Today's Topics:
1. International Confederation of Labour icl-cit Statutes -
2018 Parma Congress version (ca) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Poland, Workers' Initiative: Censorship at Volkswagen Poznan
(de) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Canada, Collectif Emma Goldman - Mashteuiatsh: More than 100
people demonstrate in support of Wet'suwet'en and against GNL
Quebec (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL - Charter of the
monthly "Alternative libertaire" (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
0. Introduction ---- One hundred years have passed since the beginning of the 20th century, the heyday for revolutionary unionism. It is no
coincidence that this time was also the high point of workers' struggles, both to win basic rights and for the revolutionary transformation
of society. There's no need to list here the profound changes that our planet has experienced in these hundred years in every aspect: human,
social, and environmental. Some of these transformations have been especially relevant for anarcho-syndicalism and revolutionary unionism at
a global level. ---- For one, the vast majority of organizations that described themselves, in some way, as "revolutionary" ceased to do so.
Most labor unions and political parties as well as organizations of all kinds adapted themselves to the prevailing political situation after
the fall of the Berlin Wall. The word "revolution" disappeared from their vocabularies. They dropped from their practice, inconspicuously,
the aim of profoundly and radically changing society. They became, at best, alternative models for managing the already existing systems. At
the same time, the mere possibility of such a radical transformation disappeared from the collective imagination to such an extent that, at
the beginning of the twenty-first century, there was a need to remind ourselves that "another world is possible". And this self-evident
truth seemed then to be the peak of revolutionary radicalism.
More recently, the prevailing political discourse has gone even further in this direction. Ever since the capitalist system established
itself worldwide, it has been accompanied by and relied upon patriotism, racism, xenophobia, and isolationism. The global crisis of
capitalism has worsened this situation. It is true, of course, that these were always present, lurking beneath the surface of Western
societies. But in recent years they have gained respectability and have become plausible options for government, in a way that would have
been unthinkable a decade ago. This phenomenon seems to repeat itself. Unscrupulous politicians and demagogues have periodically used it for
their own ends. But we had not, for many years, seen this kind of discourse gain such global predominance.
Finally, the unstoppable growth of capitalist structures of production and consumption has brought the planet to the brink of ecological
collapse, if indeed we have not already plummeted over it. One hundred years ago, anarcho-syndicalism and revolutionary unionism could place
certain hopes in the development of productive forces. Now, in contrast, they face the prospect of dwindling natural resources. Clean air
and water are unreachable privileges for millions of people. The tensions associated with ecological disasters, those already happening and
the foreseeable ones, spell decades of conflict, of wars for mere survival with no quarter given, in an increasingly hostile environment.
Of course, we could list more factors. But just these three are already enough to present a harrowing prospect, radically different from the
prevailing expectations when past internationals were born. The combination of these elements is explosive. It calls up images of a
dystopian world of sealed borders, wars over resources, aggressive militaristic nationalism, intolerant conservatism, famines, etc. Faced
with the old slogan "revolution or barbarism", it appears that once revolution has been left by the wayside, barbarism is coming.
However, and precisely because of all of this, we, the organizations that have come together to give shape to this new international, who
call ourselves revolutionary unionists and anarcho-syndicalists, resolutely stand for the need of revolutionary internationalism, today as
much as ever before. Revolutionary, because we will not give up on solidarity and mutual aid as instruments for a radical and profound
transformation of society. And internationalist because, while so many countries are withdrawing within their own confines, we assert yet
again the bonds that bring us together, across borders and nations. We today refer to these same prerogatives that gave life to the
anarcho-syndicalist international founded in Berlin in 1922 and to its principles. Only the global development of a strong alternative,
today as then based on these principles, can possibly reverse the destructive course that we find ourselves on and prevent our descent into
absolute barbarism.
Perhaps it is necessary to stress, in this moment in history when this kind of declarations is not very fashionable, that our commitment to
these two principles, revolution and internationalism, is not just empty rhetoric. Our firm intention is to build and develop a
revolutionary international, starting from the bottom, based on strong local foundations.
That is to say, we understand "internationalist" and "revolutionary" not to be distinctions that can be granted merely by belonging to some
organization. They are not truths which once existed that someone can administer, but rather realities that must be practiced daily on the
ground. Local revolutionary struggles coming together across borders is what builds internationalism, and not the reverse. This organic,
decentralized, and federalist convergence should seek to provide itself with the tools necessary to be effective, explore new content and
forms, and strengthen the local organizations that participate in it. From it arises the need for a formal international in which the
localized revolutionary activity of the member organizations shapes internationalism.
It is clear that if this body is not based on the activity of firmly established member organizations, with clear revolutionary programs,
any purported internationalism could be nothing more than an empty shell, managed from the top down.
We, the member organizations of this international, know very well that unionism in the sphere of production and reproduction is not the
only front that is necessary to build a revolutionary movement. Halting and reversing the course towards disaster that this system has set
us on is a complex and multi-faceted undertaking. It can be approached from many angles since social transformation is a goal that
presupposes and also includes a cultural change. From agroecology to self-managed cooperatives, anti-fascism, the struggle against
patriarchy in the sphere of reproduction, and supporting refugees, to the liberation and sharing of knowledge in the field of education -
there are too many approaches to list here. All of them together will create, in a decentralized fashion, an alternative. We intend to do
our part, contributing some sound and serious work in our area and remaining open to cooperating and coordinating with other forces working
in the same direction.
The gamble is great. If there ever was a promise of liberty, equality, and solidarity, what remains of it seems to be rapidly vanishing. It
is a terrifying prospect. The ruling class will not offer an alternative. We, the working class, need to build one ourselves or there will
be no future. Periods in history are very long, true, but we cannot allow opportunities to pass us by indefinitely. The time to build a
strong consistent revolutionary internationalism is now. There may not be a next time. For our part, we, each one of the members of the
anarcho-syndicalist and revolutionary unions in this international, are committed to giving our best efforts to this process. We are
confident that it will be enough for the huge task we are taking on.
The future is ours. We are the future. Long live the international!
1. Name and definition
1.1 The International Confederation of Labor (ICL) is an international federation with a global scope, composed of anarcho-syndicalist and
revolutionary unions, defined by its principles and its Federative Agreement.
1.2 The ICL is governed by these Statutes, in the version approved at its most recent Congress.
2. Principles
2.1. The member organizations of the ICL share a set of undeniable principles, considered to be essential for creating the possibility for
any truly significant social and economic change, and are committed to uphold these principles in their actions, both at the local and
international levels.
2.2. The principles of the ICL that follow are embodied in its Federative Agreement:
- Anarcho syndicalism and revolutionary unionism: The member organizations of the ICL define themselves as anarcho-syndicalist unions and/or
revolutionary unions, in consideration of historical and cultural peculiarities of the different geographic regions. That is to say, they
are syndicalist organizations that are involved principally, but not exclusively, in the realm of labor, with an ultimate revolutionary
goal. It is thus understood that their activities are directed towards or strive for the transformation of the dominant economic model of
production and consumption, in order to make it respond to the needs of the population at large, in accordance with criteria of equality,
sustainability, and inclusion, among others, and the rest of the principles set forth in these Statutes.
Each member organization of the ICL will define within their sphere of activity the tactics and strategies that they consider most suitable
to pursuing this goal.
As a consequence of all of the above, the ICL defines itself as revolutionary unionist and anarcho-syndicalist, because these are precisely
the characteristics of the organizations that make it up.
- Solidarity: The main tool for achieving a revolutionary transformation of society and the key element of anarcho-syndicalism and
revolutionary unionism is solidarity, understood as mutual aid among all working people towards each other.
In the context of the ICL, this translates as the willingness of all of the member organizations to support the efforts of any of the others
in the process of revolutionary transformation, in the manner and at the time requested by the organization requiring support. However, it
can sometimes be difficult to express this solidarity in practical ways, due to barriers of language, geography, or any other kind. The
member organizations of the ICL state their commitment to explore all possible forms of expressing this solidarity, not merely by carrying
out one-time, occasional acts of solidarity but by developing collaborative work dynamics that can effectively reinforce the activity of the
member unions at the local level.
- Class struggle: As stated above, with their activities the member organizations of the ICL seek to end the present economic system of
production, reproduction, and consumption. This is essentially based on exploitation and profit maximization. It thus stands in the way of
the interest of the workers. Consequently, employers cannot become members at any level of the organization.
- Internationalism: The member organizations of the ICL affirm the need for active solidarity between all workers, independent of their
nationality, place of birth or residence, legal status, ethnicity, beliefs, gender, or sexual orientation. Thus, in accordance with the
principles already laid out, their desire is to extend solidarity to all members of the working class wherever they are found, across the
barriers that artificially separate them.
This drive for internationalism is expressed in the very creation of the ICL as a tool to make this solidarity more effective across borders
and in spite of them.
- Horizontality: The member organizations of the ICL are internally organized in a horizontal, non-hierarchical manner, with decision-making
processes starting from the bottom. The exact way this is put into practice in each case depends, of course, on the organization in
question. This principle of horizontality is reflected in these Statutes, so that the decision-making power resides in each person
affiliated with the member organizations of the ICL, through a decision-making process starting from the bottom. Thus, all of the
administration and facilitation positions considered in these Statutes are irrevocably subject to a mandate from the corresponding stage in
the decision-making process.
- Federalism: To respect this horizontality and the autonomy of the member organizations of the ICL in their respective spheres of activity,
the ICL will operate according to federalist principles. The member organizations will be bound by the Federative Agreement, which defines
the minimum criteria that all members must uphold in their actions, but also confirms the autonomy of the member organizations in all other
questions beyond this agreement on minimum standards.
This Federative Agreement can be found below. It is the logical development of the principles that have been laid out here
In consequence, the ICL will adopt the form and function of a federation.
- Independence: To ensure scrupulous respect at all times for the principles laid out in this article, and to ensure that all of the member
organizations act only in response to the interests of their members and with the goal of the revolutionary transformation of society, it is
necessary that these organizations and the ICL itself maintain their independence from any possible conditioning by external forces. The ICL
will have no sources of funds beyond the dues paid by each of its member organizations in the amount set forth in these Statutes.
For the same reason, the ICL does not take part in elections for representative bodies. Its member organizations should also not take part
in such elections, whether they relate to politics or labor unions.
In order to remain independent from the state, the involvement of individuals belonging to the repressive forces of the state (unless
conscripted) and of private enterprises is prohibited on all levels of the ICL.
- Anti-fascism
- Anti-militarism
- Environmental protection
- Direct action
3. Federative Agreement
3.1. In accordance with the above point on federalism, the ICL shall have a Federative Agreement, or an agreement on minimum criteria, which
lays out a series of conditions that the member organizations or prospective member organizations must comply with.
3.2 While the principles are undeniable, and are generally and globally relevant, the more concrete points in the Federative Agreement can
be conditioned by the specific frameworks for unions and labor law in the areas where the member organizations or prospective member
organizations of the ICL are active. That is to say, certain points could be redundant and unnecessary, others inadequate, etc. It is
impossible to adapt the Federative Agreement in advance to every possible legal and labor context.
For this reason, the context and situation should be taken into account in detail when requiring and interpreting compliance with the
Federative Agreement.
3.3 Interpreting the Federative Agreement, in particular issues of compliance and applicability in concrete situations and contexts, is the
responsibility of the member organizations of the ICL in accordance with the decision-making process described in the corresponding article
of these Statutes, either by referendum or in Congress. This cannot be done by the Secretary nor by the Liaison Committee on their own. In
every case where the Federative Agreement needs to be interpreted, attention should be paid to the criteria described in the article about
the association of new organizations, even when the issue does not involve an application for membership.
3.4 The Federative Agreement that follows is the development of the principles listed in the previous article:
- Any organization that joins or wishes to join the ICL must be an anarcho-syndicalist or revolutionary union.
- Its internal structure should be federal and horizontal, and the internal decision-making process should start from the bottom.
- It may not provide support as an organization to any electoral political project, either individual or party-based.
- With respect to union elections, in countries where these are carried out, the member organizations should reject participation in any
body, organization, election or negotiation process, government entity, or structure which does not respect the principle of horizontality.
That is to say that these are configured as elements of co-management of a company and do not act under a mandate and in the interests of
workers.
- No individual who voluntarily joins repressive forces, state or private, may join or be in any other way included in any member
organization of the ICL.
- To maintain the principle of independence, in those countries where this is a possibility, no member organization of the ICL may receive
economic subsidies, either public or private, for union activities that are being realized or developed.
4. Association
4.1 All those anarcho-syndicalist and revolutionary unions who request membership may form part of the ICL as long as they meet the
conditions laid out in the Federative Agreement.
4.2 Because of its federalist and internationalist methodology, the ICL is not governed by the logic of states, nor does it recognize in its
structure the artificial divisions of borders. For this reason, there can be more than one Section per country. In such cases, the
substantiated opinion of an organization already adhering to the ICL in that country will be taken into consideration, although this will
not constitute a veto.
4.3 In the same way, a Section could have a sphere of activity that includes more than one state.
4.4 The minimum number of individual members in order to be a Section of the ICL is 75 individual members.
4.5 Anarcho-syndicalist or revolutionary unions that are organized in line with the Federative Agreement but do not have this minimum number
of individual members may join the ICL as Friends.
4.6 Groups that are not established as anarcho-syndicalist or revolutionary unions but express a desire to establish an organization in line
with the Federative Agreement and collaborate with the ICL for that purpose may do so as Initiatives, independent of their number of
individual members.
4.7. Sections, Friends, and Initiatives
4.7.1 Sections
The organizations that form part of the ICL as Sections can and should:
- contribute to the effort of expanding the organizing model of the ICL and achieving its goals, based on their capacities;
- provide the number of participants that has been agreed upon at any given moment to the administrative bodies of the ICL;
- take part in the decision-making processes through consensus and, if this is not possible, by voting, in accordance with the current
system of voting;
- pay the dues corresponding to their number of individual members at the currently established rate; and
- receive economic aid from the solidarity fund when they request it, in the manner set out for the administration of that fund.
4.7.2 Friends
The organizations that form part of the ICL as Friends can and should:
- contribute to the effort of expanding the organizing model of the ICL and achieving its goals, based on their capacities;
- provide the number of participants that has been agreed upon at any given moment to the administrative bodies of the ICL;
- take part in the consensus-based decision-making processes, with a voice but without a vote;
- pay the dues corresponding to their number of individual members at the currently established rate; and
- receive economic aid from the solidarity fund when they request it, in the manner set out for the administration of that fund.
4.7.3 Initiatives
The organizations that collaborate with the ICL as Initiatives can and should contribute to the effort of expanding the organizing model of
the ICL and achieving its goals, based on their capacities.
As the Initiatives pay no dues, they do not have the right to draw on the solidarity fund as Sections and Friends do. However, they can
request aid and this will be assessed on a case-by-case basis.
4.8 Admission of new organizations
4.8.1 Any organization that adheres to the Federative Agreement and is interested in participating in the ICL as a Section or Friend should
send their membership application to the Secretary and the Liaison Committee of the ICL. This application should include the following:
- A request for membership in the ICL, specifying if membership is requested as a Section or as a Friend, the number of individual members,
and the geographic sphere of activity.
- A commitment to accept the principles of the ICL and a declaration of agreement with and consent to the Federative Agreement of the ICL,
indicating, if relevant, any aspects of the Federative Agreement they consider to be inapplicable due to geographic, cultural, legal, or
labor-related circumstances, and their reasoning.
- A copy of their current statutes.
4.8.2 If the Secretary and/or the Liaison Committee find formal errors in the application or deem it incomplete, they will return it to the
organization to correct the errors or provide the requested information within a period of three months; otherwise, the request for
membership will be considered withdrawn.
4.8.3 The Secretary, through the Liaison Committee, will send the applications received to the Sections and Friends of the ICL within a
period of three months after they are received, accompanied with a report on the organization's observance of all of the membership
conditions or, if relavent, any inconsistencies or anomalies detected. In particular, the report will make mention of the specific features
of the geographic, cultural, legal, or labor-related circumstances that might be behind a lack of adherence with particular points of the
Federative Agreement.
4.8.4 Along with this report, the Secretary will also call for a referendum among the Sections and Friends of the ICL, in accordance with
the provisions on referendums, so that they can decide whether to accept the new organization.
4.8.5 The evaluation of the potential member organization's compliance with the points of the Federative Agreement falls exclusively upon
the member organizations of the ICL through referendum. It cannot be carried out by the Secretary or the Liaison Committee on their own.
When making this evaluation, the criteria should be one of maximizing the transformative potential of the relevant union system in each
case. That is to say, the extent to which the potential member organization has been able to develop or put forward an alternative and
transformative union model, in a revolutionary sense, within their sphere of activity.
4.8.6 If the organization is accepted for membership, it will be admitted as a Section or Friend of the ICL with full rights effective
immediately, without the need for a waiting period. The admission has to be ratified at the next Congress. During the first six months, it
will have a single vote until an average of its dues paid to the ICL can be calculated, after which time it will have the number of votes
corresponding to its average dues, according to the current system of voting. Additionally, it will provide the corresponding participants
to the Liaison Committee and the relevant work groups.
4.8.7 In the case that the organization is not accepted, the Secretary will communicate this to the applying organization, providing the
reasoning behind the refusal. The applying organization may attempt to correct the reasons for which they were rejected within a period of
six months and re-apply for membership to the ICL, explaining the corrections.
4.9 Disassociations to the ICL
4.9.1 A Section can be disassociated from the ICL for the following reasons:
4.9.1.1 By their own will, in which case they should inform the Secretary and the Liaison Committee of their decision. They will leave the
ICL immediately upon reception of this communication by the Secretary.
4.9.1.2 Due to failure to pay dues for more than one year. In this case, once this period has expired, and if the organization in question
has not submitted a request for exemption from dues in accordance with the provisions on exemptions from dues, resolved or not, the
Secretary will call upon the Section or Friend to pay the outstanding dues within a period deemed reasonable by both parties, or they will
be expelled from the ICL. The Secretary may grant a deferral of at most six months. Once this deferral has elapsed, the Secretary shall
initiate a referendum as to whether another six month deferral can be granted.
The Section in question may pay the outstanding dues, accept expulsion, or request an exemption from dues, in accordance with the provisions
on exemptions from dues. In the case that the exemption is not approved, the Section that requested it should pay the outstanding dues or
accept expulsion.
4.9.1.3 By the ICL deciding to expel the Section. The motives for expulsion can be:
- failure to comply with the principles of the ICL and failure to observe these Statutes and their subsequent amendments;
- publicly acting against the interests of the ICL or of any of its Sections and/or Friends and claiming to represent the ICL for activities
without a mandate;
- acting within the context of the ICL in a manner that harms the interest of the ICL or of any of its Sections and/or Friends, or that
impedes or damages its normal operation, or that spoils the relations among its members; or
- theft, fraud, or expropriation of the assets of the ICL.
4.10 Expulsion process
4.10.1 Any Section of the ICL may request the expulsion of any other Section or Friend of the ICL for any of the reasons listed above.
Friends, the Secretary, and the Liaison Committee may not request an expulsion.
4.10.2 To do so, the Section requesting expulsion must send the Secretary and the Liaison Committee a proposal listing the violations that
form the basis for the request, along with any evidence to substantiate this request.
4.10.3 The Secretary and the Liaison Committee will send this request to all of the Sections and ask the Section that is the object of the
request for expulsion to respond to the request within a period of one month. This response will be sent to all Sections, and will be the
only documentation sent out with respect to the matter.
4.10.4 Once the response has been received and forwarded, or if it was not received before the deadline, the Secretary will organize a
referendum on the question, in accordance with the provisions on referendums.
4.10.5 If the expulsion is approved, it will be effective immediately.
4.10.6 The expelled Section or Friend may appeal the decision within a period of one month, as long as the appeal is sufficiently justified.
When the appeal is received, the Secretary and the Liaison Committee will send it to all Sections and Friends and call a referendum on the
question, in accordance with the provisions on referendums. The outcome of this referendum must be ratified by the next Congress.
4.10.7 After a second referendum, the decision will be final and there will be no room for further appeals.
4.10.8 In the case of a split within a member organization, the next Ordinary Congress decides whether one, both or none will be a Section
of ICL.
5. Relations
5.1 Autonomy of the Sections:
The member organizations of the ICL are autonomous, and establish their own goals, strategies, tactics, and plans of action, with no limits
beyond respecting the Federative Agreement of the ICL.
5.2 Relations with other organizations:
5.2.1 Out of respect for the federal principle that governs the ICL and its Federative Agreement and as an expression of the strict autonomy
of each Section, the Sections can establish tactical or strategic relations, with whatever scope they deem appropriate, with whichever
organizations outside of the ICL that they deem fit.
5.2.2 In turn, the ICL can make contact, cooperate, and collaborate with whichever organizations in the international context that it deems
fit or necessary for the defense of its interests and to promote its principles, always respecting, of course, the Federative Agreement. It
does not matter if this is proposed by a Section, Friend, or neither, nor if the organization being contacted is an Initiative or not.
6. Decision-making
6.1 In the ICL decisions will be made by consensus of all Sections and Friends whenever this is possible.
6.2 To facilitate this objective, when Sections or Friends make two or more different proposals on the same subject, a Reconciliation
Committee will be formed. This will consist of, at least, delegates from each of the Sections or Friends that presented the proposals. The
Committee will draft a consensus text that contains all of the points of agreement among the different proposals, any points of consensus
reached by the delegates in the Committee based on the mandates from their organizations, and that highlights the irreconcilable differences
between the proposals, to be voted on by the Sections.
6.3 The Sections can then vote on any points sent back from the Reconciliation Committee, in accordance with a system of votes weighted by
the number of individual members of each Section, using the following logarithmic scale:
From 75 to 424 individual members: 1 Vote
From 425 to 1,546 individual members: 2 Votes
From 1,546 to 4,243 individual members: 3 Votes
From 4,244 to 9,999 individual members: 4 Votes
Over 10,000 individual members: 5 Votes
6.4 The number of dues-paying individual members referred to above will be calculated by averaging the dues paid by each Section over the 6
months prior to the vote.
6.5 Once the voting has been carried out, a resolution is passed if 2/3 of all votes cast are in favor. That is to say, abstentions will
count toward the total votes.
6.6 At the request of at least three affiliated organizations, an international agreement can be reviewed through a referendum.
6.7 Through a decision of the national congress or a referendum, a Section can reject ICL Congress agreements or referendum decisions.
6.8 Friends of the ICL cannot participate in the voting.
7. Congresses
7.1 The Congress of the ICL will be made up of all of the Sections and Friends of the ICL. It is the highest decision-making body of the ICL.
7.2 The tasks and functions of the Congress are as follows:
7.2.1 To plan the strategic line of the ICL.
7.2.2 To carry out an analysis of the international situation, in all of its relevant aspects.
7.2.3 To clearly define the areas and lines of work of the ICL for the period between Congresses.
7.2.4 To set the general objectives of the ICL in its different work areas and to set priorities among them.
7.2.5 To provide a mandate to the Secretary and the Liaison Committee to carry out the necessary tasks to achieve those objectives.
7.3 The agreements and decisions adopted during the Congress are binding for all the member organizations, the provision included in article
6.7 providing the only exception.
7.4 The Secretary will call the Ordinary Congresses of the ICL every five years. The Secretary will announce the Congress early enough to
give a period of three months to submit proposals for the agenda. These proposals should come from the Sections, and be accompanied by an
explanation. Once this period has passed, the Secretary will set the agenda for the Congress using these proposals, which will act as base
proposals. A period of six months will follow when counter-proposals, amendments, and comments to the base proposals can be sent by the
Sections.
7.5 In the same first announcement of the Congress, the Secretary will call a referendum on the date and location for the Congress, in
accordance with the provisions on referendums.
7.6 A Section may request an Extraordinary Congress at any time it sees fit. Friends, the Secretary, and the Liaison Committee may not
request Extraordinary Congresses. This request should include:
- the reason for the Extraordinary Congress,
- a proposed agenda,
- proposals that develop the points in the proposed agenda, and
- all documentation relevant to the matter.
The Secretary and the Liaison Committee will send this information to all of the Sections and Friends of the ICL and call a referendum on
the necessity of holding the Extraordinary Congress, in accordance with the provisions on referendums.
7.7 If the request for an Extraordinary Congress is approved, the Secretary will proceed to organize it, following the process for Ordinary
Congresses but adapting the time line to the urgency of the Extraordinary Congress.
7.8 The Section that made the initial call for an Extraordinary Congress is obligated to host it.
7.9 Participation
7.9.1 All of the Sections and Friends of the ICL will participate in the Congress. Sections and Friends can present papers, table motions,
and participate in decision-making based on consensus and in the work groups or committees created in the Congress, according to their
capacities. The Sections may also vote in accordance with the current system of voting for each Congress.
7.9.2 The Initiatives of the ICL can attend the plenary sessions of the Congresses and meetings of work groups or committees created in the
Congress, if invited.
7.9.3 All those organizations and/or groups invited as observers can attend the plenary sessions of the Congress. Invitations to the
Congress for observer will be sent by the Secretary at the initiative of the Sections and Friends.
7.10 The Congress is made up of the delegations sent by the different Sections and Friends. The delegations are to come with two copies of
the agreements of their respective Sections in writing (one copy for the delegation and the other for the chair). These are the Direct
Delegations.
7.11 Sections and Friends can also send their agreements in writing to the Secretary before the Congress begins, or give their agreements to
a delegation that will be present. In this case, they would be Indirect Delegations.
7.12 The Direct Delegations may interpret the agreements of their Sections based on their understanding. They can negotiate with the other
delegations present in search of consensus. To this end, it is recommended that the agreements of the Sections and Friends for the Congress
specify in as much detail as possible the limits of their delegations' capacities for negotiation.
7.13 The agreements of the Indirect Delegations may only be read as they are. If there are any doubts as to the interpretation of these
agreements, they will not be included in any consensus that may be reached on the point in question. The Indirect Delegations will also have
no voice on questions or votes that arise during the Congress.
7.14 The Congress agreements are to be reached in accordance with the article on decision-making.
7.15 The Congress sessions will follow the agenda. At the beginning of each session, the Sections present will elect participants to chair
the Congress. The opening session of the Congress will be opened by the Secretary who, after verifying which delegations are present, will
open the Congress and pass immediately to the first item: The election of participants to chair the meeting (a chairperson, a recorder, and
someone to make a speakers list) from among the delegations present.
7.16 Once the Congress is finished, the Secretary will send the minutes of the sessions and a summary of all agreements reached at the
Congress to all of the Sections within a period of three months. Once the minutes and agreements have been sent out, Sections will have
three months to challenge those agreements. These challenges, if they exist, are to be resolved through a referendum, which is to be called
immediately after the period for accepting challenges, in accordance with the provisions on referendums. Once any challenges have been
resolved, the Secretary will publish the agreements from the Congress.
8. Referendums
8.1 The referendum, or a consultation of the Sections and Friends of the ICL, will be the standard method of reaching agreements in the ICL
between Congresses.
8.2 Referendums will be called by the Secretary at the request of any of the Sections or Friends, or automatically in the cases stipulated
in these Statutes.
8.3 To call a referendum, the Section or Friend who desires it should send a request to the Secretary including:
- the issue at hand,
- the motives behind the proposal or consultation, and
- the concrete proposal or consultation.
8.4 The Secretary and the Liaison Committee will forward this full request to the rest of the Sections and Friends within a maximum period
of three months, calling the referendum and asking the Sections and Friends to express their opinions with respect to the referendum in a
period that is no greater than six months from the date that the original request was submitted.
8.5 The Secretary and the Liaison Committee can and should submit to referendum all those questions, proposals, or consultations that exceed
the mandate they have received from the Congress, or those where they require clarification from the Sections and Friends, following the
procedures outlined above.
8.6 The decision with respect to the referendum will be reached in accordance with the article on decision-making.
8.7 For improved internal efficiency, the Secretary can group together all proposals or consultations made in a period of six months.
9. Secretary
9.1 The Secretary of the ICL is the legal representative of the ICL.
9.2 This office will be held by one of the members of the Liaison Committee from one of the Sections of the ICL. It will rotate every two
years with no extensions. That is, every two years the office will be assumed by an individual member of the Liaison Committee from a
different Section.
9.3 The system of rotation will be established at the Congress. It will be valid for the period until the next Ordinary Congress.
9.4 Once two years of office have been completed, the Secretary will automatically step down and be immediately replaced by the next Section
in the rotation.
9.5 The Secretary's duties are:
- to be the public and legal representative of the ICL,
- to call Congresses and referendums when they are required by these Statutes,
- to coordinate the work of the Liaison Committee, and
- any other task assigned by these Statutes.
10. Liaison Committee
10.1 The Liaison Committee of the ICL is to be made up of one representative of each of the Sections and Friends of the ICL.
10.2 This person is to be selected by the Section or Friend from among its individual members and may or may not be its international
secretary, if it has one. The individual member assigned to the Liaison Committee can be replaced at any time by their own Section or Friend
at its own discretion.
10.3 The Liaison Committee can create as many subcommittees and work groups as they consider necessary, in which case the Sections will
decide the best way to organize them. The subcommittees and work groups can include individuals who are not part of the Liaison Committee.
10.4 The members of the Liaison Committee do not represent the organization they belong to, but rather the whole of the ICL. All of their
actions should be guided by the principle of respect for the agreements of the ICL, independent of the position of their Section. They must
carry out the internal agreements of the ICL just as they have been decided on during the decision-making process.
10.5 The duties of the Liaison Committee and its members are as follows:
- To ensure the flow of communication and facilitate collaboration among the Sections and Friends of the ICL, both bilaterally (directly
between individual organizations, autonomously) and between each Section or Friend and the ICL as a whole.
- To carry out the agreements of the Congresses and referendums, to develop the ICL's lines of work set out at the Congress, and to achieve
the goals determined at the ICL's Congress.
- To ensure all internal documents of the ICL are sent to the Sections and Friends in their corresponding language, through translation. For
this task, the Liaison Committee may appoint as many individual members as are deemed necessary.
- Any other task necessary for the day-to-day facilitation of the internal affairs and the coordination of the structure of the ICL.
- To report, in general, to the Secretary and to the rest of members of the Liaison Committee the general opinions prevalent in their
respective organizations or opinions expressed or decisions taken by their organizations in their internal votes, so that the Secretary and
the Liaison Committee can act in a manner that is as respectful as possible of the positions of all of the member organizations of the ICL.
- To submit to referendum, in accordance with the provisions on referendums, all those questions that exceed the mandate of the Congress to
carry out the agreements.
10.6 The Liaison Committee is to meet as often as it considers necessary in plenary meetings, either physically or virtually. Meetings are
called by the Secretary or by one third of the participants. The agendas of these meetings are to be drafted by the Secretary, as
coordinator of the Liaison Committee. The agenda will include all of the proposals of the members of the Liaison Committee and any matters
entrusted to them by a prior Congress or referendum, should there be any.
10.7 Decision-making in the Liaison Committee, in all cases, is to take place in accordance with the provisions on decision-making in the ICL.
11. Treasurer
11.1 The Treasurer of the ICL will be elected at the Congress. They will manage the treasury for the period between two Congresses.
11.2 Once this period has passed, the position may not be extended. A new Treasurer shall be elected at each Congress.
11.3 The Treasurer's duties include everything relating to the finances of the ICL. They will be in charge of its bank accounts.
11.4 The Treasurer and the Secretary will be the two individuals jointly authorized to disburse the funds of the ICL, in accordance with the
instructions of the agreements and the directions of the bodies of the ICL at all times.
11.5 Among the Treasurer's duties is calculating the average numbers of dues-paying individual members of the Sections, in order to allocate
votes before any vote is to be held.
11.6 The Treasurer is responsible for all work related to the dues for the ICL.
11.7 The Treasurer reports to the Secretary and Liaison Committee every six months. The Secretary or any Liaison Committee member can
request a report at any time. An audit will occur at the midpoint of their term and a final audit will occur after a Treasurer has completed
their five-year term. It is performed by a commission of at least two people who are not part of the Liaison Committee and who should belong
to different member organizations.
11.8 The Section to which the Treasurer belongs may replace a Treasurer from their ranks at any time. They must provide the replacement. The
Treasurer can be recalled by a referendum, which can be initiated by a Section or the Liaison Committee.
12. Funding and dues
12.1 The only source of funding and income for the ICL is to be the contributions in the form of dues paid by the Sections and Friends of
the ICL.
12.2 There shall be three categories for monthly dues:
0.10 euros per individual member
0.05 euros per individual member
0.02 euros per individual member
The Congress shall decide which category is appropriate for each Section, based on the economic situation of the workers in the country. A
Section may voluntarily choose to pay higher dues. The monthly dues are set based on a three tier systems in every Ordinary Congress for the
next five years. If a Section has a union of incarcerated workers, no monthly dues are owed for the incarcerated workers.
12.2.1 The Sections and Friends of the ICL are to make their payments to the Treasurer of the ICL at periodic intervals of their choice, but
at minimum once every year, based on the realities of their membership.
12.2.2 Partial exemptions from dues can be requested in exceptional cases for a predetermined and limited period. In order to do so, a
substantiated proposal should be sent to the Secretary or to the Liaison Committee specifying the exceptional circumstances behind the
request for exemption from dues, the duration of the exemption, and the amount by which they propose to reduce the dues. This proposal will
be put to referendum, in accordance with the provisions on referendums.
12.3 A solidarity fund is to be created from a significant proportion of the dues, to be determined in Congress.
12.3.1 The Sections or Friends who so desire or require may request economic aid from the solidarity fund in "ordinary cases" for concrete
projects by sending a substantiated request to the Secretary or Liaison Committee, specifying the project, the necessity of the economic
aid, the amount requested, and any commitment to repay the aid, partially or fully, should they choose to make one. The Secretary ask the
Treasurer to report on the viability of the proposal and will send both documents to the member organizations and call a referendum, in
accordance with the provisions on referendums.
12.3.2 In no case may the combined sum of the ordinary economic aid granted exceed 50% of the total solidarity fund at the time it is granted.
12.3.3 In the case of ordinary economic aid, priority will be given to projects and requests that contribute to the development of the
objectives and the lines of work of the ICL, in accordance with the decisions made at the Congress.
12.3.4 Any Sections and Friends that so desire or require may request economic aid from the solidarity fund for "extraordinary cases" where
funds are required urgently. In these cases, the Secretary and the Liaison Committee can decide, in accordance with the provisions on
decision-making in the ICL, to immediately grant the sum requested.
12.3.5 With respect to the above, cases of extraordinary economic aid could be:
- situations of war, civil war, or natural or man-made disaster;
- situations of revolution, uprising, or severe disorder; or
- situations of exceptional repression.
12.3.6 In no case may the combined sum of the extraordinary economic aid disbursed exceed 50% of the total solidarity fund at the time it is
granted.
12.3.7 In all cases, the requested economic aid can be in the form of one-time payments or periodic payments.
12.3.8 In all cases, the economic aid that is granted can cover the entire quantity requested or only a part, depending on the availability
of funds, after consultation with the Treasurer.
12.3.9 Initiatives can also request economic aid from the solidarity fund, in the manner described above.
13. Headquarters of the federation
13.1 The ICL will locate its headquarters at the headquarters of the Section currently acting as the Secretary, notwithstanding the fact
that a change of headquarters can be agreed upon through any internal vote of the ICL.
14. Dissolution
14.1 The dissolution of the ICL can only be decided at a Congress, which will also determine what to do with the assets of the ICL. The ICL
will not dissolve itself as long as at least three Sections stand against the dissolution.
15. Authoritative text
15.1 In case of any discrepancy between the official versions of the text of these Statutes in different languages, the English text will be
the authoritative version.
Also available in: Español (Spanish)
https://www.icl-cit.org/statutes/
------------------------------
Message: 2
Scandal! Is the management of Volkswagen Poznan trying to make contact with the media more difficult for our union? Before our press
conference, VW lawyers questioned it, claiming that a media meeting was a public gathering that was like a protest. Even more: the police
were called to the location of the press conference. ---- We won't let our mouths shut! It is essential that we be able to inform the mass
media about the deterioration in working conditions, our demands and about the industrial dispute at Volkswagen Poznan. Both local and
national media were interested in the question of poor conditions at the plant this week. ---- Attempts to suppress information at
Volkswagen Poznan are nothing new to us. Management has been preventing us from communicating with our work colleagues for years. Volkswagen
Poznan even wants to allow such banal means of communication as a trade union bulletin board if we no longer distribute newspapers and
leaflets. The company also does not allow the workers' initiative to speak at company meetings - this privilege only applies to the
management of the Solidarnosc union at VW Poznan. Even worse: although workers keep reporting us about occupational safety violations, the
employer denies us a place on the occupational safety committee.
Therefore one of our demands in industrial action is: Equal opportunities for union work!
Although it could sometimes be forgotten in the factory, we live in a free country and have freedom of speech that our union intends to
continue to make full use of.
We would like to take this opportunity to remind you of a legal dispute that we won in April 2019: VW Poznan had sued a member of our union
at the time for criticizing a questionnaire on work organization in the factory. In the justification of the judgment, the labor court in
Poznan wrote: "An act of the employer, which punishes workers for negative statements about him, which do not contain any criminally
relevant formulations and do not prompt the commission of criminal offenses, constitutes a violation of the worker according to Art. 54 of
the Constitutes freedom of expression to the Polish Republic and has no legal protection. "
We won't let our mouths shut!
http://ozzip.pl/english-news/item/2586-zensur-bei-volkswagen-poznan
------------------------------
Message: 3
Date: Sat, 29 Feb 2020 09:30:28 +0200
Over a hundred people, Aboriginals and Allochthones together, demonstrated yesterday in Mashteuiatsh, with strong support from the
community. This rally was intended to support the fight of the Wet'suwet'en, who are fighting against the passage of a gas pipeline (Coastal
GasLink) on their territory, but also in opposition to the LNG Quebec project to pass a gas pipeline over the ancestral territories of
several Aboriginal peoples including the Innu, Atikamekws and Anishnabeg. According to the organizers and the organizer of the event, these
struggles have in common the defense of Mother Earth. In an interview with The Daily, Paul Basilish, an elder in the community, said, "Among
aboriginals, we must stand together. We must not sacrifice our territory to create jobs for a generation. I want to leave healthy territory
for my grandchildren[1]".
The project for a natural gas liquefaction plant in La Baie, a huge gas pipeline crossing much of Quebec and transportation of gas by boat
on the Saguenay Fjord, like the other major projects, continues to raise a lively opposition, despite the intense lobbying of its promoters
and their allies. While the opposition is currently accused of "polarizing" the debate with meager means of communication and some
awareness-raising actions, which for the moment remain symbolic and non-disruptive, the promoters benefit from the bold and very partisan
action of the elites who are trying to advance the project and sweep the opposition in a denial of representativeness (a form of light gag
). It is more than ever necessary to name it: the quest for "public opinion" offers a clear and neat trap for opponents of large projects.
The example of the Wet'suwet'en struggle is there to shed more light on us. Our only chance to be heard and to make them fail is to be more
daring in actions that will have a direct impact on the stakeholders in the case or that will shine the spotlight on their ignominy choices.
These actions, under the distorting prism of the mass media and their editorial gossip, may certainly shock some beautiful mothers and
uncles, bathed for too long in the litanies of the ambient right. They will nevertheless force promoters, elected officials, shareholders
and companies to question their plans, their investments and the possibilities of undertaking these major projects in our living
environments. Direct action can ultimately give us control (without an intermediary) over our lives.
[1]Guillaume Roy. Demonstration in support of the Wet'suwet'en people in Mashteuiatsh. The Daily, February 22, 2020,[Online],
https://www.lequotidien.com/actualites/manifestation-en-appui-au-peuple-wetsuweten-a-mashteuiatsh-661d7831dd87c6dc120f2f2672bd21c3
Listed 21 hours ago by Collectif Emma Goldman
http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2020/02/mashteuiatsh-plus-de-100-personnes.html
------------------------------
Message: 4
Founded in 1991 , Alternative Libertaire is, since July 2019, the monthly magazine of the Libertarian Communist Union. How does its
animation team work ? Everything is explained in its charter. ---- The monthly Alternative Libertaire must offer an anticapitalist and
libertarian look at current events, aimed at both the general public and militant circles. ---- It must combine several requirements: ----
ensure overall consistency, with a summary designed upstream, and a choice assumed in the hierarchy of subjects ; ---- avoid publishing a
fanzine of activists who speak to other activists, therefore guarantee accessible language, attractive titles ; ---- not be confined to the
same experienced writers, but also "push" comrades less comfortable with writing ;
be within the framework of UCL's political guidelines, under the control of the organization.
Role and composition of the newspaper commission
The newspaper commission (CJ) has both a technical and political mandate to prepare Alternative libertarian every month.
She assumes all the tasks necessary for this - writing secretariat (SR) and correction, layout, iconography, web archiving, promotion, etc.
- distributed within a work team validated in federal coordination or in congress.
Its coordination is ensured by a binomial, at least, of referents mandated in congress or in federal coordination.
It is, as far as possible, represented on the federal secretariat.
Work organization
The newspaper commission meets twice a month: a first time to prepare the summary ; a second time to close the newspaper.
The summary and the list of editors are sent to the federal secretariat every month for validation.
During the looping, we correct the paper proofs, we check that the titraille (surtitles, titles, intertitles, hats, legends ...) is varied
and attractive, we bring the final corrections and touch-ups on paper proof, then reported by the layout designer before shipping to the
printing press.
This second meeting is particularly important as a moment of collective work and self-training.
Articles tracking
Newspaper articles can be requested by the CJ from editors who are members of the organization in priority.
They can also be offered spontaneously by members of the organization.
In all cases, the angle of the article, its length, the deadline for its delivery, are the subject of an agreement between the SR on the one
hand, and the editor on the other go. This agreement constitutes a moral commitment which, if not respected, hinders the production of the
newspaper.
Once the article has been returned, the SR does revision work - spelling, verification (dates, places, proper names, etc.), syntax,
feminization - and critical reading: is the subject understandable ? Are there any ambiguities ? Blind spots ? Is the text compatible with
federal guidelines ?
On the basis of this critical rereading, there follows a phase of dialogue between SR and editor, with a view to possibly improving the
text. In all cases, the final published version must have received the approval of the editor.
Editorial slant
The CJ guarantees that the editorial line of the monthly Alternative libertaire corresponds to the federal guidelines of the organization.
It guarantees ordinary ethics in the press: no insults, no defamation, no racist, sexist or homophobic remarks.
Articles are feminized according to the method of periphrasis and repetition (Cf. the "Guide to feminization of the monthly Alternative
libertarian" )
Minority expressions
The right of expression of minorities being registered in the statutes of the organization, Alternative libertarian can publish minority
points of view.
A minority point of view is considered as such since it has been the subject of internal debates in the organization (via the internal
bulletin, in federal coordination, etc.) without having received majority approval.
On a given theme, a minority expression cannot occupy more than a third of the surface devoted to the same theme by the majority expression
(for example an article of 2000 signs versus an article of 6000 signs, or 1 article out of 3 in case of publications in successive issues).
The status of an article, when it does not correspond to the federal orientation, must be explicit: "Point of view", "Mail from a reader",
even writing a hat explaining that a debate is underway in the organization.
Possible disputes
In the event of a dispute before the publication of an article, one or more members of the organization, members or not of the CJ, may
request arbitration at the federal secretariat. The federal secretariat must then decide on the publication or not of the said article, and
its reasoned opinion will be mentioned in the report of the SF, published in the federal circular.
After publication of the article, the arbitration rendered may subsequently be contested before a federal coordination by one or more
members of the organization, members or not of the CJ. The federal coordination must then issue an opinion which will provide the political
framework for the following times.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Charte-du-mensuel-Alternative-libertaire
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