters are strongly partisan, and vote on the
basis of deep-seated identification with a political coalition. The real value of campaigns is in turnout: activating the voters who are
already predisposed to support your candidate, who you can usually identify on the basis of some demographic markers. Given the scale of the
electorate and the short lifespan of a political campaign, it doesn't make sense to invest limited resources in the dubious proposition of
changing voters' minds.

Canvassers get accustomed to having short, semi-scripted conversations with strangers, most of whom are non-committal but polite. Most
people don't like to start fights with strangers, and regular voters tend to view volunteering for campaigns as an admirable thing to do, so
interactions on the doors tend to be pleasant, unchallenging experiences. Volunteers virtually never return to the people they have
canvassed, so they never really have to see whether their efforts to persuade people worked or not. Organizing is different: to organize you
need to know where people stand. Organizing requires you to pierce the veil of social graces, to "stop being polite and start getting
real."If you take collective action at work, you're putting your livelihood on the line and the only meaningful protection you have is the
support of your coworkers, so you better know for sure who you can count on. A polite, non-committal "yes" is worse than useless when you're
trying to count how many people are going to march on the boss.

Moving the Needle, Building Social Power
In my experience, people with a lot of election campaign experience show up to organizing with an expectation that things will work the same
way. They are uncomfortable (understandably!) with digging deep into strangers' hopes and fears, being vulnerable, and really pushing
people. When they have to work with people over the long run and experience the extreme difficulty of moving people to action, they get
discouraged, especially when they realize that early, shallow interactions don't do much to move the needle.

Leftists might be better off unlearning the lessons of electoral work, because these encourage habits of mind that are a real obstacle to
organizing. When left-wing activist groups want to try their hand at "base building," they tend to gravitate towards doing things that
resemble electoral campaigns, like gathering petition signatures through not-very-narrowly targeted canvassing or outreach in public places.
Investing in meaningful organization that can exercise real social power within a particular social or economic institution (e.g. by workers
who share a workplace and collectively manage that production) is much less common, and I'm not sure that the former leads to the latter on
any kind of straightforward path. The techniques of political campaigns are designed for a particular purpose, and that purpose is not
organizing the working class to wrest control of social institutions and emancipate itself.

This article was originally published by Organizing Work blog which provides a platform for shop floor organizing struggles as well as
reporting and commentary on the labor movement.

For more on electoral politics we recommend "Campaign in Poetry, Govern in Prose: Interview with a Former Campaign Consultant" or "The Lure
of Elections: From Political Power to Popular Power."

https://blackrosefed.org/canvassing-is-not-organizing/

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