Today's Topics:
1. Czech, AFED: Germany: Barricades at Rigaer Strasse [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #307 - Politics,
Inequalities: 93, champion of excess mortality (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
Inequalities: 93, champion of excess mortality (fr, it,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. US, black rose fed: From Wildcat to Union Reform: The West
Virginia Teacher Struggle Continues By Michael Mochaidean
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
Virginia Teacher Struggle Continues By Michael Mochaidean
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. palang hitam anarkis INDONESIAN BLACK CROSS: Covid-19
Protection and Care Guide in Prison (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Thirty years on from when it was first occupied, the long-running Berlin squatted residence Rigaer94 is once again under threat from an
aggressive eviction attempt involving security guards, squads of riot cops and construction crews. ---- The latest siege started earlier
this month on July 7th when a new eviction notice was put out following weeks of harassment under cover of the "Infection Protection Act",
followed on Thursday 9th by a major assault by more than 100 riot cops, who used neighbouring property and rooftops to get into the squat's
back yard. ---- The force's ostensible reason was to check for forged documents, which saw them search several apartments, but it acted as
an advance run for new "property manager" Tosrsten Luschnat and his cronies to make their own move.
The plan appears to have been to use raids to arrest as many people as possible, break open doors and make the place ready for the bailiffs.
On Friday and Saturday a security team rocked up to the front and with cops guarding the broken-open entrance, duly accessed a ground floor
flat. They also attacked a fourth floor flat in the building, using a construction tram to try and smash through a bricked-up door, but were
repelled, deciding instead to junk everything on the ground floor.
Later in the evening a large solidarity demo arrived and stayed gathered outside the front of the house until late in the night. Luxury cars
and nearby walls are sprayed with R94 and four people were temporarily arrested nearby.
The main assault came on Monday, when Luschnat came down at 8am to demand access to the building, accompanied by a large force of copsm
security guards and building workers. Evictions were again stymied by a new entrance door, and the forces once again withdrew at around 11am.
Later in the day a solidarity rally drew around 100 people in solidarity, with a speech being given at around 7pm. "Rigaer94 has again
become a fortress," the speaker said. "A fortress that has to withstand the rams of Berlin police and the sledgehammers of construction
workers, but a fortress also for the ideas of freedom, self-determination and solidarity.
"We are happy to be here today after 30 years of Rigaer94, which were started by a completely different generation, and to get in touch with
you. Many of us have been through a three-week siege of cops, construction workers and bailiffs in 2016, have conducted countless house
searches and confrontations with state power.
"Some of us are new here and see ourselves for the first time in a situation like this, when it comes to defending a living space and at the
same time an important social and political space. We are all aware of the constant danger of being exposed to such attacks. We regularly
receive threats from Nazis, fanatical inner politicians and cops. But frankly, we didn't expect the next attempt to get rid of us, the way
it was in 2016. That the cops are trying to evacuate by inventing an owner of the house they send out so they don't get their fingers dirty.
Of course, this method is transparent and it is by no means a rarity in this city.
...
"This is a call to all of you, today, tomorrow and every day to translate the ideas of solidarity and freedom into action.
But this is also a call together to defend against all attacks that affect our projects - Liebig34, Syndicate, Mutiny, Potse - they are all
being pushed to give way to the city of the rich, which we must prevent together to continue to live here, but also to continue together to
be able to fight against state and capital. We are joining the words for the nationwide demo on August 1st: Get off the defensive! Stay away
from our projects, stay away from our apartments!"
As of Wednesday, it appears that the police were attempting a different set of tactics - personal checks. Between 9am and 11am cops rushed
up and down the street, stealing a banne and making referrals for up to 48 hours on the grounds Rigaer is a "danger area". Things have
seemingly been quieter heading into the weekend, but the squat remains vigilant.
Source:
https://freedomnews.org.uk/germany-barricades-at-rigaer-strasse/
https://www.afed.cz/text/7207/nemecko-barikady-na-rigaer-strasse
------------------------------
Message: 2
An analysis by the government agency ONS (Office of National Statistics) reveals that in the United Kingdom, faced with Covid-19, it is the
most disadvantaged areas that have had the highest death rates. In addition, people of color are more likely to develop severe symptoms on
contact with the disease. A debate was launched on these questions, in particular on the means to be implemented to protect the people most
at risk. ---- The finding is clear. In the United Kingdom, according to the ONS, a person is more likely to die from Covid-19 if they come
from a disadvantaged area than if they come from a wealthy neighborhood. Moreover, based on ethnic statistics, it appears very clearly that
people belonging to the "BAME" category (blacks, Asians and ethnic minorities) are more fatally affected by the disease than white people,
this tendency is even more so. exacerbated for men. So during the epidemic, a black man was four times more likely to die than a white man.
Social inequalities seem to play a role in these results, but not only.
By carrying out a statistical rebalancing on these factors, there is still an excess mortality among black populations originating from the
Indian subcontinent. On the side of other causes, the over-representation of racialized women in so-called "key " professions is considered.
workers", more exposed to the epidemic. Finally, the pre-existing health inequalities of the epidemic played a role, the "BAMEs" are more
affected by diabetes or cardiovascular diseases, aggravating factors in the case of Covid-19.
In France, in the 93, an excess mortality that raises questions Seine-Saint-Denis is the Ile-de-France department which recorded the
greatest excess mortality of its population during the epidemic. If we compare the months of March-April 2020 to the months of March-April
2019, the number of deaths has increased by nearly 130%. In comparison, the number of deaths in Paris increased by 90% and in Seine-et-Marne
by 65%. The poorest department of the metropolis, the 93 concentrates a large part of the workers and essential workers of Île-de-France.
-France, almost 19% of cashiers, cashiers, salespersons, and 21 % of delivery men and women live there. In addition, the population of the
department, largely from immigration, has high rates of diabetes and chronic respiratory diseases.
Socio-economic inequalities, ethnic origins and levels of exposure to the virus are factors that are interrelated and appear to increase the
risk of mortality from covid-19. In the United Kingdom, the issue of protecting people at risk is starting to be debated, especially at
work. For the moment in France, the vagueness remains because the data is lacking. Faced with the uncertainty of the arrival of new waves of
contamination, it appears urgent to take up the issue.
Simon - UCL Pantin
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Inegalites-Le-93-champion-de-la-surmortalite
------------------------------
Message: 3
In the aftermath of the 2018 wildcat teachers strike in West Virginia that kicked off the #Red4Ed movement networks of militant teachers
formed the rank-and-file caucus known as West Virginia United and for the past five months the group has been working to challenge the
incumbent leadership of the West Virginia Education Association (WVEA) in the first competitive election for the union's top leadership
positions in twelve years. And while the caucus lost the elections, the effort leaves many lessons to be learned for those pursuing the
"rank-and-file strategy." ---- Prior to the Campaign ---- WVEA's elections occur every year at the annual Delegate Assembly. Most NEA
(National Education Association) state affiliates have a similar election process - presidential elections occur every few years, while
executive committee member positions are up each cycle. In West Virginia, presidential and executive committee terms are three years, with
between 3-4 seats available at every Delegate Assembly. WVEA uses a delegated system for voting, so only those individuals who have been
elected to serve as a delegate can vote at the annual assembly. This process limits the possibility of reaching all union members and, in
the past, has meant that only the most active and loyal supporters of the old guard are in attendance.
This has changed in recent years as more progressive and left-leaning members were elected to serve as delegates. However, it was never
enough to put unified energy towards a slate of candidates for leadership. The cycle continued unabated, then, as candidates for the
executive committee went up to the podium without facing an opponent.
It's worth noting the ideological diversity within WVU: as with most other politically diverse groups some of us had to learn lessons that
others had already worked out. This became particularly clear in our relation to the internal union election and, as discussed below, the
governor's race. West Virginia United decided early on to run a slate of candidates that could muster their collective power into a force
for change. First, every member had the opportunity to run in a candidate primary for the three main positions - president, vice president,
and three executive committee seats. Since grassroots democracy is an integral part of the caucus, we felt it would have been wrong to put
forth candidates that were not decided upon by our caucus membership. This was the first step in ensuring that whatever transformation we
wanted to see take place in our unions started with us.
The Campaign Kicks Off
The nature of WVEA's elections made it hard to contact every dues-paying member in the state, so we relied heavily on the structures we had
built in the lead-up to the 2018 walkouts. On our Public Employees UNITED Facebook page, we readily have an audience of over 20,000
education workers. Building a contact list from the strike was easy enough - these individuals were already active preparing for the strike
and had continued doing the work of the union afterwards. Moreso, many of these individuals had agitated for a wildcat strike in their
school districts, so their loyalties to the way "things have always been done" wasn't much of a concern.
Our first task was to go through each district, find out how many delegates they could send based on their school district's membership
rate, and build a contact list. Just like we're taught to do with building workplace power, we had to input over a hundred names with
appropriate contact information, as well as their scale of support for the caucus' ideas. This was no small feat. For some districts, we had
almost no one we knew there, but the benefit of living in a small state where everyone knows everyone is that we could rely on others to put
us in contact with a member. In particular, rural counties were hardest because so few teachers are in those districts. Having established
networks with nearby educators who either previously taught in or knew others who currently taught in those counties was particularly
helpful in getting leads.
Once the contact list was finished, our slate of candidates worked to hold one-on-one phone calls with as many delegates as we could. We
knew in advance which individuals to avoid - mostly those already serving on the executive committee - but we also knew that you'll never
truly know someone's politics unless you take the effort to meet with them. A good organizer never leaves anyone out. This process took the
better part of two months to complete, but by February, we had begun making calls and had a clear eye on where we were headed for our caucus
elections.
By happenstance, a young progressive candidate for West Virginia Governor was also running for election simultaneous to our caucus run.
Stephen Smith, who had cut his teeth working as a community organizer with Saul Alinsky's successor in Chicago, was making a bid for
Governor on framed around progressive policies. Smith was a close ally of the caucus, though we never endorsed him. During the 2018
walkouts, he helped organize a fund for striking educators that raised over $300,000. His education platform was written by teachers and his
slogan, "One thousand leaders, not one," matched the spirit of the "Not me, us" era.
In a strange parallel to our movement, the overlap between the WVEA election and Smith's bid were bound together. Many of our caucus members
appeared on Smith's daily videos where he would chat with everyday West Virginians about their concerns, and most members were also
volunteers on his campaign in one way or another. As we did our union outreach across all areas of the state, Smith traveled extensively as
well, crisscrossing each of the fifty-five counties to gain insight into what West Virginians wanted to see out of their government. It was
straight out of an organizer's handbook; meet people one-on-one, find out their concerns, come up with strategies to assist, then mobilize
them to take action.
Our caucus had been doing something similar. We knew who was a Smith supporter and who wasn't. His potential voters could also be our
potential voters because, we believed, they also saw an inherent flaw in establishment politics. When we had conversations with delegates,
we likewise tried to find out what they wanted to see in their unions, we discussed ways we could implement them locally and statewide, and
we finished with a mobilizing "ask." Often, it was to find out other delegates in their county, but it could also be bolder; it always
depended on the context where the worker was.
These tactics for both campaigns were in stark contrast to the establishment candidates running against both Smith and the caucus. Ben
Salango is the county commissioner for the state's largest district - Kanawha County - and the capital of the state. He had been in
Democratic Party politics for many years and has donated heavily to the party. This in turn gave him a base of support with union leaders
who returned the favor. The state's AFL-CIO endorsed Salango as did the state's Teamsters local. Only two unions - WVEA and AFT-WV - did not
endorse Salango, but many at the top supported his run nevertheless. This provided Salango with a steady funding supply and pulpit to reach
union members.
Likewise, delegate lists were already known to the established leadership. Tasks that took us months to accomplish were readily available to
those running for re-election. Contact information and connections with delegates were already in place for those candidates, whereas the
movement-building nature of our campaign was something we slogged through week after week. It was an uneven playing field, but we, like
Smith, believed we could eek out a victory.
Then COVID-19 hit.
Everything about our campaign had to be shifted to remote organizing. On top of trying to cope with the reality that we were now full-time,
virtual educators, unsure if or when we would be called back into our classrooms, we had to manage an unprecedented campaign for union
office. Our candidate for president, Jay O'Neal, had scheduled tours to meet with locals that had to be scrapped in favor of weekly video
chats. Likewise for Smith, whose campaign centered around traveling across the state six days a week, the new reality meant that the
connections he had built with individuals prior to COVID-19 were now more important than ever. Video discussions became an important way to
connect with potential voters and push his platform. The caucus, too, held weekly video calls with policy experts, anti-poverty organizers,
and educator-organizers to show that our election was more than running a union, it was about the fundamentals of organizing.
We wanted others to see through this process that they were the union, that they didn't have to rely on the way things had always been done
to make unions more transparent and more accountable. We worked to build bridges with other labor organizations to also show that the work
of our one union was not as powerful without working in coalition with others. Our understanding truly was "An injury to one is an injury to
all." Everything we had done was classic organizing 101. We didn't leave any room for doubt, continued to cycle through our lists and make
follow-up calls, and by the time the Delegate Assembly came around, we knew we had conversations with over ninety percent of delegates and
where they stood. We went into the election feeling confident, believing that our hard work would pay off.
The COVID-19 outbreak was the proverbial wrench in our otherwise flawless plan. Physical meetings were shut down in West Virginia soon after
our state of emergency in mid-March. The Delegate Assembly had to be moved back a month to an online meeting that would only discuss two
things - the union election and a term limit amendment. One bonus of physical meetings is that they allow you to interact more with those
who can cast a vote in your favor. Phone calls for one-on-ones are great, but they lack the personal touch of physical interactions.
Drumming up last minute votes and securing votes from those on the fence is critical. This was impossible to accomplish, so we relied
instead on impassioned speeches about the necessity for changing our union internally. None of the establishment candidates held one-on-one
meetings with voters, nor did they have the same level of organizational commitment to digital organizing that we did. The most we ever saw
before the election was a postcard that read "Steady Leadership in Unsteady Times" with pictures of their candidate slate on it. We believed
that everything we had done prior to the assembly, coupled with how we had out-organized them for the past several months, would be what
saved us.
After a grueling and confusing Delegate Assembly, we had two weeks before votes would be tallied. Members received their ballots in the mail
and in the interim, we sent out mailers to as many delegates as we could, reminding them of our slogan, "Bold leadership takes courage."
blazened with images of the 2018 walkout.
It should've been clear to us that we would lose when we saw the election results roll in for the Governor's race. Despite his best efforts,
Smith lost the primary race to Salango by ten thousand votes. Many voting centers had been closed or changed on election day due to a lack
of poll workers. Fearful of spreading COVID, many voters stayed home and the election was a dismal display for those hopeful that an
election could shift the balance of power.
Our caucus members feared what would come next. Sure enough, our candidates put forth a strong showing, winning more than forty percent of
delegate votes, but it wasn't enough to put us over the top. None of our candidates won office, and we were left with a sinking feeling in
the pit of our stomach that we would be in a weaker position to tackle the COVID-19 crisis in our schools.
Final Thoughts
Doing everything right doesn't always translate to the success you're hoping for. Being the best prepared and most active person in the room
doesn't mean that others will follow you. And even after impressive labor actions, not everyone will see in it the same things you did.
At every step of the way, West Virginia United did their best to put into practice the skills they had honed over two years of striking,
organizing, and pushing from below. The unified energy towards electing candidates to union office was one way to transform the WVEA into
something that mirrored the ideas of the caucus - one that focused on building local power, not relying on local leadership; one that took
direct action, not lobbying politicians; one that was transparent to the membership, not zealously guarding the inner workings of the union.
Not every delegate saw it that way. Despite the massive wildcat strike that had taken place not two years prior, many who could cast their
votes wanted a return to the same. Some delegates told us that they cast their votes for some of our slate members, but not all, fearful
that a sweep by a radical slate would upend the entire union during a time of crisis. Others agreed with the caucus' principles, but weren't
certain that our slate had the necessary skills to protect members in the worst case scenario.
We lost, but we learned a valuable lesson: elections can be referendums, but your movement can't hinge on a single day of voting. In the
aftermath of our defeat, West Virginia United has held several well-attended discussion forums with parents and educators about returning to
school in the Fall. We've compiled a list of concerns teachers and service personnel have about COVID-19 and are now helping locals take up
the fight with their district boards of education. As COVID-19 continues to spread across the country, there are even talks by some
rank-and-file education caucuses of strikes to keep schools physically shut down to protect staff. We're doing the work we would have done
within leadership, but now without the pay.
Our struggle continues, and as COVID-19 continues to strain what our leadership is capable of doing, and what our elected leaders are
willing to do, more West Virginia educators are looking to us for leadership. In this moment, we're experiencing what it looks like when a
dual-power institution takes the helm during a crisis and redirects the course of action.
Elections couldn't save us; only good organizing will.
Michael Mochaidean is an organizer and member the West Virginia IWW and WVEA. He is currently co-authoring a book detailing the 2018
education walkouts, their triumphs and limitations one year later.
https://blackrosefed.org/west-virginia-teacher-struggle-continues/
------------------------------
Message: 4
The Radical Herbalists Association has helped translate a brief guide on the simple prevention of the Covid-19 virus in prison. This
translation will be in vain if he is only in this web, print as much as possible and distribute it to friends or family who are in prison.
Because we cannot expect the state to do good to prisoners. Destroy the whole prison! ---- We are not licensed medical experts and do not
diagnose or prescribe drugs. ---- The information we share here is not intended to cure or treat COVID-19. This is support for detainees to
be more confident and to protect themselves in conditions like now. ---- This leaflet was translated by the Radical Herbalists Association
of "COVID-19 / Prison Holistic Self Care & Protection" published by @ solidarity.apothecary.
Download and distribute. This leaflet is anti-copyright and is free to copy at palanghitamanarkis.noblogs.org/ownload
https://palanghitamanarkis.noblogs.org/unduh/.
.
To get involved and get more information about prisoners' solidarity, also follow @palang__hitam.
https://palanghitamanarkis.noblogs.org/post/2020/07/23/panduan-perlindungan-dan-perawatan-covid-19-di-penjara/
------------------------------
Protection and Care Guide in Prison (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Thirty years on from when it was first occupied, the long-running Berlin squatted residence Rigaer94 is once again under threat from an
aggressive eviction attempt involving security guards, squads of riot cops and construction crews. ---- The latest siege started earlier
this month on July 7th when a new eviction notice was put out following weeks of harassment under cover of the "Infection Protection Act",
followed on Thursday 9th by a major assault by more than 100 riot cops, who used neighbouring property and rooftops to get into the squat's
back yard. ---- The force's ostensible reason was to check for forged documents, which saw them search several apartments, but it acted as
an advance run for new "property manager" Tosrsten Luschnat and his cronies to make their own move.
The plan appears to have been to use raids to arrest as many people as possible, break open doors and make the place ready for the bailiffs.
On Friday and Saturday a security team rocked up to the front and with cops guarding the broken-open entrance, duly accessed a ground floor
flat. They also attacked a fourth floor flat in the building, using a construction tram to try and smash through a bricked-up door, but were
repelled, deciding instead to junk everything on the ground floor.
Later in the evening a large solidarity demo arrived and stayed gathered outside the front of the house until late in the night. Luxury cars
and nearby walls are sprayed with R94 and four people were temporarily arrested nearby.
The main assault came on Monday, when Luschnat came down at 8am to demand access to the building, accompanied by a large force of copsm
security guards and building workers. Evictions were again stymied by a new entrance door, and the forces once again withdrew at around 11am.
Later in the day a solidarity rally drew around 100 people in solidarity, with a speech being given at around 7pm. "Rigaer94 has again
become a fortress," the speaker said. "A fortress that has to withstand the rams of Berlin police and the sledgehammers of construction
workers, but a fortress also for the ideas of freedom, self-determination and solidarity.
"We are happy to be here today after 30 years of Rigaer94, which were started by a completely different generation, and to get in touch with
you. Many of us have been through a three-week siege of cops, construction workers and bailiffs in 2016, have conducted countless house
searches and confrontations with state power.
"Some of us are new here and see ourselves for the first time in a situation like this, when it comes to defending a living space and at the
same time an important social and political space. We are all aware of the constant danger of being exposed to such attacks. We regularly
receive threats from Nazis, fanatical inner politicians and cops. But frankly, we didn't expect the next attempt to get rid of us, the way
it was in 2016. That the cops are trying to evacuate by inventing an owner of the house they send out so they don't get their fingers dirty.
Of course, this method is transparent and it is by no means a rarity in this city.
...
"This is a call to all of you, today, tomorrow and every day to translate the ideas of solidarity and freedom into action.
But this is also a call together to defend against all attacks that affect our projects - Liebig34, Syndicate, Mutiny, Potse - they are all
being pushed to give way to the city of the rich, which we must prevent together to continue to live here, but also to continue together to
be able to fight against state and capital. We are joining the words for the nationwide demo on August 1st: Get off the defensive! Stay away
from our projects, stay away from our apartments!"
As of Wednesday, it appears that the police were attempting a different set of tactics - personal checks. Between 9am and 11am cops rushed
up and down the street, stealing a banne and making referrals for up to 48 hours on the grounds Rigaer is a "danger area". Things have
seemingly been quieter heading into the weekend, but the squat remains vigilant.
Source:
https://freedomnews.org.uk/germany-barricades-at-rigaer-strasse/
https://www.afed.cz/text/7207/nemecko-barikady-na-rigaer-strasse
------------------------------
Message: 2
An analysis by the government agency ONS (Office of National Statistics) reveals that in the United Kingdom, faced with Covid-19, it is the
most disadvantaged areas that have had the highest death rates. In addition, people of color are more likely to develop severe symptoms on
contact with the disease. A debate was launched on these questions, in particular on the means to be implemented to protect the people most
at risk. ---- The finding is clear. In the United Kingdom, according to the ONS, a person is more likely to die from Covid-19 if they come
from a disadvantaged area than if they come from a wealthy neighborhood. Moreover, based on ethnic statistics, it appears very clearly that
people belonging to the "BAME" category (blacks, Asians and ethnic minorities) are more fatally affected by the disease than white people,
this tendency is even more so. exacerbated for men. So during the epidemic, a black man was four times more likely to die than a white man.
Social inequalities seem to play a role in these results, but not only.
By carrying out a statistical rebalancing on these factors, there is still an excess mortality among black populations originating from the
Indian subcontinent. On the side of other causes, the over-representation of racialized women in so-called "key " professions is considered.
workers", more exposed to the epidemic. Finally, the pre-existing health inequalities of the epidemic played a role, the "BAMEs" are more
affected by diabetes or cardiovascular diseases, aggravating factors in the case of Covid-19.
In France, in the 93, an excess mortality that raises questions Seine-Saint-Denis is the Ile-de-France department which recorded the
greatest excess mortality of its population during the epidemic. If we compare the months of March-April 2020 to the months of March-April
2019, the number of deaths has increased by nearly 130%. In comparison, the number of deaths in Paris increased by 90% and in Seine-et-Marne
by 65%. The poorest department of the metropolis, the 93 concentrates a large part of the workers and essential workers of Île-de-France.
-France, almost 19% of cashiers, cashiers, salespersons, and 21 % of delivery men and women live there. In addition, the population of the
department, largely from immigration, has high rates of diabetes and chronic respiratory diseases.
Socio-economic inequalities, ethnic origins and levels of exposure to the virus are factors that are interrelated and appear to increase the
risk of mortality from covid-19. In the United Kingdom, the issue of protecting people at risk is starting to be debated, especially at
work. For the moment in France, the vagueness remains because the data is lacking. Faced with the uncertainty of the arrival of new waves of
contamination, it appears urgent to take up the issue.
Simon - UCL Pantin
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Inegalites-Le-93-champion-de-la-surmortalite
------------------------------
Message: 3
In the aftermath of the 2018 wildcat teachers strike in West Virginia that kicked off the #Red4Ed movement networks of militant teachers
formed the rank-and-file caucus known as West Virginia United and for the past five months the group has been working to challenge the
incumbent leadership of the West Virginia Education Association (WVEA) in the first competitive election for the union's top leadership
positions in twelve years. And while the caucus lost the elections, the effort leaves many lessons to be learned for those pursuing the
"rank-and-file strategy." ---- Prior to the Campaign ---- WVEA's elections occur every year at the annual Delegate Assembly. Most NEA
(National Education Association) state affiliates have a similar election process - presidential elections occur every few years, while
executive committee member positions are up each cycle. In West Virginia, presidential and executive committee terms are three years, with
between 3-4 seats available at every Delegate Assembly. WVEA uses a delegated system for voting, so only those individuals who have been
elected to serve as a delegate can vote at the annual assembly. This process limits the possibility of reaching all union members and, in
the past, has meant that only the most active and loyal supporters of the old guard are in attendance.
This has changed in recent years as more progressive and left-leaning members were elected to serve as delegates. However, it was never
enough to put unified energy towards a slate of candidates for leadership. The cycle continued unabated, then, as candidates for the
executive committee went up to the podium without facing an opponent.
It's worth noting the ideological diversity within WVU: as with most other politically diverse groups some of us had to learn lessons that
others had already worked out. This became particularly clear in our relation to the internal union election and, as discussed below, the
governor's race. West Virginia United decided early on to run a slate of candidates that could muster their collective power into a force
for change. First, every member had the opportunity to run in a candidate primary for the three main positions - president, vice president,
and three executive committee seats. Since grassroots democracy is an integral part of the caucus, we felt it would have been wrong to put
forth candidates that were not decided upon by our caucus membership. This was the first step in ensuring that whatever transformation we
wanted to see take place in our unions started with us.
The Campaign Kicks Off
The nature of WVEA's elections made it hard to contact every dues-paying member in the state, so we relied heavily on the structures we had
built in the lead-up to the 2018 walkouts. On our Public Employees UNITED Facebook page, we readily have an audience of over 20,000
education workers. Building a contact list from the strike was easy enough - these individuals were already active preparing for the strike
and had continued doing the work of the union afterwards. Moreso, many of these individuals had agitated for a wildcat strike in their
school districts, so their loyalties to the way "things have always been done" wasn't much of a concern.
Our first task was to go through each district, find out how many delegates they could send based on their school district's membership
rate, and build a contact list. Just like we're taught to do with building workplace power, we had to input over a hundred names with
appropriate contact information, as well as their scale of support for the caucus' ideas. This was no small feat. For some districts, we had
almost no one we knew there, but the benefit of living in a small state where everyone knows everyone is that we could rely on others to put
us in contact with a member. In particular, rural counties were hardest because so few teachers are in those districts. Having established
networks with nearby educators who either previously taught in or knew others who currently taught in those counties was particularly
helpful in getting leads.
Once the contact list was finished, our slate of candidates worked to hold one-on-one phone calls with as many delegates as we could. We
knew in advance which individuals to avoid - mostly those already serving on the executive committee - but we also knew that you'll never
truly know someone's politics unless you take the effort to meet with them. A good organizer never leaves anyone out. This process took the
better part of two months to complete, but by February, we had begun making calls and had a clear eye on where we were headed for our caucus
elections.
By happenstance, a young progressive candidate for West Virginia Governor was also running for election simultaneous to our caucus run.
Stephen Smith, who had cut his teeth working as a community organizer with Saul Alinsky's successor in Chicago, was making a bid for
Governor on framed around progressive policies. Smith was a close ally of the caucus, though we never endorsed him. During the 2018
walkouts, he helped organize a fund for striking educators that raised over $300,000. His education platform was written by teachers and his
slogan, "One thousand leaders, not one," matched the spirit of the "Not me, us" era.
In a strange parallel to our movement, the overlap between the WVEA election and Smith's bid were bound together. Many of our caucus members
appeared on Smith's daily videos where he would chat with everyday West Virginians about their concerns, and most members were also
volunteers on his campaign in one way or another. As we did our union outreach across all areas of the state, Smith traveled extensively as
well, crisscrossing each of the fifty-five counties to gain insight into what West Virginians wanted to see out of their government. It was
straight out of an organizer's handbook; meet people one-on-one, find out their concerns, come up with strategies to assist, then mobilize
them to take action.
Our caucus had been doing something similar. We knew who was a Smith supporter and who wasn't. His potential voters could also be our
potential voters because, we believed, they also saw an inherent flaw in establishment politics. When we had conversations with delegates,
we likewise tried to find out what they wanted to see in their unions, we discussed ways we could implement them locally and statewide, and
we finished with a mobilizing "ask." Often, it was to find out other delegates in their county, but it could also be bolder; it always
depended on the context where the worker was.
These tactics for both campaigns were in stark contrast to the establishment candidates running against both Smith and the caucus. Ben
Salango is the county commissioner for the state's largest district - Kanawha County - and the capital of the state. He had been in
Democratic Party politics for many years and has donated heavily to the party. This in turn gave him a base of support with union leaders
who returned the favor. The state's AFL-CIO endorsed Salango as did the state's Teamsters local. Only two unions - WVEA and AFT-WV - did not
endorse Salango, but many at the top supported his run nevertheless. This provided Salango with a steady funding supply and pulpit to reach
union members.
Likewise, delegate lists were already known to the established leadership. Tasks that took us months to accomplish were readily available to
those running for re-election. Contact information and connections with delegates were already in place for those candidates, whereas the
movement-building nature of our campaign was something we slogged through week after week. It was an uneven playing field, but we, like
Smith, believed we could eek out a victory.
Then COVID-19 hit.
Everything about our campaign had to be shifted to remote organizing. On top of trying to cope with the reality that we were now full-time,
virtual educators, unsure if or when we would be called back into our classrooms, we had to manage an unprecedented campaign for union
office. Our candidate for president, Jay O'Neal, had scheduled tours to meet with locals that had to be scrapped in favor of weekly video
chats. Likewise for Smith, whose campaign centered around traveling across the state six days a week, the new reality meant that the
connections he had built with individuals prior to COVID-19 were now more important than ever. Video discussions became an important way to
connect with potential voters and push his platform. The caucus, too, held weekly video calls with policy experts, anti-poverty organizers,
and educator-organizers to show that our election was more than running a union, it was about the fundamentals of organizing.
We wanted others to see through this process that they were the union, that they didn't have to rely on the way things had always been done
to make unions more transparent and more accountable. We worked to build bridges with other labor organizations to also show that the work
of our one union was not as powerful without working in coalition with others. Our understanding truly was "An injury to one is an injury to
all." Everything we had done was classic organizing 101. We didn't leave any room for doubt, continued to cycle through our lists and make
follow-up calls, and by the time the Delegate Assembly came around, we knew we had conversations with over ninety percent of delegates and
where they stood. We went into the election feeling confident, believing that our hard work would pay off.
The COVID-19 outbreak was the proverbial wrench in our otherwise flawless plan. Physical meetings were shut down in West Virginia soon after
our state of emergency in mid-March. The Delegate Assembly had to be moved back a month to an online meeting that would only discuss two
things - the union election and a term limit amendment. One bonus of physical meetings is that they allow you to interact more with those
who can cast a vote in your favor. Phone calls for one-on-ones are great, but they lack the personal touch of physical interactions.
Drumming up last minute votes and securing votes from those on the fence is critical. This was impossible to accomplish, so we relied
instead on impassioned speeches about the necessity for changing our union internally. None of the establishment candidates held one-on-one
meetings with voters, nor did they have the same level of organizational commitment to digital organizing that we did. The most we ever saw
before the election was a postcard that read "Steady Leadership in Unsteady Times" with pictures of their candidate slate on it. We believed
that everything we had done prior to the assembly, coupled with how we had out-organized them for the past several months, would be what
saved us.
After a grueling and confusing Delegate Assembly, we had two weeks before votes would be tallied. Members received their ballots in the mail
and in the interim, we sent out mailers to as many delegates as we could, reminding them of our slogan, "Bold leadership takes courage."
blazened with images of the 2018 walkout.
It should've been clear to us that we would lose when we saw the election results roll in for the Governor's race. Despite his best efforts,
Smith lost the primary race to Salango by ten thousand votes. Many voting centers had been closed or changed on election day due to a lack
of poll workers. Fearful of spreading COVID, many voters stayed home and the election was a dismal display for those hopeful that an
election could shift the balance of power.
Our caucus members feared what would come next. Sure enough, our candidates put forth a strong showing, winning more than forty percent of
delegate votes, but it wasn't enough to put us over the top. None of our candidates won office, and we were left with a sinking feeling in
the pit of our stomach that we would be in a weaker position to tackle the COVID-19 crisis in our schools.
Final Thoughts
Doing everything right doesn't always translate to the success you're hoping for. Being the best prepared and most active person in the room
doesn't mean that others will follow you. And even after impressive labor actions, not everyone will see in it the same things you did.
At every step of the way, West Virginia United did their best to put into practice the skills they had honed over two years of striking,
organizing, and pushing from below. The unified energy towards electing candidates to union office was one way to transform the WVEA into
something that mirrored the ideas of the caucus - one that focused on building local power, not relying on local leadership; one that took
direct action, not lobbying politicians; one that was transparent to the membership, not zealously guarding the inner workings of the union.
Not every delegate saw it that way. Despite the massive wildcat strike that had taken place not two years prior, many who could cast their
votes wanted a return to the same. Some delegates told us that they cast their votes for some of our slate members, but not all, fearful
that a sweep by a radical slate would upend the entire union during a time of crisis. Others agreed with the caucus' principles, but weren't
certain that our slate had the necessary skills to protect members in the worst case scenario.
We lost, but we learned a valuable lesson: elections can be referendums, but your movement can't hinge on a single day of voting. In the
aftermath of our defeat, West Virginia United has held several well-attended discussion forums with parents and educators about returning to
school in the Fall. We've compiled a list of concerns teachers and service personnel have about COVID-19 and are now helping locals take up
the fight with their district boards of education. As COVID-19 continues to spread across the country, there are even talks by some
rank-and-file education caucuses of strikes to keep schools physically shut down to protect staff. We're doing the work we would have done
within leadership, but now without the pay.
Our struggle continues, and as COVID-19 continues to strain what our leadership is capable of doing, and what our elected leaders are
willing to do, more West Virginia educators are looking to us for leadership. In this moment, we're experiencing what it looks like when a
dual-power institution takes the helm during a crisis and redirects the course of action.
Elections couldn't save us; only good organizing will.
Michael Mochaidean is an organizer and member the West Virginia IWW and WVEA. He is currently co-authoring a book detailing the 2018
education walkouts, their triumphs and limitations one year later.
https://blackrosefed.org/west-virginia-teacher-struggle-continues/
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Message: 4
The Radical Herbalists Association has helped translate a brief guide on the simple prevention of the Covid-19 virus in prison. This
translation will be in vain if he is only in this web, print as much as possible and distribute it to friends or family who are in prison.
Because we cannot expect the state to do good to prisoners. Destroy the whole prison! ---- We are not licensed medical experts and do not
diagnose or prescribe drugs. ---- The information we share here is not intended to cure or treat COVID-19. This is support for detainees to
be more confident and to protect themselves in conditions like now. ---- This leaflet was translated by the Radical Herbalists Association
of "COVID-19 / Prison Holistic Self Care & Protection" published by @ solidarity.apothecary.
Download and distribute. This leaflet is anti-copyright and is free to copy at palanghitamanarkis.noblogs.org/ownload
https://palanghitamanarkis.noblogs.org/unduh/.
.
To get involved and get more information about prisoners' solidarity, also follow @palang__hitam.
https://palanghitamanarkis.noblogs.org/post/2020/07/23/panduan-perlindungan-dan-perawatan-covid-19-di-penjara/
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