#Worldwide Information Blogger #LucSchrijvers: Update: #anarchist information from all over the #world - MONDAY 15 JUNE 2020

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Britain, Class War: A Day Against Oblivion Daily THURSDAY 11
      JUNE 2020 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Britain, solfed: Black Live Matter: Learning From the Past
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #306 - Solidarity
      districts: mutual aid and politicization in the time of the
      coronavirus (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  ait russia: Black Lives Matter and Neoliberalism[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  avtonom: Enter the Zone: Report from the Seattle Autonomous
      Zone Capitol Hill[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  Belarus, pramen: Escalation of political struggle in Belarus
      in last months in wake of president elections (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  Britain, AF Nottinghamshire: Black Lives Matter
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
8.  ait russia: Seattle Commune: Capitol Hill Autonomous
      Region[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1



Today in Class War Daily ---- International Day of Solidarity With All Anarchist Prisoners ---- Remembering Grenfell ---- They're not your
monuments ---- Class War Daily 11/06/2020Download https://classwar.world/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/CW-Daily-47-200611.pdf ----
International Day  of Solidarity with All Anarchist Prisoners ---- In the 16 years this tradition has been observed, June 11th has
facilitated support and action inspired by imprisoned anarchists - from noise demonstrations outside of jails to letter-writing nights, from
fundraisers to arson. Setting aside this day is one way of remembering anarchists who are serving long prison sentences, generating support
for them, and inspiring solidarity actions. Because social struggles phase in and out, this day is a way to make sure that our imprisoned
comrades are not forgotten. June 11th is a way of combating amnesia, of trying to sustain a long-term memory in the anarchist space. June
11th is a day against oblivion.

The context of June 11th this
year is one in which our lives
have been wrenched out of
normality. A scary time, but
also a time for innovation. And
an especially important time
to remember and support our
imprisoned loved ones. While
calls to release people from
jails, prisons, and ICE detention
facilities during the pandemic
are growing louder and having
some success, it's likely that
many of our comrades' names
will not be on the list for
early release. Whether it's due
to marginalized identities,
terrorism enhancements, a
history of standing up to guards
and prison administration,
or just being an outspoken
anarchist, this means that their
long sentences and already
abhorrent health care and
mistreatment could carry even
worse consequences.

Our new daily lives and our
responses to the pandemic can
carry with them the memory
and support for imprisoned
anarchists. Where we are
working fewer hours, we can
write more letters. Where our
kids are now learning from
home, we can include prisoners'
names in lessons about courage
and about state repression.
Where we give ourselves over to
mutual aid projects, we can take
inspiration from our comrades
and invoke their contributions
and memories
In the last year, Connor
Stevens of the Cleveland 4,
all remaining members of the
Conspiracy Cells of Fire urban
guerrilla group in Greece, and
Tamara Sol in Chile have been
released from prison.
Eric King is still in segregation
and now faces a 20 year charge
related to self-defense actions
he took in 2018. His support
team has started a legal defense
fund. He is scheduled to go to
trial in the summer of 2020.
Anna Beniamino co-initiated a
hunger strike against especiallyrepressive prison conditions in
May 2019. Alfredo Cospito and
other imprisoned anarchists in
Italy later joined this hunger
strike. Alfredo reported
experiencing health problems
related to the strike.

Michael Kimble was put in
solitary after defending a
prisoner from being beaten
by guards. In February he and
his support team launched
a fundraising campaign for
a lawyer to overturn his
conviction. Jeremy Hammond
was called in October to
testify in the same grand jury
that re-imprisoned Chelsea
Manning. Both refused to
testify. In March, Jeremy was
released from contempt as the
grand jury concluded and was
returned to the federal prison
system, though he is currently
being held in the Grady County
Jail in Oklahoma.

Marius Mason continues to
serve his 22 year sentence,
currently at Danbury CT. He is
petitioning for compassionate
release for health reasons
during Covid-19. His support
site is currently down, but
people can donate through
PayPal and Venmo and updates
will be coming on Twitter and
FB until the website is back up.
Lisa of the Aachen bank robbery
case was recently restricted
by a prison magistrate from
being able to leave prison on
weekends and during the day.
As members of the struggles
of the '60s and '70s complete
their sentences, and younger
partisans of recent struggles
emerge from shorter stints in
prison, we can connect with
them in mutually-enriching
relationships. The challenges
of being released from prison
can be mitigated by a strong
community of support;
communities of support can
deepen their own understanding
of prison by direct interaction
with former prisoners. These
relationships can strengthen
each of their participants, and
expand beyond in the form of
new projects and initiatives to
free those still held captive.
One important and often
neglected aspect of prisoner
support is aid to the families
of the imprisoned. Family
members - often constituting a
prisoner's primary or only base
of support - bear the emotional,
financial, and mental hardships
of their loved ones behind
bars. The exorbitant costs of
commissary, phone calls, and
visits put undue strain on those
who, in most cases, are already
struggling to make ends meet.
Social atomization, which
leaves most of us feeling lost,
can be hell for those whose
close companions have been
stolen by the state, and who
lack communities of support.
These struggles continue after
prisoners are released, with
friends and family trying to
find them employment, places
to live, help with parole or other
forms of diffuse detention, etc.
Project FANG provides travel
funds to the families and friends
of animal and earth liberation
prisoners, allowing them to
visit their imprisoned loved
ones. The Rosenberg Fund for
Children provides aid to the
children of activists targeting by
the state. Aside from supporting
these projects, we encourage
anarchists to form relationships
with the families of anarchist
prisoners: some may not share
our ideas (though many do!),
but they do share our desire to
see loved ones in prison survive
and thrive.

As the world descends further
into crisis, we are less and less
able to evade questions about
how we live, what sorts of
relationships we create together,
and what worlds we wish to
inhabit. On the one hand, there
is ever-increasing state power,
the slavery of the individual
to the technological system,
and the anomic loneliness of
modern life. On the other,
there are complex and difficult
possibilities of decentralized
lifeways in which individual
freedom and shared joys mix
in an alchemy which affirms
both. Our bonds, tempered
over years of living and fighting
together, can prove the starting
point for these new forms of
existence. Those behind bars
- who we have kept present
with us in our garden plots
and forest wanderings, in the
melodies of our songs and in
the adrenaline rush of our night
work - are a part of the new
world we hope for. Let's not
forget them for one moment.

Read the stories of
Anarchist prisoners and find
information on how you can
write to them and take action
at www. june11.noblogs.org

https://classwar.world/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/CW-Daily-47-200611.pdf

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Message: 2



The Black Lives Matter movement across the world has certainly created a space for resistance against racism, white supremacy and the
dynamics of colonialism. Colonialism in the past but also the remains of colonial ideas in the present. The idea that black people and
People of Colour, should be "grateful" to the society that offers individuals work and, sometimes, offers asylum and refugee status, is a
product of that old colonial mentality that we have to destroy at its roots. The uprooting of the Edward Colston statue that seems to have
caused so much uproar is a sign of this on-going and all-pervading colonialist mentality. Surely, it is argued, Colston has brought benefits
to the city (of Bristol) and supported in his time a wide range of philanthropic initiatives. The other aspects, the fact that he was a
slave trader, can be conveniently put aside as "not relevant" to today. But if you walk past that statue every day, and if you continue to
suffer racial discrimination, these other aspects are certainly relevant. Part of the legacy of colonial mentality is that things can be
nicely separated off; on the one hand, charitable work and benefit to the city; on the other, the nasty racist side.

Back in 1944, as the Second World War was coming to a close, the African-American activist W.E.B. Du Bois wrote in the American Journal of
Sociology the following words:

"Not only does Western Europe believe that most of the rest of the world is biologically different but it believes that in this difference
lies congenital inferiority; that the black and brown and yellow people are not simply untrained in certain ways of doing and methods of
civilization; that they are naturally inferior and inefficient; that they are a danger to civilization as civilization is understood in Europe"

While we may quibble with the wording, the sentiment is correct and - lamentably - is still true for many people in this country. Again, we
need to root out this kind of thinking, the idea that some should have fewer rights because of their colour, gender, sexuality or ability.
Anarcho-syndicalism fights for a world of true equality, for all people to be valued as they are and also for no limits to be placed on
people's horizons to enjoy a fulfilled and satisfying life free. In addition to fighting for an end to racial domination, we also fight for
an end of the domination of one class over another - managers and company bosses over workers. And we have a history too. When Du Bois was
writing, our movement had been pulverised by war and the rise of fascism. But before, it had been in the vanguard of opposition to
colonialism, imperialism and race hatred. Way back in the 1920s, French anarchists opposed the racial divisions fostered on France's
colonised populations in Africa, Portuguese anarcho-syndicalists opposed the Portuguese state's violent colonial repression in Angola,
Mozambique and other African colonies and the British periodical Freedom in the early twentieth century argued for self-determination in
India. As a movement, we need to recoup that past but even more importantly we need to be (and are) on the side of those who because of
class, race, sexuality or other factors, are crushed by this capitalist system that thrives on division, destruction and disharmony.

http://www.solfed.org.uk/manchester/black-live-matter-learning-from-the-past

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Message: 3



In the Bottière district of Nantes, in full confinement, a group of residents is organizing to share information, help each other and
maintain a neighborhood life. Organizing a group of people via a digital social network highlights communication and conflict management
issues within the group. Experience feedback. ---- Facing Covid-19, at the start of confinement, in order to animate and organize mutual aid
in the Bottière district of Nantes, where I have been living for eight years, I created a Facebook group of " info, mutual aid and
solidarity " that I wear individually without reference to a political association or organization. The goal is that the inhabitants of the
neighborhood appropriate this space for exchange by finding practical information on life in the neighborhood (modified hours of a business,
provision of exit certificates in front of the neighborhood house ...) ; or by small gestures (word in my building offering my help,
shopping for a neighbor at the same time as mine ...).

The goal is to give examples of actions, and to get across the idea that we can all contribute. I invite people living in the neighborhood
(and not all my Facebook friends), I distribute information to associations and structures in the neighborhood (neighborhood house, schools,
leisure center ...), and I stick posters at building doors and in shops. The group is growing fast and people are taking it over. From what
I perceive, residents of the working classes, very little politicized and for the most part having very little, if any experience of
collective organization.

Organize to bring common demands
Through mutual aid within the neighborhood, I wanted to bring the inhabitants of the neighborhood to politicize, and (let's dream a little)
to organize themselves, beyond confinement, to bring common demands that are specific to them. It is obvious that the people who joined the
group do not seek or even resist any political discourse. My few " political " posts have aroused far fewer reactions than the others.
Several people also expressed that they did not want to see political content on the group (which would be a source of disagreement and
division). The priority, for now, is to assure me of their confidence and their interest in the collective under construction.

However, indirect politicization is possible. First by encouraging self-management, then by grasping little things, concrete situations in
the life of the group, to bring reflection to political questions " mine of nothing ". On a poster project, it was mentioned that help would
be given as a priority to those who needed it most. This allowed me to emphasize that this had not been discussed collectively
(self-management), while questioning: according to what criteria we decide that someone is in need ? What right do we allow ourselves ? Do
we really want to reproduce the Caf or Pôle emploi system ? What effects does it make on the most insecure to always have to beg for help
and justify themselves ?

In addition to the lack of experience of collective organization of the inhabitants of the neighborhood, we must add an uneven mastery of
French, written, or digital tools, which complicates communication in a period when it is not our not possible to meet us. I try as much as
possible to write with simple words, short sentences, to avoid too long texts, to stay as clear and understandable as possible. The use of
the video format on Facebook could be a possibility. I also realized that it was not necessary to flood the group of messages too much in
connection with a collective organization, that this had the effect of slowing down the participation of people who posted more individual
information or requests.

For the organization of a collective initiative, it is better to find another framework. A member of the group offered to organize mutual
aid with several people. Faced with everyone's approval, the organization was put in place. As much as possible, I try to facilitate
initiatives that come from other people, rather than being at the origin of them: by organizing telephone meetings, logistics,
communication, animation, reports...

Be accessible to the greatest number
Our first concern was to make sure that neither writing, language nor Internet access were a hindrance. A poster was created and
disseminated on the district, referring to the Facebook group but also to an e-mail and a telephone number. It seemed important to me to
have a unique tool, which people already know, and which makes it possible to adapt to different uses or needs. We simply stayed on
Facebook, creating a new group, more restricted, dedicated to the collective organization of mutual aid.

Some IT tools are difficult to invest and it seems important to limit their use when it is possible to organize otherwise (in particular,
some tools are technically difficult to access for people who only have the Internet on a smartphone). Initially, the mutual aid actions
actually implemented were fairly limited: a few deliveries of races, personal assistance, social ties, etc.



Recently, a group of inhabitants animates, twice a week, a fish auction in different places of the district, under the windows: dressed in
clowns, and in music, they and they sing, joke, declaim the messages which are to them addressed by the inhabitants, and take the
opportunity to publicize the self-help group. Most parents in the neighborhood are hesitant or refuse to put their children back in school.
It seems interesting to me to allow ties to be formed between parents who have a critical look at the choices of the government.

After posting several information on the aid (Caf, rent payment, etc.) I was contacted by several people who wanted help with these
procedures. After the deconfinement, the creation of an administrative self-help group seems to me a good way to highlight the interest of
organizing collectively, and to lead to politicization and class awareness. Everything remains to be built, links are created between
different people, who would not have had the opportunity to meet otherwise, and I am hopeful that an interesting group dynamic will emerge.
Leading this self-help group brought me new reflections. I realize that even if I live in this neighborhood, my realities and concerns are
not the same as those of most of my neighbors,

Collectively think about group animation
I try as much as possible to be inspired by the principles of popular education: to start from people's experiences, their concerns and
distance myself from my own desires or representations. Avoid situations of vertical transmission but, on the contrary, encourage the
sharing and collectivization of knowledge and experiences. I try to stay in questioning and groping, to adapt my approach according to the
reactions and needs of the group. Despite everything, the exercise remains difficult, especially alone. So I looked for avenues of
reflection and spaces where to exchange, to confront myself with outside opinions.

In Nantes, there are two other self-help groups created by comrades in their neighborhoods. We got into the habit of taking stock every two
weeks on the evolution of our groups, and of discussing the questions that this brought us. These exchanges seem precious and really
interesting to me.

I think we would have a lot to gain by creating spaces between people who lead self-help groups, sharing experiences and reflecting on our
ways of bringing these self-help groups to politicize.

Julie (UCL Nantes)

Moderation of the group and drafting of the charter
The animation and organization of a group, especially on social networks, must be able to be accompanied by decision-making and moderation
tools, in order to avoid conflicts and drifts.

A few days after the group was created, several " problematic " posts appeared: denouncing the behavior of neighbors (motocross, sale of
cannabis, aperitif outside), involving heated exchanges, insults... The most insulting publications were neutralized without
authoritarianism or moralization. The question seemed to me to be deeper than the hostile reactions to the non-compliance with confinement
that we have seen on the net. It is a reality that people in the neighborhood are concerned about the behavior of certain young people or
feel stigmatized by issues of delinquency and drugs.

It appeared necessary to have within the group a moderation tool and an operating charter. For this, a survey was organized so that each and
everyone could express themselves on the expectations of the group and the communication within it.

Based on the results of the survey (after one day and 25% participation), a charter was distributed in two forms: a long version, and a
simplified version containing the essential ideas Despite the lack of accessibility of the survey tool, it makes it possible to take
decisions in a collegial way, where each and everyone can express themselves freely and anonymously, while initiating self-management.
Finally, it provides a collective, non-stigmatizing response that meets the needs and expectations of group members.

Julie (UCL Nantes)

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Quartiers-solidaires-entraide-et-politisation-au-temps-du-coronavirus

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Message: 4



"The Black Lives Matter's attitude is, in fact, a militant expression of racial liberalism. Such expressions are not a threat to the
neoliberal project, but rather its bastion - the very project that destroyed social wages, gutted public sector employment and retired
workers, and undermined collective the negotiations and the power of the trade unions were developed by the vast penitentiary apparatus: all
these are phenomena that negatively impacted black workers and the community ... Black Lives Matter is a cry for full recognition of liberal
democratic capitalism under the established conditions. And the ruling class agrees with this " . ---- Draped in Ghanaian "Kente" fabric, a
colorful robe that became popular thanks to afrocentric nationalists in the late eighties, a dozen Congressional Democrats knelt in a minute
of silence before promulgating their legislation on "Justice in the Police." Their action occurred exactly two weeks after George Floyd was
killed by the Minneapolis police, and after an unprecedented wave of protests that swept fifty states, more than 500 cities and towns in the
United States and sparked dozens of solidarity demonstrations around the world. Led by Karen Bass, chairman of the Black Congress, and House
Speaker Nancy Pelosi, members of the congress adopted the language and tone of the Black Lives Matter protests. Some spoke of the "original
sin" of slavery, and South Carolina congressman James Clyburn added that Floyd's death was "just a continuation" of the long and continuous
history of American racism. Even former presidential candidates, Senators Kamala Harris and Corey Booker, abandoned their previous roles as
tough opponents of crime and accepted the acting rhetoric of popular anti-racism. This was perhaps the perfect opportunity to raise a
center-right democratic revival, especially after the unsuccessful campaign to bring Donald Trump to justice and the Social Democratic left
call from Bernie Sanders, who was secondly claiming to be nominated by the party. Senators Kamala Harris and Corey Booker abandoned their
previous roles as tough opponents of crime and accepted the acting rhetoric of popular anti-racism. This was perhaps the perfect opportunity
to raise the center-right democratic revival, especially after the unsuccessful campaign to bring Donald Trump to justice and the Social
Democratic left call from Bernie Sanders, who again claimed to be nominated by the party. Senators Kamala Harris and Corey Booker abandoned
their previous roles as tough opponents of crime and accepted the acting rhetoric of popular anti-racism. This was perhaps the perfect
opportunity to raise the center-right democratic revival, especially after the unsuccessful campaign to bring Donald Trump to justice and
the Social Democratic left call from Bernie Sanders, who again claimed to be nominated by the party.

This moment was a triumph for Black Lives Matter activists, but as soon as tear gas flows dissipate and compassion fatigue sets in, the
neoliberal democrats and the capitalist blocs they serve are likely to benefit from all. Almost all Democratic leaders who "knelt down"
against the racist police openly opposed Medicare for everyone, free higher education and the expansion of other public goods. But their
technical reforms, aimed at reducing cases of excessive use of force and prosecuting police for misconduct, are an ideal way to demonstrate
adherence to racial justice, perpetuating the very pro-market logic and class relations, for the protection of which police and mass
incarceration were invented .

At this point in the resurgent mood of the Black Lives Matter, you should re-read the article by Adolf Reed Jr. "How racial inequality does
not help to understand the system of police violence" - precisely because he so clearly calls the limitations of anti-racism in
understanding the problems of the penitentiary system and warns against anyone left-progressive politics, which tears racism from historical
processes and political economy. As Reed notes, "anti-racism is not an egalitarian alternative to class politics, but class politics
itself." Moreover, anti-racist politics, in fact, is the "left wing of neoliberalism, since its only metric of social justice is to
counteract inequality in the distribution of goods and ills in society, an ideal,

Of course, I already hear the voices of some of my friends, academic colleagues and activists who will grumble and scream, immediately
declaring the presence of a particular trend that embodies the true radical spirit of Black Lives Matter. Others are likely to point to the
scale of recent protests as evidence of a new moment, a turning point that will lead to large-scale reforms. However, as with the Wall
Street Capture protests, the Black Lives Matter is more a mood than a fully formed political force. Let's not forget that it was born as a
hashtag, and although it served as a powerful banner for existing organizations and legislative campaigns aimed at reversing the tendency to
expand the censorship of society, the liberal nature of this hashtag should now be more obvious. than ever. All of us have witnessed how
this slogan has been picked up by the most diverse class strata in recent weeks. Some activists interpreted the pictures of mass protests as
evidence of a gathering political will, but the amorphous nature of the Black Lives Matter, which Reed rightly compared with the slogan
Black Power decades ago, and the ease with which unity was shown in endless memes and viral videos in which police and civilians people
dance in rows, hide the significant political differences that divide the protesters and the general public in the United States. Although a
small majority of Americans share the view that the police are more likely to use excessive force against blacks than against other groups,
millions of people do not share the most bellicose calls for protection or for the dismantling of police units, which were voiced by some
activists (1). Most Americans are upset by police killings, but they also want more effective police work. Over the past five years, police
satisfaction has increased among all ethnic and racial groups, including African Americans (from 50% "at least somewhat satisfied" in 2015
to 72% now).

The Black Lives Matter is essentially a militant expression of racial liberalism. Such expressions are not a threat to the neoliberal
project, but rather its bastion of the very project that destroyed social wages, gutted public sector employment and the retirement of
workers, undermined collective bargaining and the power of unions, and developed an extensive prison system: these are all phenomena that
are negative influenced black workers and communities.

Of course, some activists are calling for a cut in police departments and the prison system, but as a popular slogan, the Black Lives Matter
is a cry for full recognition of liberal democratic capitalism under the established conditions. And the ruling class agrees with this.

During the event on social media, the so-called Black Out Tuesday, giant corporations such as Walmart and Amazon, loudly condemned the
murder of George Floyd and other police excesses. The ostentatious anti-racism was already demonstrated earlier by Amazon, which in February
of this year displayed a red-black-green black flag of "black liberation" over its headquarters in Seattle. Jeff Bezos, the richest man in
the world, even took the time to personally respond to customer dissatisfaction with the fact that Amazon expressed sympathy for the
protesters over George Floyd. "" Black lives matter "- this does not mean that other lives do not matter," said Amazon CEO. "I have a
20-year-old son, and I'm not particularly worried that he might suffocate after being detained once." This is not something which I am
especially worried about. Black parents cannot say the same. " Bezos also pledged $ 10 million in support of "social justice organizations,"
that is, the American Civil Liberties Union Foundation, the Brennan Justice Center, the Equal Justice Initiative, the Civil Law Lawyers
Committee in accordance with the law, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, The National Bar Association, the
National Museum of African American History and Culture, the National City League, the Tergood Marshall College Foundation, the United Black
College Foundation, and the Year Up. Management companies Warner, Sony Music and Walmart allotted $ 100 million to similar organizations.
The protests provided unexpected publicity for Bezos and his colleagues. Just a few weeks before the assassination of George Floyd, Amazon,
Instacart, GrubHub, and other shipping companies that became critical to national quarantine turnover faced growing pressure from worker
activists to protest against inadequate worker protection, low wages, lack of health insurance and personal protective equipment and against
poor working conditions. Corporate anti-racism is the ideal way out of these labor conflicts. "Black" lives are important for high offices
of companies, while those who lead these lives do not require a salary sufficient for life, personal protective equipment and quality
medical care. which became critically important for trade during the national quarantine, faced with increasing pressure from workers'
activists who protested against inadequate protection of workers, low wages, lack of medical insurance and personal protective equipment,
and against poor working conditions. Corporate anti-racism is the ideal way out of these labor conflicts. "Black" lives are important for
high offices of companies, while those who lead these lives do not require a salary sufficient for life, personal protective equipment and
quality medical care. which became critically important for trade during the national quarantine, faced with increasing pressure from
workers' activists who protested against inadequate protection of workers, low wages, lack of medical insurance and personal protective
equipment, and against poor working conditions. Corporate anti-racism is the ideal way out of these labor conflicts. "Black" lives are
important for high offices of companies, while those who lead these lives do not require a salary sufficient for life, personal protective
equipment and quality medical care. lack of health insurance and personal protective equipment and against poor working conditions.
Corporate anti-racism is the ideal way out of these labor conflicts. "Black" lives are important for high offices of companies, while those
who lead these lives do not require a salary sufficient for life, personal protective equipment and quality medical care. lack of health
insurance and personal protective equipment and against poor working conditions. Corporate anti-racism is the ideal way out of these labor
conflicts. "Black" lives are important for high offices of companies, while those who lead these lives do not require a salary sufficient
for life, personal protective equipment and quality medical care.

Perhaps the most important point in Reed's 2016 article is that he insists: The Black Lives Matter and related concepts, such as "new
jimcrowism," are empirically and analytically incorrect and put forward an equally erroneous set of decisions. He does not deny the fact of
racial inequality in criminal justice, but points to a deeper reason and need for more serious political measures. Racism alone cannot fully
explain the spread of prison power among us. It, as Reid notes, is "the product of such an approach to policing, which stems from the need
to restrain and break down the economically marginal and part-time working-class groups generated by revanchist capitalism." Most Americans
have now rejected the most extreme cases of police abuse,

To this day, we had to learn very well that the wines of the "whites" and the indignation of the "blacks" have very limited political value,
and none of them has ever been a stable basis for the formation of such a majority in the people or legislative bodies, which is necessary
for the actual fight against entrenched power in any meaningful way.

The wave of mass protests provoked by the death of George Floyd does not boil down to the Black Lives Matter, but is also a consequence of
the wider pandemic problems and the real difficulties of universal isolation, which was required for public health, but without adequate
sustainable assistance from the federal budget, led to mass layoffs, food depots not coping with unprecedented demands, and the widespread
concern of many Americans regarding their grim job prospects in the near future. The smash-ups of shops that erupted in many cities over the
weekend after Floyd's assassination were not like ghetto uprisings in the 60s, Los Angeles 1992, or even Ferguson and Baltimore in recent
years. Those who stole goods were people of different races and generations, and they targeted central areas of the city and central
shopping areas, such as the Third Street Boardwalk in Santa Monica, Times Square in Manhattan and State Street, and the Magnificent Mile in
Chicago. So far, mainstream civil rights leaders, some Black Lives Matter activists, corporate experts, and many Americans have often and
loudly distinguished between the righteousness of peaceful protesters and the "violence" and lawlessness of looters and rebels. This
position, as well as hyperbolic declarations on the emphasis on skin color, will continue to postpone the acquisition of those public goods
that could really help the most disadvantaged representatives of all races and ethnic groups - those who are most likely to be subjected to
regular surveillance, harassment, arrest, conviction by courts

CEDRIC JOHNSON (University of Illinois, Chicago)

1. "Protesters' Anger Justified, Even If Actions May Not Be," Monmouth University Polling Institute,
2 June 2020, https://www.monmouth.edu/polling-institute/reports/monmouthpoll_us_060220/

SOURCE: https://nonsite.org/editorial/the-triumph-of-black-lives-matter-and-neoliberal-redemption

https://aitrus.info/node/5498

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Message: 5



We are publishing a translation of an interview with the anarchist publication It's going down with a Seattle resident who was in the
streets during a recent riot (related to police violence against blacks) and saw right-wing volunteers, police and the National Guard attack
the demonstrators in the Capitol Hill area. Now, after more than a week of intense protests and clashes with the authorities, Seattle's
police have left their eastern section and an autonomous zone has emerged around the empty building. Wanting to learn more about what was
happening, It's going down to discuss what happened on the streets in the past week and a half. ---- B then generally takes place in Seattle
since both began in late May mass riots?

In Seattle, it all started on Friday May 29th, and Saturday May 30th was the most active day of rioting and robbery. All of the following
days were similar to each other, but as a rule, everything revolved around the Seattle East Police Station in the Capitol Hill area . This
is where most of the evening clashes with the police took place.

Every day, mass demonstrations were held throughout the city, and the infrastructure of the protest along the main business corridors of
Capitol Hill was growing. Food, music, doctors, book desks and veneration of the memory of the dead - all this appeared during the week.

The other day, the police announced that they were packing up and leaving their site. What do you think of it?

Honestly, we don't know why they did it. There are many theories about why they left the site. Some people think that they have run out of
resources, others think that it was a political step on the part of the mayor. From my point of view, it was such a "good move" by the city
administration. The press fell upon them for blockades with tear gas every night and for street clashes, but the crowds did not get smaller.
When that dude started shooting , people rushed to the area to support the protesters.

The risk that people faced in confrontation with the police every night did not become a deterrent, which, I believe, was counted by the
city administration. After they left the station, which certainly was a blow to their power, less attention was focused on the paramilitary
police, which are still scouring the area.

They also launched a tough fight against "arson", using panic posts on social networks about "threats to set fire to the site" and that
Seattle firefighters were "ready". From my point of view, the administration decided on such a strategic move in this game, when it realized
that what they defend is, at best, just a symbol. But they did not take into account how important the symbolism is for rebellion - a good
example here is the statues that are now demolished around the world.

Neighborhood Capitol Hill , in Which a m going to people, often Opis yvayut as "autonomous th zones in" . Can you tell us more about this?

Autonomy means different things to different people. This space, of course, is now not controlled by the administration. But it's important
to remember that because of the pandemic, this area has been almost abandoned for the past 2 months, and this made it a great place to
capture. In addition, it was easier to feel that it was truly ours.

Capitol Hill has always been a queer district, and at all times, punks, musicians and all kinds of freaks have lived here. Clashes around
Ferguson in 2014-2015, Occupy in 2011-2012, anti-police movement 2010-2011: most of these conflicts took place in this area. It has always
been "our" district - but, like in almost any other city in the USA, rapid gentrification and demographic shifts drove all of ours out and
turned Pride month into corporate entertainment, and the district into a technological corridor. Now the streets are ours again, and the
next battle begins with the question of what it means to be autonomous.

What kind of people come to events? What are bureaucratic left groups and Peace Police (a group of volunteer peacekeepers) doing in this
context , and how do protesters relate to them?

After 9 days of riots, robberies, demonstrations, sit-ins, clashes and everything else, it is very difficult to divide the crowd into any
categories. But overall, especially for the Pacific Northwest of America, this is one of the most diverse, age-old, and general riots I have
ever seen.

The streets are filled with energetic buzzers and street-hardened anarchists, "peaceful protesters" and those who want to directly confront
the police and capital. Tactically, the idea arose that it was always permissible to defend with violence, but more aggressive actions
against the police were not so straightforward. This led to the formation of a very influential element of the Peace Police.. Despite this,
all kinds of people continued to attack the ranks of the police, throw all kinds of crap (lots of crap!) And generally try to do something
when the police literally poured tear gas into people's faces. The complex relationship of race and leadership was very noticeable in these
clashes: for example, the white ones prevented black youth from performing conflict actions, because, like, "black leadership" and all that.
All this made it difficult to rally the crowd, but did not make it impossible. Damn, yes, despite the whole Peace Police , people were able
to repel the attacks of the National Guard, and forced the cops to leave their favorite site, so in the end they are not so influential.

In general, in these quarters you directly felt a lot of emotions in your gut. There was so much joy and anger, because people for the first
time in several months physically came together because of the Covid-19 pandemic. Every night, these musicians, the Marshall Law Band,
played live, and in the next block, police sprayed tear gas and threw noise grenades. The word "surreal" is very relevant to this experience.

Now H Discount Ordering guard left. Does something change at all?

At least last night (June 8), the National Guard was still in Seattle. They were seen in school parking lots and in parks around the area.
But the fact that they no longer stand behind the backs of police ranks (and even those have already disappeared from the district) clearly
makes the atmosphere more relaxed. A lot of anger and rage fell upon the National Guard when they physically went to the protesters with the
police. It seems that people still believe that the National Guard serves the "American people," so everyone called them traitors for
playing a role in suppressing the uprising. The Seattle School Board tweeted that they were looking for a way to remove the National Guard
from their parking lots. This is an encouraging statement for all those who had to look out for them all last week.

Law enforcement in Seattle and Portland seem to be trying to simply starve people to the streets ah: they use tear gas over and over again .
Can you say something about their street strategy in general? How did people respond to it?

Seattle police in recent days have clearly tried to fix their image, and this led to their departure from the site. They endlessly broadcast
warnings through the speakers about the importance of peaceful protest and that "you, the protesters, are moving towards us, but we are not
moving in your direction." Ultimately, these warnings end with a wide range of crowd dispersal tactics: tear gas, pepper cylinders, pepper
balls from paintball guns, rubber bullets and noise grenades that are thrown right at the protesters.

I am very inspired by the ability of people to remain calm during these aggressive police maneuvers. Countless videos show that the crowd is
simply slowly retreating from the advancing police lines, forming defensive lines with shields and umbrellas, sometimes even throwing gas
grenades back at the cops. It is at these moments that some people take the opportunity to throw all kinds of things at the police, and this
is still not very welcome on the streets, even when the police are actively attacking.

Last but whose in Seattle some civilian drove into the crowd and opened fire , hit one man. How often do far-right and other "warriors"
appear, is violence a problem on their part?

It is not yet clear who this shooter is. According to the majority, he is just some ordinary non-white dude from the southern part of
Seattle, who does not belong to any organization. Instead of thinking on it, it seems to me important to discuss the response to his attack,
since there is no doubt about it.

When he began to approach the crowd at high speed, people without hesitation began to stop him. People got in the way, tried to pull him out
of the car, pushed others to safe places and eventually physically stopped the car with the help of remade cop barriers. Someone got a
bullet for these efforts. It was a terrible and incredible moment, it became a vivid example of how the liberation process will be attacked
from different angles and will be forced to defend itself in various ways. Those involved in all of this clearly understood that the police
didn't give a damn about our safety, and that we could protect ourselves from the violence of the reactionaries without the help of the police.

In fact, the threat of violence by the reactionaries is very real, and I am afraid that we will soon see how this boomerang returns to us.
But now, it seems, the greater threat is the fear itself. Here we are talking, and hundreds, if not more, send messages, tweet and spread
unreasonable rumors that supposedly crowds of enraged conservatives are already on their way to Capitol Hill - at any given time. Such a
constant amplification of the signal of the police channels makes it very difficult to organize real resistance when (and if) the
right-wingers really decide to attack us.

Accusations of "pogroms" liberal disinformation, conspiracy theories - wide th lion th scene really showed and that it lacks a common
analysis and understanding of the current situation. I wonder how people deal with a sea of misinformation and unscrupulous commentators .

So many people are participating in the movement that it is very difficult to point out a single reaction to all this. It also depends a lot
on which environment you are from. We see that those who position themselves as "leaders of the movement" - in fact, just catch fish in
troubled waters. At the same time, others also think of anarchists. In general, our answer is to really be in place, to provide access to
literature and information, to fight night after night, to confront Peace Police and help doctors clean their bodies, get people out of
prisons and start important discussions. And most importantly: to enter into alliances and create collectives that will be necessary to
develop this success beyond the Eastern section.
youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=S7xVP4yfjlE

https://avtonom.org/news/voyti-v-zonu-reportazh-iz-avtonomnoy-zony-kepitol-hill-v-sietle

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Message: 6



Some of you might have seen Belarus in news on Coronavirus. Dictator Lukashenko didn't want to move on with quarantine. Instead he was
generating ideas to solve the problem with COVID-19. For example, in one of his press conference he suggested that vodka and sauna can save
you from the virus. Driving tractor in the field was also one of the options. To show the dedication to the cause of ignoring coronavirus
Lukashenko even organized a military parade on 9 May - day of victory in the second world war. ---- However outside of those news there were
a lot of things happening in the country. People saw that once again you can't count on the government and started organizing by themselves
as in many other countries. Support for the medical personal was coming from small business and self organized initiatives. Collection of
information on the spread of the virus became task for non-state media websites and independent journalists. Information on the situation
was passed on to the society through the medical personal that was blowing the whistle on the situation.

This was not left without attention from the state. After 9 May over 100 journalists and bloggers were detained for live streams on
situation in different regions with the epidemic. Many were sentenced to short 10-15 days arrests and some got fines for disturbing public
peace.

To press on with politics as usual government announced on 8 May that president elections will happen on 9 August 2020, just three month
beforehand giving short window for anybody but Lukashenko to register himselves/herself in the race. Most of opposition politicians have
declined to participate in the elections as the government doesn't count the voices so or so. However some "independent" figures appeared.
One of the is a wife of and independent blogger. He started using events planned for signature collection for his wife as political rallies.
With speeches, thousands of people and demands. For several days police and KGB had no idea what to do with those. But at one of those
events provocation by police was started with mass detention. As a result, one police officer fell on the ground. Police got legite reason
to use force against other demonstrators. Several people are now charged with attack on the police officers. Dozens got short term arrests.

https://pramen.io/en/2020/06/escalation-of-political-struggle-in-belarus-in-last-months-in-wake-of-president-elections/

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Message: 7



Nottingham Black Lives Matter are doing an excellent job of countering institutional and structural racism with the Forest demo and march
through Radford towards the city centre on Sunday afternoon. It should be remembered though that in 2016 the Highways Act was shamefully
used to convict 4 BLM activists in Nottingham after a lock-on to tram lines outside the Theatre Royal (they were ordered to pay £155 each in
court costs). Back then, the August 2016 day of action across the UK coincided with the fifth anniversary of the police shooting of Mark
Duggan, which had led to the summer 2011 riots - which, by the way, were dealt with by an all-night court initiative of the then Director of
Public Prosecutions but now Labour Party leader, Keir Starmer!

So it's not very long ago that local and national authorities prosecuted people taking necessary direct action against racist killings.
Hopefully they will find it a lot harder to do so in the future as the movement grows larger and stronger. This said, Nottingham Post
reported on Tuesday that cops were looking at video footage to try and identify someone responsible for the minor graffiti (spraying of
Black Lives Matter) on the Council House at the end of the demo, even though other BLM activists chose to clean it off later while local
policitians, council and police alike had been falling over themselves to support the demonstration or commend the protesters. As this was
on council property presumably the same figures could decide to drop this attempt to criminalise protest. We'll need to see what happens and
take support action if anyone is arrested.

https://nottsblackarrow.wordpress.com/2020/06/12/black-lives-matter/

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Message: 8



The Capitol Hill Autonomous Region (CHAZ), or Free Capitol Hill, spans 6 quarters in downtown Seattle, in the North American state of
Washington. It was formed on June 8, 2020 during protests against police violence that broke out after the police assassination of George
Floyd. ---- Seattle police left the city's East Police Station, and it became the heart of the new territory. Local government in the zone
is decentralized; The goal is to create a police-free area. Demands were put forward for control of rental housing, the cessation of
gentrification, the elimination of the police, the provision of municipal health care and the removal of all charges against arrested
protesters. Political reactions to the creation of an autonomous zone diverge. US President Donald Trump said that the territory was seized
by anarchists and terrorists and demanded that the governor of the state and the mayor of Seattle "return" it to the control of the
authorities. The mayor of the city, Jenny Durcan, prefers for the time being to pretend that nothing special is happening. On June 11, she
announced that it was "four blocks in Seattle, which is more like the atmosphere of a quarterly party. This is not an armed capture. This is
not a military junta. We'll make sure we get it back, but we've got quarterly parties all the time and things like that in this part of
Seattle ... There's no real danger to society. "

The Capitol Hill district has traditionally been known as a center of mass protests, such as protests against the WTO in 1999, which marked
the beginning of the anti-globalist movement, and the Seize Seattle rally. The spread of opposition sentiment is facilitated by the fact
that counterculture and "non-traditional" sexual subcultures have long been prevalent here. Protests after the murder of George Floyd began
in Seattle on May 29. For 9 days, protesting battles took place on the streets with Seattle police and the Washington State Guard. On June
5, Mayor Jenny Durcan and Police Chief Carmen Best imposed a 30-day ban on tear gas. The object of the protest was the Eastern Police
Station, where city police brutally dispersed the demonstrators using rubber ball and stun grenades, as well as pepper sprays. On June 7,
metal barriers and cement blocks were erected around the site besieged by the protesters. On the same day, a car crashed into a crowd of
demonstrators, whose driver opened fire and wounded one of the protesters, and then took refuge behind the police. Crowd. The crowd
surrounding the site grew; people threw bottles, stones and fireworks at the building, and soon after midnight the police again used tear
gas. On June 8, authorities decided to "de-escalate": the police retreated, leaving the site, closing the windows with slabs and leaving the
front door open. Protesters erected barricades in the streets and proclaimed the creation of Free Capitol Hill. whose driver opened fire and
wounded one of the protesters, and then took refuge behind the police. Crowd. The crowd surrounding the site grew; people threw bottles,
stones and fireworks at the building, and soon after midnight the police again used tear gas. On June 8, the authorities decided to
de-escalate: the police retreated, leaving the site, closing the windows with slabs and leaving the front door open. Protesters erected
barricades in the streets and proclaimed the creation of Free Capitol Hill. whose driver opened fire and wounded one of the protesters, and
then took refuge behind the police. Crowd. The crowd surrounding the site grew; people bombarded the building with bottles, stones and
fireworks, shortly after midnight the police again used tear gas. On June 8, authorities decided to "de-escalate": the police retreated,
leaving the site, closing the windows with slabs and leaving the front door open. Protesters erected barricades in the streets and
proclaimed the creation of Free Capitol Hill. closing the windows with plates and leaving the front door open. Protesters erected barricades
in the streets and proclaimed the creation of Free Capitol Hill. closing the windows with plates and leaving the front door open. Protesters
erected barricades in the streets and proclaimed the creation of Free Capitol Hill.

One of the witnesses of the incident, anarchist Laura says: "The police clearly expected people to try to break into the police station or
set it on fire. They even arranged wooden panels around the entire building and laid out pallets. The demonstrators then walked right
through them, because they wanted to put down all the barriers put up by the police. Then they used these fences and barriers to build
barricades at intersections. The barricades are folded so that people can easily go through them, but the car would just crash into them and
stop. "

"In the moments that came after the police left the scene around Capitol Hill, a sense of excitement reigned in the air before the
barricades were built. Knowing that the police had left, the demonstrators began to hold demonstrations without fear of reprisals. At this
point, the protest moved to the autonomous zone. The group was located in front of the police station and began to create a zone of about 6
quarters, the Industrial Worker newspaper, published by the radical union Industrial Workers of the World, reported. - The Capitol Hill
Autonomous Region is embraced by a sense of liberation and community, which Laura describes as "similar to what it encompasses at a local
sporting event or big celebration, mixed with a sense of active struggle with the police (...) The Commune in Capitol Hill is united by a
common desire strengthen the autonomous zone. No matter, for how long it will last, the autonomous zone will awaken hope in the hearts of
the world working class. It reminds us that the working class, in spite of all obstacles, will win its freedom from the capitalist class. "

The free zone is located around the building of the Eastern Police Station. It extends north to East Danny Way, east to 13th Avenue, south
to East Pike and west to Broadway. Within the zone, Cola Anderson Park was entirely. Barricades and barriers were erected at the
intersections of the streets. At the entrance to the Zone, a barrier rises with the inscription: "You are entering Free Capitol Hill." The
inscription also hangs: "Now you are leaving the USA."

On the East Police Station building, the word "cop" was smeared with spray paint, and the inscription now reads, "East Section of Seattle's
People's Department." "This space is now the property of the people of Seattle." The building is painted with anarchist symbols and
graffiti. An unofficial emblem of the Zone was a pink umbrella.

The internal management of the autonomous zone is a cross between the assemblies of the "Take Wall Street" movement and the organization of
an independent student housing cooperative. Protesters proclaimed their intention to create an urban area free of the police, and a society
in which the police would become unnecessary. They advocate the free possession of firearms as a means of ensuring security. For example,
armed members of the left-wing anti-fascist workers' rifle club named after John Brown of Puget Sound were seen on the streets. Washington
is permitted to carry weapons; however, according to USA Today, no one carries them in the Zone.

The attitude to the official media is sharply critical: on June 9, protesters kicked reporters from the Zone of the local branch of the Fox
channel out of the Zone. This is not surprising: conservative media are conducting a fierce propaganda campaign against the autonomous zone,
portraying it as a source of danger to citizens. Police say protesters extort money from property owners in the area, although they admit
that not a single statement has been received.

The Seattle movement has no leader. However, various media outlets are trying to attribute leadership to individuals or participants. So,
the City Journal on June 10 noted that the political strategy of the commune was formulated by the former candidate for mayor Nikkita Oliver
from the People's Party. In one Fox News commentary, rapper Raz Simone was named the leader in the Zone. City authorities say that there is
no evidence that the Zone was organized by an association of antifa groups. The Zone was announced by the radical industrial workers of the
world.

On June 9, a list of 30 demands made by the autonomous zone was announced on the blog. This includes Seattle's de-gentrification, rent
regulation, the liquidation of Seattle's police department and courts, a federal investigation into police brutality, etc. Three crucial
requirements are highlighted on the wall of the autonomous zone: the cessation of police funding, the financing of local health care and the
removal of all charges against protesters. Other demands also sound: the elimination of prisons, the destruction of cases in connection with
the use of marijuana and the provision of voting rights to prisoners. Among the participants in the Zone there is a discussion of the
requirements, some of whom believe that the creation of a commune should be the beginning of a revolution, while others emphasize the fight
against police violence. "The more we emphasize and focus on the racial thing,

The New York Times describes the experiment without police as a "half street festival, half commune." Tents were set up near the former
police station. On June 9, the Cooperative No to Cops was organized: it is engaged in the free distribution of La Croix water, hygiene
products, shawarma and other food. Money is not accepted here. But further down the street, there is capitalism for the time being: hot dogs
for $ 6 are sold in the booth. In one of the neighborhoods, a smoking area was allocated. Another has a medical station. On the corner of
12th Avenue and Pine there is a platform for tich-ins. Speakers through the microphone urge people to continue the fight. An open-air cinema
is organized with a projector and sound system. The first film shown was the 13th Ava Duvernay documentary about racism and prisons.
Seattle's Department of Transportation has provided mobile toilets. In municipal buildings, protesters gather to discuss plans and
strategies. Restaurants and cafes work.

Peaceful street demonstrations remain a form of struggle. During one of them, protesters broke into Seattle's city hall, demanding the
resignation of Mayor Jenny Durcan. Despite this, city authorities continue to provide utility services to the Zone, including fire safety
and garbage collection. On June 12, it was reported that protesters from the Black Lives Matter are in talks with the authorities to
eliminate the autonomous zone. Seattle's police chief said the authorities are working to bring the police back to the station.

On June 11, a team from the City Department of Transportation arrived to replace some of the orange barriers (including the one that says
Capitol Hill People's Republic) with flower boxes to create a pedestrian zone. However, some of the protesters began to object, and the
brigade had to retreat. About how long an autonomous zone should exist and whether it can be somehow "legalized", there is no unity among
the participants in the movement.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capitol_Hill_Autonomous_Zone;
https://enough-is-enough14.org/2020/06/10/seattle-die-geburt-der-autonomen-zone-capitol-hill/;
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/11/us/seattle- autonomous-zone.html

https://aitrus.info/node/5499

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