Today's Topics:
1. avtonom: Microactivism on the edge of the Ufa roadside
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Czech, afed: Report from a two-day farewell party with the
Prague infoshop Salé [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Freedom Initiative of Thessaloniki: Gathering against the
new bill for the suspension of the demonstrations: Thursday 9/7,
19:00, Statue of Venizelos. [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. ait russia: 86th weekly yellow vest protest [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. anarkismo.net: Why Racism? Why Anti-Racism? by Wayne Price
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. anarkismo.net: Greece, The end of the trip was not in Ithaca
by Anarchists Ag. [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Often we know less about social activity in Russia outside of Moscow and St. Petersburg than about activism in the USA or Europe.
Anarcho-feminist from Ufa told Autonomy what is happening with anarchism and feminism in Bashkortostan and answered our questions. ---- It
snapped, but think globally, act locally. ---- Over the 30 years of my life in the Russian millionaire city, I managed to catch the heyday
and dying of autonomous and anarcho-movements. In the past, skirmishes with the right, concerts and performances on city stages and suburban
hygiene, circles of political literacy, actions and demonstrations, work with the population to organize grassroots resistance. A generation
of anarcho-fathers of the city changed their activism to tourism, Buddhism, communism and the organization of raves.
A couple of years ago we met in the apartment of one of our comrades and discussed what can be done to maintain the dying flame of movement.
It was a quiet and warm gathering, on which memories of a bygone era brighter burned than the enthusiasm of the initiative and future plans.
I'm afraid of unnecessary generalizations, but sometimes it seems to me that most of the meetings of like-minded people in small cities of
Russia resemble this gathering of ours.
As a complete optimist, instead of nostalgia and sadness, I propose to grab the spotlight with the undoubted advantages that are present in
the former activists of our city:
Fidelity to ideas, even domestic and local,
Fidelity to comrades.
However, this is not an essay-nostalgia about glorious times, but rather a discussion of what can be done in conditions of smoldering and
dying movement.
Girls start and win
What was real and promising that evening on the agenda? For example, feminism. We omit the funny moments when the guys suggested that the
girls protect the local guys from the militant groups of the gopniks and the tyranny of the mother-in-law. I was generally surprised that
not all mainarchists understood that feminism was an undeniable part of anarchism. And some of them obviously went nuts from the fact of the
existence of anarcho-feminism.
Two years ago, the word "feminist" provoked an explosive reaction in our outback. This recognition alone could instantly earn the label of
"loser", "lesbian" and, of course, "terrible and old hysteria". By 2020, society gradually began to show more sympathy. And I believe that
there is a share in my participation.
It is believed that our region has very traditionalist roots. In terms of feminism tolerance, I would say that we are between the North
Caucasus and the conventional Russian Siberian hinterland.
It's funny that patriarchal values were recalled recently. During the Soviet era, LGBT issues were treated calmly even in the villages,
there was an unofficial gay lobby and a circle of situational homosexuals on local TV, and in the villages women calmly wore men's clothes
and cohabited with fellow villagers in conditions of a lack of men.
The three-headed dragon of feminism in my city has a liberal, intersectional and my, anarcho-feminist head. Unlike anarchists, the
fem-community had at that time (and now has) resources, anger, volume and strength. Schoolgirls, reputable business women, heads of public
organizations, artists and other active classes joined our ranks. It was foolish not to use this field for campaigning:-)
Battlefield"
Feminists were invited to TV shows, discussions, and interviewed. This trend continues to this day. It is enough to earn a reputation as an
adequate and interesting commentator, and journalists will ask for comments about decriminalizing beatings, the prohibition of abortion, the
growth of domestic violence during self-isolation, the difficult situation of migrants and so on. And no one bothers in the process of live
broadcasting to openly push openly anarcho-feminist ideas and agitate for grassroots activism.
Active feminists regularly spend women's historic nights, celebrate March 8 festivals, participate in the organization of events of the
skeptic society, and now they also act as co-organizers of music festivals. Thanks to theoretical training from anarchist resources and
lectures by Maria Rakhmaninova, I gave introductory lectures on the theory of anarchofeminism and the Mujeres Libres movement, made reports
on the history of the early femdom movement in Soviet Russia, and pasted out leaflets with the founders of anarchofeminism as part of
Women's Historical Night
Suddenly, a skeptical society has become a benevolent platform for anarchophem ideas in the city. In different cities there are branches of
this all-Russian movement in which people conduct near-scientific lectures and discussion clubs, practice street epistemology techniques,
organize the arrival of popular Russian-language lecturers in the city and simply communicate according to their interests. In such groups,
they like to argue reasonably, and this is a great place where you can work out the methods of campaigning and the strength of your own
beliefs in practice.
Pills of Leftism in Feminism
Feminism is on the rise. And I think that anarchofeminism can become a unifying foundation for all feminists who are disappointed in the
system of power. Now there are more and more of these, thanks to the villainous policies of the state and large corporations.
A striking example of the ineffectiveness of liberal ideas was the election in the region, where candidates from liberal parties immediately
agree to accept any handout from United Russia candidates. After winning the party lists, representatives in power not only do not pursue a
pro-feminist agenda, but clearly reject them.
The second major force in the region's information field is Navalny's headquarters. But feminists are frightened by his brightly nationalist
position and anti-woman statements in social networks.
Gradually, my comrades-in-arms become lousy, and begin to look at the problems more broadly. They notice how capitalism puts fem-ideas at
its service, destroying its rebellious spirit, how the state continues to exploit women, giving them only the illusion of equality.
According to my observations, radical feminists are especially close in spirit to the anarchists in our region. They have energy, a desire
to check the limits of what is permissible in society, enthusiasm and strength. They more actively comprehend the structure of society and
often ask themselves the right questions.
Now, in the wake of the rise of anti-capitalist and anti-state unrest during the world, the fem-community can more actively perceive even
radical leftist ideas.
Bottoms may
The second interesting moment at the meeting of regional activists was, as I call it, microactivism. "What can I do alone?", "There are so
few of us", "I do not have a site and resources." Familiar arguments? In such cases, it may be worth getting a public magnifier and taking a
closer look at the lifestyle.
Exchangers. Share available: have one bike, one car for two, share tools, things, equipment.
In our city, I am one of the organizers of gear exchangers. It would seem: we just collect once a month and give away clothes and shoes that
we no longer like to other people. What is ideological about this? But thanks to this movement, many women stopped buying clothes, otherwise
they looked at consumption issues, it became easier to relate to a sense of ownership, they reduced attachment and became kinder to each
other, and they also began to recover from internal misogyny and raise self-esteem.
This is a huge help to girls who are in cramped conditions, mothers with many children, pregnant and single parents. Girls admit that this
meeting becomes an outlet, a friendly space that allows them to significantly save on buying clothes for themselves and children. I'll add
on my own that the money exchangers are a great place for disseminating feminist and anti-capitalist ideas.
Hospitality Services. According to travelers, Couchsurfing has gotten over. But there are also Warmshowers (for cyclists), Trustroots (with
excellent geolocation), Bewelcome (which anarchists from Germany do) and even the half-dead HospitalityClub does not give up.
Eco-activism. Yes, yes, this is all that is fed up with the order: separate collection, informed consumption and other matters. I believe
that this is also water to the mill of micro-anarcho-activism and a good field for attracting supporters. Eco-activism is quite simple (but
tedious) to scale to your lifestyle and neighbors: from waste paper boxes in the porch and battery containers, to the revolution inside the
HOA, when income from separate collection becomes a common house property.
In Ufa, there are operators who are ready to pick up sorted garbage and in exchange to build playgrounds, repair entrances, remove snow and
arrange flower beds. Usually it doesn't smell like "living" money in such an alliance, well, so we are not capitalists to stop us.
In general, micro-campaigning among friends, friends, travel companions during hitchhiking trips and at work during the lunch break is an
interesting and fascinating activity. The techniques of street epistemology help not to lose your temper.
* At this point I start to cry bitterly:-))
In the 2 years since that meeting of the anarchists, two left the city, and one became a Stalinist. We have not met again, but
micro-initiatives continue to exist and gain supporters.
Mini-interview for "Autonomus"
Which of the things you did in the past year would you call the most successful?
A lecture on anarcho-feminism at the Fembairam festival, a lecture on Mujeres Libres. Judging by the reaction, everyone liked it very much,
I admitted that after my lecture, people began to search the network for anarch resources and read the Rakhmaninova channel. And generally
to lion)))
Event for feminists and feminist activists "How to respond to criticism in a team and not get sick of a toxic environment" (November 2019).
We worked out communication methods that would help to cope with the aggressive opposition of the environment and recruit like-minded people.
Lecture workshop "How to turn srach into a discussion" at Fembiram March 8. Led along with a psychologist based on materials from the
community of street epistemologists and common sense. We examined different ways of responding, as well as when to start a dialogue, and
when not.
Have you participated in a campaign against domestic violence? Do you support the concept of safe places?
We participated in solitary pickets with Radfem on the case of the Khachaturian sisters with posters " I do not need a law on domestic
violence, I need free hands " and " How to go to jail?" Beat and force, threaten with violence Defend! (ticked) ".
Regarding safe places: due to the fact that I have a fairly large house, feminists, when they are asked for help and a safe place for their
friends, sometimes bring victims of violence to me. The young ladies, however, do not stay long, but I provide them with such a place. Even
with psychological support at the expense of familiar psychologists, who have recently become especially numerous in my environment.
One of the prisoners of the Network case, Arman Sagynbayev, as you know, lost the support of the Anarchist Black Cross due to the revealed
facts of his violence against women. Do you support this decision? How do you solve the dilemma "personal qualities - political activity"?
Can one be a bad person and a good activist?
I do not think he was a good activist. It's my opinion. I believe that he was unfairly accused of organizing terrorist activities and are
trying to apply unfair punishment to him. But, I confess, I was already shaking when I read about how he deliberately infected girls with
HIV, how he manipulated and raped. I understand and make the decision of the AFC. I believe that the concepts of "bad" and "good" are too
relative and subjective. In my coordinate system, being a good activist and a bad person is almost impossible. However, I admit that it is
possible to cooperate in a limited sphere with ideological opponents when the vector of actions has a similar direction. I justify my
actions by the fact that the circle of activists in Bashkiria is small, narrow and passive.
How did the covid-19 pandemic affect your activity? Are you involved in any grassroots pandemic initiatives?
Our radfemki participate in Internet conferences on grassroots activism, support for regional fem-initiatives, I have not yet come across
them. I just sheltered the young lady who was beaten by my mother, carried out an anti-crisis baggage collector, entered the hitchhikers,
and sorted out the waste (sorted by me and my friends) for recycling. So I'm not getting very active. The plans include arranging, on the
basis of the skeptic society, a discussion of Graber's books on worthless work and duty. It is not yet clear whether this will happen in
virtual or real space.
Do you think it is possible for anarcho-feminists to advocate for any laws?
Alas, I am the only representative of the anarcho-femto community in my city, so I can count anything at all, my statements will have no
real power. Now I am campaigning for an amended election to vote "against". For me, this is just a fun experiment that either confirms the
arguments of liberals like Shulman about the nature of a hybrid state, or refutes them.
A really tricky question about the law on domestic violence. We have repeatedly been convinced that the country's judicial system is deeply
corrupt and rotten. Recently in our region there was a court in the case of rape of a police officer by police officers. Incredibly lenient
sentences were handed down to all three of the accused: two were fully acquitted, and one was given only 4 years in a penal colony (instead
of 6 years strictly, as was originally). What did the feminist activists do in the city? They were fucked up, had fun in social networks,
made angry reposts, and discussed in a narrow circle.
It seems to me that this reaction is accumulating in a glass of popular indignation. Timely questions asked about the bias of the judges,
the inefficiency of state regulation and the trust of the authorities represented by patriarchal men pour water on the mill of
anarchofeminism and help make agitation more effective .;
Our feminists are still "on fire" from the September failure: we tried to support the candidate for the presidency of the republic from the
Yabloko party and make her participation more evil, feminist and relevant. However, the young lady showed herself toothless and cautious,
flattered by the first handout from the pro-government candidate.
Do you consider yourself an intersectionalist? Can you somehow comment on the book by Mikola Dedka " Critique of the theory of
intersectionality "?
Fair? I did not read. However, I can criticize intersectionalism from my sofa position:-) I have already mentioned that some of our
anarchists have gone into Buddhism, I also partially understand this position and consider anarchofeminism as my own individual version of
the "big chariot". What is the connection with intersek theory?
Intersectionists divide their identities into understandable categories: Asian, heterosexual, mother, daughter, employee, and so on. Then
they correlate the number of privileges with each of the categories and compare them with other participants.
At this stage, I have a contradiction: it begins to seem to me that by accepting and calling their identity a specific term, they simplify
it, make it more flat, primitive, add an additional level of suffering and predestination to it (hello, Buddhists).
I prefer not to build myself an extra cell from restrictive terms, but to fly outside of all dimensions, explore my needs and desires,
without correlating them with generally accepted categories. Go to release and cognition, without building additional walls for yourself and
for others. When I heard these ideas from Maria Rakhmaninova, I realized that my ideological choice in the feminist field was made and is
unlikely to change.
Catflat
https://avtonom.org/pages/mikroaktivizm-na-krayu-ufimskoy-obochiny
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Message: 2
I arrived at the last farewell to the Salé information center in Žižkov, scheduled for Saturday, June 27, shortly before four o'clock in the
afternoon. The local library and the distro have already been moved, so in addition to the few remaining chairs (or those borrowed from
Space 39), the infoshop premises were empty. Folk cuisine took place here from one o'clock in the afternoon. I didn't hesitate and I also
enjoyed the planned menu in the form of bean chili with vegan non-smoking and rice and banana pancakes at the end. ---- In the afternoon,
more and more visitors came and came, who experienced more than one concert, film screenings, an existential party, a benefit dinner or the
already mentioned Folk Cuisine. Around nine o'clock, the concert of Dáša Fon Flaš began, which gradually danced first the smallest listeners
(with their own immediacy) and then the adults. After the police lesson, the live music production ended and the visitors spread out between
the courtyard, the spaces inside and in front of Salé, and with the help of alcohol they enjoyed saying goodbye to the info shop until the
morning hours.
Although it is said that at best it should stop, in the case of Salé the opposite is true. And that's why an after-party was already planned
for Sunday, June 27. My friends and I arrived a while after three, equipped with refreshments as rich as ingredients for the Summer beach
bar, like many others. Sunday afternoon was in a pleasant chill mood accompanied by music directed by Žižkov hills 90210. Although at first
it seemed that the previous evening was a good enough farewell for many, as time went on, Salé began to burst at the seams more than on
Saturday.
After a solidarity greeting was photographed at the EKH Autonomous Center in Vienna, which at the time was defending itself against attacks
by Turkish fascists, music production began, this time under the direction of Ctib, Inspiracio and Vole. Unfortunately, the Czechs, who had
been announced in advance, did not play in the end, which was the only "but" on an otherwise flawless farewell weekend.
https://www.afed.cz/text/7198/r-i-p-sale
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Message: 3
There will be no silence in the cemetery. Let the streets become torrents of the class wrath of the oppressed. ---- "As freedom recedes into
the world, poverty grows, and vice versa. ---- Freedom is not the gift that a state or a leader gives us, but the good that is conquered
every day, with the effort of everyone and the solidarity of all." Albert Camus ---- The incessant capitalist barbarism that afflicts the
social base on a daily basis and the structural crises of capitalism that periodically erupt and exacerbate the impoverishment of the
working-class strata, while at the same time proletarianizing more and more broad portions of so-called "middle-class" to extract the
consensus of the social majority against the ruthless class reality that we all experience. The usual tactics for governments are to replace
the carrot with the whip, ie welfare arrangements / financial aids and relentless repression respectively. Carrots, as a basic policy of
social democracy, have long since ended. Loans have dried up and fat cows have disappeared since the stock market bubble burst.
demonstrating that even the meager distribution of wealth within capitalist contexts is not only a scam with short legs, but in the end the
bill is called upon by the working class itself to pay. The government, as the political staff of the capital, is currently insisting - and
- for objective reasons on the policy of repression, in order to impose and implement the demands and guidelines of the capitalists. In the
midst of a capitalist crisis, there is no room for social democratic governance. Let us not forget, however, that historically social
democracy has functioned as the breakwater of class resistance, incorporating struggles and sections of the anti-capitalist movement. On the
other hand, repression is always embellished through the frequencies and pages of the regime media. which serve the interests of capitalism
for a fee. Somehow governments are trying to normalize their terms with the expectation that they will renew and increase the privileges
they enjoy from their election. Now the government recipe is as follows: storytelling and misinformation of the masses and repression of
those who resist and fight.
The path of austerity and class devaluation of the social majority is intersected by the policy of increased repression and the crushing of
rights gained through struggles. The government of ND, like any other bourgeois government, has made the satisfaction of the business and
investment interests of the ruling class the central focus of its policy. It aims to implement this strategy by all possible means, no
matter how much material and financial violence is needed. After all, we do not have the slightest illusion that bourgeois democracy is only
a so-called "democracy." It is nothing more than a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, nothing more than an elective oligarchy.
The central pre-election announcement of ND was the imposition of the doctrine "law-order-security". Opening the time warp of the post-civil
war state (and parastate) of the right, the traditional right of our times looks back to the traditional recipe of its political and
ideological ancestors, with the main goal of crushing the anti-capitalist movement and imposing a graveyard silence on the social body.
The first strategic move of the current government was the abolition of university asylum in the summer of 2019, completing the "silent"
repressive work that SYRIZA skillfully began. The move was aimed at leveling the organization and struggle of the class student movement,
striking for a popular freedom that is inextricably linked to the '73 uprising, to align academic and class reality with its "modernizing
and developing" data. At the same time, its staff is now engaged in an unprovoked and all-out attack on the world of struggle and sections
of disobedient youth. This is evidenced by the persecution and violent actions of the increased repressive forces in the center of Athens.
Among many other incidents of police violence that followed, The lock-out of ASOEE and the unprovoked intervention of MAT at the spot were
unprecedented. Obviously we are not talking about individual incidents, but it is a broader phenomenon of police violence and arbitrariness
to which they belong. All this is an inseparable continuation of the repressive actions taken by the SYRIZA government, but in a more
aggressive and unprovoked way. Then, Chrysochoidis' "ultimatum" signaled the government's direct and frontal attack on the
anarchist-anti-authoritarian space, with the main focus on evacuating the squatters. The crescendo of state violence and the dynamic
resistance of squatters and neighbors averted, albeit temporarily, the government's repressive plan, which, by counting one failure after
another, tried to comically and in vain to spare its profile.
The unprecedented conjuncture of covid-19 and quarantine contributed to some extent to the inactivation of the social base and economically
weakened the lower social strata. The relative decline of social and class resistance in this admittedly extremely difficult period created
the ideal conditions for the suppression of popular freedoms and the violation of labor rights by the state. At the same time, the issue of
demonstrations and their sought-after restriction was returned to parliament for consultation. Finally, on 6/29, a bill was submitted for
voting, but with obvious roots to the junta, a bill on "public outdoor gatherings".
The law under consideration requires a permit to be issued for any demonstration by a certain protesting official, who will have to "file"
it in full with the authorities and provide every detail of the protest to the police. Spontaneous outdoor gatherings will be banned and
investigated on a case-by-case basis by the police to see if there are any issues with public order. Any demonstration that is considered
illegal will result in a sentence of up to 1 year in prison for the participants in it on the basis of a personal offense. In addition, the
organizer of the march is expected to impose police orders on the body of the march, acting as an assistant and executive body of the
police. Protests that do not secure a legal permit will automatically be suppressed by the police, thus legitimizing state violence and
repression. Anti-concentration is now banned, making it easier for fascists to enter the public sphere. Finally, this bill provides for the
establishment of a new special department in the police, which will deal with the prevention of radicalization of citizens (!) In various
areas (see workplaces, universities, political collectives, etc.), operating according to standards. of the occupying and junta police
department.
This enacted law will be a major legal tool in the arsenal of state power in its attempt to suppress movements and any voice of controversy
that is expressed in practice on the road, as it creates a regime of terrorism for marchers and consequently aspires to do so. weapon to be
a deterrent to the organization of the street and the formation of mass revolutionary class movements. The dual function of the new law - to
curb rallies, but also to isolate movements - will give the repressive forces the opportunity to act undisturbed, with the necessary
legitimacy of the state (now also in the letter of the civil law), sharpening thus the conditions of confrontation with the struggling
working class, the anti-capitalist movement and the anarchist / anti-authoritarian space. At the same time, this bill aims to further turn
the tide towards state monopoly of violence, thus trying to eradicate popular antivirus, the only socially just form of violence, the only
response of the oppressed to the constant violence and barbarity of their oppressors. .
As anarchists / anarchists and as an organic part of the working class, we are firmly on the road, actively supporting the unguarded
anti-capitalist and anti-state struggles. The road is a field of class confrontation with the state and capital. We are never going to give
up this average race, just as we are never going to give up the race itself. It is on the streets, in the neighborhoods and squares, in the
schools and in the schools, in the workplaces, that we have to give our strength for the reconstruction of the revolutionary class movement.
In these fields we are confronted and will continue to fight against our class enemies, against the parasites of the capitalist oligarchy
and their subordinates.
The state policy of precautionary counter-insurgency will not pass. We call for mass disobedience to the new protest bill. We call on all
those at the base of the social and productive pyramid to consolidate en masse the lines of the relentless, revolutionary class struggle.
DOWNLOAD THE NEW PREFECTURE FOR THE CASE OF DISSOLUTIONS
THE STATE TERRORISM WILL NOT PASS
NO STEP BACK IN THE STATE CONSTRUCTION
EVERYONE AND ALL IN THE STREET STREETS
Protest against the new bill to stop the protests:
Thursday 9/7, 19:00, Statue of Venizelos.
Thessaloniki Freedom Initiative (member of the Anarchist Federation)
lib_thess@hotmail.com
libertasalonica.wordpress.com
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2020/07/06/
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Message: 4
July 4, 2020 was the 86th day of protests for the "yellow vests" movement in France, which has been held every week since 2018 (with the
exception of quarantine months). In Paris, protests were held for the 73rd time. In a number of cities, demonstrations were still banned by
the authorities under the pretext of an epidemic danger. ---- In the French capital, "yellow vests" were again banned from gathering in the
city center, including the Champs Elysees. However, their three manifestations were allowed. The first march passed from the City Hall in
the Place de la République in Levallois-Perret (department of Hautes-de-Seine near Paris) to the Paris North Station from 11.30 to 18.00.
The second traveled from the House of Radio on the Place Clement-Ader in the 16th arrondissement of Paris to the headquarters of
France-Television on the esplanade of Henry the French in the 15th arrondissement from 13.30 to 19.30. Finally, the third column moved from
12.00 to 18.00 from Bataklan at the intersection of Voltaire and Lenoir boulevards to Italy Square in the 13th arrondissement. The
demonstrations were calm, but in an atmosphere of determination. The yellow vests sought to show that anger has not disappeared, despite
diverting attention to the epidemic, repression and the appointment of a new prime minister. "Climatic and social emergency," one could read
on one of the posters of the protesters (https://francais.rt.com/france/76601-gilets-jaunes-marche-fiertes-kurdes-journee-manifestations-paris)
In the "southern capital" of the movement, Toulouse, the prefect again banned the holding of public demonstrations, but in the evening a
"party of resistance" was organized, and a folk assembly was scheduled for July 5. Speeches and meetings took place in several other cities.
So, in Besancon, 100 young bikers joined the protesters in front of the prefecture. In Angers, the "yellow vests" gathered, as usual at
14:00 with Mal, etc.
https://aitrus.info/node/5514
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Message: 5
Can White People be Allies of People of Color? ---- Racial oppression is rooted in capitalism. White people are not oppressed as white
people, but do suffer from capitalism in other ways. White anti-racism cannot only be based on moral values but must also be related to
their own oppressions caused by capitalism. ---- Many things have been impressive about the Black Lives Matter movement of 2020. The extent
of the demonstrations, the depth of the anger, and the mass mobilization of the African-American community has been heartening. As I write,
weekly and daily protests are still going on, extending into occupations, across the U.S. and even internationally. The U.S. population,
which had seemed to be so quiesent, hunkering down during the covid-19 plague and the politically repressive Trump administration, has
suddenly burst out in righteous outrage.
One aspect of the protests that has impressed many is the large proportion of white people who are participating. Along with
African-Americans, Latinx, Asian-Americans, and Native Americans, white people have sometimes been the majority of the demonstrators.
Labelled as "allies" of People of Color, the European-American marchers include many who have suddenly realized that racism still exists in
the U.S. So many had let themselves believe that racism was mostly dead. Southern segregation had been abolished by the civil rights
movement a half century ago. Anti-discrimination laws had been passed. Prejudice had decreased. Television commercials show mixed-race
couples. There had been a Black president. Then the murder of George Floyd by a group of police, in full view of eyewitnesses and cameras,
suddenly lit up the scene. It revealed an oppression which had never gone away.
Despite the gains of the past (and there had been gains, such as ending legal Jim Crow), racial prejudice is still widespread among white
people. This ranges from the bitter hatred held by neo-Nazi white supremacists to the blindspots, the insensitivity, and ignorance of even
those who are subjectively anti-racist (such as myself).
Beyond the ideas and emotions of racial prejudice are the systemic institutional aspects of racial oppression. Schools are more segregated
than ever, due to housing segregation. Being last hired, first fired, causes African-American workers to have low seniority and poor pay
(and poor housing). Generations of poverty results in young adult People of Color starting out life without family wealth to fall back on
(not even the house and car equity which many white working class families have). Large numbers of young Black and Brown men have gone to
prison (often for drug-related minor "crimes"), which blights the rest of their lives.
Over all, while legal segregation is gone and discrimination has lessened, African-Americans remain on the bottom of society. Even those who
had advanced, have, at most, moved up to the lower middle class, as "white collar" workers. Very, very, few have "made it" to the upper
levels of society (especially if we leave out some entertainers and sports figures). What is the reason for this continuation of racial
oppression? Why was there racism to begin with?
Why Racism?
Africans were brought to North and South America and the Caribbean to be slaves. They were not kidnapped in Africa so that white people
would have someone to feel superior to. They were enslaved so they would do heavy labor for minimal costs. They were brought to the English
colonies so they could raise tobacco, sugar cane, and cotton as commodities for the world market. In particular, the cotton trade became the
foundation of British wealth, the basis for its industrial revolution and the British empire-and the basis for U.S. capitalism as well. The
slaves themselves were commodities, traded, bought and sold on the market. Their "racial" differences from Europeans made it easier to keep
them separate and controlled. It permitted the Europeans to justify to themselves the practice of slavery, despite Christian and democratic
ideology ("all men were created equal" but that only meant "white" men).
Slavery of Africans was different from Northern and European capitalism. Under mainstream capitalism, the workers were "free" (lacking
masters but also lacking tools, capital, or land), forced to temporarily sell their ability to work (their "labor power") to a capitalist
for a wage. Slavery was a bastardized form of capitalism, but one which was important for capitalist industrialism to develop on a world scale.
After the U.S. Civil War, slavery was abolished, but the ex-slaves were not given parcels of the land they had worked for generations
("forty acres and a mule" had been their demand). Without this, they were impoverished and vulnerable. Many became sharecroppers, working
for big land owners. Others became workers, laboring for capitalists South or North. Either way, they became a pool of low-paid working
people, "super-exploited," with a living standard below that of the rest of the (white) working class. Big profits were made off the
descendants of slaves.
Racism also justified and rationalized white settlers' genocidal attacks on the Native Americans, in order to take their land, and then the
U.S. seizure of half of Mexico. Meanwhile, on a world scale, white supremacy served to motivate European imperialism and colonialism. The
European empires seized huge chunks of the world, and forced millions of People of Color to work for them. It was said the sun never set on
the British empire nor the blood ever dried. This was justified as "the white man's burden," even as the wealth of the world flowed into the
banks of rich white men.
Besides the cheapness of the labor of Blacks, there was a second advantage which racism gave to the U.S. capitalist class. It was used to
split the working class. In general, the white workers (and most U.S. workers were white) accepted their "supremacy" over the
African-Americans and other People of Color (such as Chinese immigrants and Chicanos). They got better jobs, promotions, higher wages, and
better housing. They were taught that even if they were poor, they were "better than" People of Color-which has been referred to "the wages
of whiteness." All the suffering of white workers, all the anger and dissatisfaction, could be channeled into hostility toward
African-Americans. From the slave owners to modern capitalist politicians, the rich have deliberately promoted these prejudices.
Actually these benefits were quite limited. The low wages of the African-American workers pulled down the wages of the European-American
workers. The split between races made it hard to form unions, to win gains from the bosses. Unions have remained the weakest in the most
racist part of the country, the South. Wherever unions have been successful, it has been necessary to overcome the racism of the white
workers. The racial divide is the main reason why the U.S. working class remains behind the Western European working classes in benefits,
despite the greater wealth of the U.S. For example, it is the main reason why the U.S. remains the only industrialized country without
universal health care.
Currently, the standard of living and working of the U.S. working class has been under attack. Large sections of the white working class has
been suffering from the downturn in the economy, deindustrialization, overseas transfers of jobs, automation, and now the coronavirus and
its triggering a deep recession. Rather than blame their real enemies, the big capitalists and their political agents, all too many have
turned their anger against Black people, Mexicans, Muslims, etc.-People of Color, native or of foreign origin and differing religions. Trump
and the Republicans have particularly been whipping this up, while the Democrats are much subtler about it. All this racism and nativism is
to the benefit of the capitalist class (along with other forms of prejudice against women, LGBTQ people, Jews, etc.).
In brief, racism is rooted in capitalism. I do not say that capitalism is the only factor in maintaining racism (much more could be said
about social-psychological factors), but it is the major one. It will be impossible to finally end racism so long as capitalist exploitation
continues.
Can Whites be Anti-Racist Allies?
It is fascinating to see the widespread participation of European-Americans in the Black Lives Matter demonstrations, even in small towns
where there are almost no People of Color. Books on the evils of racism dominate the nonfiction book list. It has become a major topic of
discussion among white people and between white and Black people. Big businesses have taken out full-page ads, announcing that they reject
racism root and branch. Politicians of both parties have denounced racism, for what that's worth. Demands for controlling police violence
are common among both Democrats and Republicans, although they cannot agree on programs. The slogan, "defund the police," has become
widespread, if unclear as to what it actually implies. Statues of Confederate generals have been pulled down and Confederate flags taken
down, which are at least symbolic gestures.
In fact, much of the popular anti-racism lacks clarity as it what it actually means and what should be done to implement it. It is clear why
African-Americans are opposed to white supremacy, as well as Latinx people and also Native Americans and Asian-Americans. But why are white
people anti-racist and what can they do about it? On what grounds are white people told to be "allies" and to reject white supremacy?
Overwhelmingly, white people are told to reject racism on moral grounds. It is evil to claim superiority to other people on no grounds but
skin color-to get advantages not because of your merits but because of your race-to even passively support the violent suppression of People
of Color by the police-to keep people out of your schools, neighborhoods, and job sites, because they do not look like you, etc. All this
contradicts the democratic ethos of "All men[people]are created equal," and religious teachings of the equality and infinite worth of all
children of God.
These moral claims are essential. They motivate people to care for more than just themselves and to be ashamed to tolerate oppression in
their midst. But morality is not enough. Love is not enough. Nothing is enough. It is also necessary to appeal to self-interest, to show the
overlap between moral claims and self-interest. Only a combination can keep people going through thick and thin, struggling for justice,
freedom, and equality-for themselves and for everyone. People of Color have both self-interest and moral justice on their side. What about
European-Americans?
White people are not oppressed as white people. As white people they have privileges, they benefit from being of European descent. Even
anti-racist individuals benefit from being part of the collective of white people, if only indirectly, because they are not People of Color.
There is an argument that even oppressors pay a price in narrowness of vision, rigidity of personality, and emotional limitations. There is
truth in this, but it does not contradict the key point that white people, as white people, are a privileged layer of society.
There are sections of the left which have focused on this point, on the benefits which European-Americans receive from racism, however
limited, which they refer to as "white skin privilege." They call on white workers to sacrifice for the sake of People of Color. Perhaps
unfortunately, this moralistic appeal has a limited appeal; people will not easily give up their families' incomes and benefits for the sake
of morality only.
Capitalism is an Enemy
But white people are not just white people. They have occupations, genders, religions, sexual orientations, social interests, and other
aspects of their lives. In particular, the big majority are in the working class. They work for a living, getting wages or salaries, obeying
bosses, producing the goods and services which make the world go round. They rely on their incomes to support their families (including
children and full-time homemakers) as well as to pay for entertainment, education, and social activities. Those who do not have paying jobs
mostly seek to get them.
As members of the working class, the big majority has interests which clash with the boss class, the ruling rich. The capitalists. are
supported by their agents, such as the politicians, and-especially-the police. Without the police how could the rich keep working people
from taking over the factories, the offices, the mansions, and the rest of the wealth-making infrastructure? In a society full of class
conflicts, clashes of interests, and competition, how could society be held together without police, and a brutal police at that? (Not that
reforms cannot be won, but the police cannot be abolished in this society.)
As I write, people in the U.S.A., of all races and ethnicities, are suffering from the coronavirus plague. They are also living through the
severe economic downturn which the plague triggered (but which will last even after covid-19 is "under control"). There is also the looming
effects of the climate and ecological crisis (floods, hurricanes, droughts, overheating, etc., etc.). All this being exacerbated by a
racist, incompetent, and unhinged political leadership. This combination of disasters is the background for the BLM movement. Outrage at
these mishandled calamities has fueled a militancy on all sorts of overlapping issues-consider the demonstrations supporting Black transexuals.
All these evils are caused by-or at least made worse by-capitalism. It is capitalism which pushed industrial agriculture and urbanism deep
into wildlife territories in poorer nations, leading to the rise of plagues-and then spreading them through overcentralized world
transportation. And failing to deal with them due to underfunded public health services. It is capitalism, whose system has been declining
overall since the 1970s, setting the world up for new and deeper recessions. It is capitalism whose incessant drive for accumulation,
growth, and profit-making, overrides the ecological need for a balanced and sustainable environment-and is creating the global climate
catastrophe. It is capitalism which needs women to serve as breeders and family caretakers, in order to create and re-create the labor power
of the workers-and therefore prevents full gender equality. It is capitalism which has evolved the current political situation, with a vile
and inept "conservative" (really semi-fascist) president. He is being challenged by a "moderate" (really conservative) politician who is
rather inept himself-a dreadful choice. This is the result of decades of political decline which has reflected the economic decline of U.S.
and world capital.
Just as it is capitalism which has created and maintains racism, so it is capitalism which created and maintains the exploitation and
oppression of white workers, as well as women, and LGBTQ people, people subject to viral pandemics, and people who are in danger from global
overheating. It is not as "white people" that they suffer, in any but a moral sense. It is as working class, women, plague victims, and so
on that white people are oppressed and exploited-by capitalism. To fight capitalism it is necessary to oppose racism, which remains one of
its main props and supports. The failure to oppose white supremacy has repeatedly been the Achilles heel of other struggles for social
improvement, leading to their defeat.
The capitalists do not want working people, of any race, ethnicity, or nationality, to see the enemy as capitalism, its ruling class, and
its state (with its police). They want us to think that "we're all in this together," we should all love each other, the only issue is being
"woke" and morally responsible, and so on. Businesses can take out all the ads they want, in order to impress Black people that they are on
their side. But they cannot change their basic practices. They will not raise the incomes of the majority of People of Color, with higher
wages and better public services. They will not increase their taxes to pay for a vast expansion of health care and for guaranteed jobs for
all. (After all, they have just benefitted from an enormous tax cut, pushed through by the Republicans and Trump.) They will not slash the
military budget in order to pay for increased spending on public schools. (How then could they threaten countries around the world with the
military might of the U.S.?) They will not implement a "Green New Deal," to save humanity from a climate cataclysm. This too would need more
taxes, socializing of major industries, cutting back military spending, and reorganizing the whole system. So they would prefer to talk
about moral values and the goodness of racial equality in the abstract.
What is needed is not an abstract set of values but a vision of a different and better society, where all are free and equal, where the
economy is democratically managed by its workers, and production is carried out for use rather than profit. In such a society, people
organize themselves into voluntary self-managed associations, and protect themselves through community institutions.
People of European descent have important reasons to oppose white supremacy, both as racist prejudice and as an institutional system. There
is a moral need to be better than we have been, to support all people's value as free and equal. But like Black, Latinx, Asian, and
Indigenous people, white people also have an objective self-interest in opposing racism. Not as white people as such, but because racism is
used to prop up capitalism, which is a basis for the exploitation and oppression of everyone.
*written for www.Anarkismo.net
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31967
------------------------------
Message: 6
About the 10 years of the memorandum ---- To resist and overthrow the oppressive regime that, as it goes, tightens its noose around people's
necks. To claim that it belongs to us. To take our lives into our own hands. Build a prosperous future for future generations. To leave a
revolutionary legacy in human history. ---- About the 10 years of the memorandum: the end of the trip was not in Ithaca ---- Ten years ago,
in April 2010, the then Prime Minister of the country, G. Papandreou, announced in a speech from Kastelorizo the appeal of the deficient and
indebted Greek state to the support mechanism. One month later, the "Easy Loan Agreement" was signed with the EU countries and the
"Immediate Financial Financing Agreement" with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to provide financial assistance to Greece in the form
of a loan of € 110 billion. . All of these agreements were named "Memorandum" for short, a "lender and debtor" agreement that included tough
commitments to implement the program and disburse the installments. Something like that,
With the social crisis deepening and the working people suffocating from the successive measures to devalue their labor force, on March 1,
2012, a new memorandum was signed between the unelected Greek government and Prime Minister Lucas Papademos and the European Commission.
Central Bank (ECB) and the IMF. The purpose was to feed back the contracts and the continuation of the memorandum programs, by granting a
new loan of € 109 billion and a retroactive reduction of the "rescue" interest rates. In the same year, the transfer of the Greek debt to
Anglo-Saxon law took place with the architect the constitutionalist populist politician of PASOK Venizelos,
In April 2014, the ND-PA.SO.K. announced the first exit of the Greek state in the capital markets with the issuance of a 7-year bond
repayment period. Thus, the first "episode" of the premeditated fraud of the "success story" and the so-called "exit from the memoranda"
directed by the Greek government was sealed. However, regime propaganda, fabricated messages of "market rejuvenation" and the spread of
delusions about a "post-crisis era" have never been able to convince "investors", let alone the affected social base. On April 10, the day
of the official exit to the markets, the building of the Bank of Greece was hit by the Revolutionary Struggle organization in a leading
action of resistance to the policies of collapse and looting of the proletarian strata.
As the country's political and economic life was shaken by social disenfranchisement, attacks on politicians and popular protests, caretaker
governments succeeded one another without party formations being able to secure government autonomy, a sign of great social liquidity and
manifested throughout the political map. However, the accumulated social rage of the period could not find a way out with a positive
project, as the inability to develop a liberal revolutionary overthrow movement and the absence of a revolutionary political organization
reduced the struggles from potentially revolutionary to demanding. it limited resistance to occasional insurgency and left room for the
forces of capital to organize their own reserves to save the political system. On the one hand, the rise of extreme right-wing populism and
nationalist / racist rhetoric and, on the other, the "building" of the "leftist assignment" to SYRIZA, were the two main tools for managing
the social crisis, assimilating anger and calming the resistance. . They were the two most catalytic factors for the systematic
re-stabilization, the smooth continuation of the memoranda and the erection of embankments in the class / popular struggle that could not
acquire a liberal / revolutionary character, as a result of which it was trapped in a dead end. the rise of extreme right-wing populism and
nationalist / racist rhetoric and, on the other hand, the "building" of the "leftist assignment" to SYRIZA, were the two dominant tools for
managing the social crisis, assimilating anger and appeasing resistance. They were the two most catalytic factors for the systematic
re-stabilization, the smooth continuation of the memoranda and the erection of embankments in the class / popular struggle that could not
acquire a liberal / revolutionary character, as a result of which it was trapped in a dead end. the rise of extreme right-wing populism and
nationalist / racist rhetoric and, on the other hand, the "building" of the "left-wing assignment" to SYRIZA, were the two main tools for
managing the social crisis, assimilating anger and appeasing resistance. They were the two most catalytic factors for the systematic
re-stabilization, the smooth continuation of the memoranda and the erection of embankments in the class / popular struggle that could not
acquire a libertarian / revolutionary character, as a result of which it was trapped in a dead end.
In January 2015, SYRIZA took over the helm of political management. The party that passed most of the pages of measures by any other
memorandum government and struck disastrous lasting memoranda. With A. Tsipras as Prime Minister, after five and a half months of
negotiations-fiasco and after a fake referendum (July 5, 2015), an agreement was signed on July 13 with the lenders for a new program or
otherwise the 3rd Memorandum. Under the third loan agreement, the Greek state would receive a € 86 billion loan, which was to be gradually
delivered from August 2015 to June 2018, with tough measures to accompany the 4 debt assessments until the end of the program.
without ratification of the contracts by the Greek Parliament - for the 2nd Memorandum: a) reduction by 22% of the minimum wage in all
levels of the basic wage (from € 751.39 to € 586.08) and 32% in young people from 18 to 25 years old (from € 751.39 to € 510.95), b) cuts in
pensions, allowances, health expenses, etc. c) full opening of 20 closed professions and personalized or operational employment contracts
instead of sectoral ones - for the 3rd Memorandum: a) recapitalization of the Greek banking system b) privatization of 50 billion state
assets c) "rationalization" of the VAT system and expansion of the tax base to increase revenues, reform the pension system, automatically
reduce public spending and primary spending. - for the Polynomial Plan: a) increase from 14% to 17% the contribution of the farmers, b)
abolition of EKAS from 2019, c) reduction by € 50m in the heating allowance. The social majority and, above all, the working class have come
to know very well, through imposition from above, the thousands of pages of measures and demands that have been signed during these 10
years. Definitely much better than those who signed them.
During this decade, social resistance has taken many forms. During the period of 2010 the first mobilizations throughout Greece concerned
general strikes, culminating on May 5 in the nationwide strike against the new austerity measures and Greece's involvement in the IMF, with
the course of Athens being one of the largest recorded in recent Greek history and the number of protesters is estimated at around 250,000.
In 2011, small initiative movements sprang up in all the cities of the country and mass mobilizations took place throughout the year,
especially on the days when the Parliament ratified the respective unbearable measures. The strikes of February 23, May 11 with the
bloodshed of the demonstration and the almost fatal injury of Giannis K.,
Then in 2012 and while the country's economy was in deep recession with unemployment at record levels, the accuracy increased with both the
so-called then and as "hikes" extraordinary taxes to affect the majority of the working class, the protests continued to It is common. On
February 12, the vote in the parliament of the second package and the criminal PSI was marked by huge demonstrations and the largest, most
violent, violent and participatory clashes in the post-colonial era in central Athens, where tens of thousands of protesters set up
roadblocks and clashed with their salaries. state. The occupation of the law, which had been turned into a center of struggle by anarchist
forces since February 9, and a number of workers and youth, set the tone. Retired pharmacist Dimitris Christoulas committed suicide on April
4, 2012 in Syntagma Square, protesting the economic situation in Greece. On the evening of the same day, a demonstration took place on the
occasion of the event. In the autumn of the same year, the aristocrat A. Merkel visits Athens, accompanied by demonstrations and incidents,
as for this visit, the police took draconian measures that included blockades of roads and areas, in order to ensure her safe passage.
In a regime of social and political devaluation of the domestic political system, even if governments succeeded one another with huge
abstention rates, the state's response to popular mobilizations throughout these two years was one: violent repression of all direction. No
exceptions. Police in riot gear stormed a rally on Friday, removing hundreds of protesters by truck. Elderly people, people with health
problems, minors and anyone who decided to put into practice the comprehensive "rescue" plan prepared by capitalism and the state were
severely injured. The absence of self-defense structures, the organizational inability to confront the forces of state repression, strong
popular / freedom militias,
The last major mobilizations of the period 2010-12 took place during the two-day strike on November 7-8, with the signs of "fatigue" and the
decline of the struggles being evident. Tensions between the state and the citizens began to subside after the lack of a revolutionary
project led the resistance to a stalemate. Somewhere there, the bourgeois social democracy made its appearance on the political scene with
SYRIZA as its representative, although its influence on the "movements", the large demonstrations and the class / social processes were
negligible. The fact that SYRIZA was strengthened and did not strengthen the mobilizations, confirms on the one hand that it was not their
instigator (let alone "pioneering") and on the other hand that its popularity was not stimulated by the base's struggles, but by the power
supply of the bourgeoisie. And his election rise did not take place at the height of the struggles, on the contrary he was pushed by their
decline. In addition, the strengthening of SYRIZA did not reflect the "radicalization" of sections of society as misinterpreted at the time
by its various offshoots (inside and outside the party) but marked the death of all its prospects.
With the double elections in May-June and the emergence of SYRIZA as the official opposition, the systemic victory and the institutional
assignment of the "anti-memorandum struggle" to parliament had begun to take shape. The orderly composition of the mobilizations with the
once state-run petty bourgeoisie being an important part of it, the national-patriotic crowns against the "bad Germans" "advising us" and
the institutional fallacy of the (indeed) "unconstitutional" content of the memoranda had left significant political capitalization in
systemic reserves (right and left) to reap the "demands" and stakes of social wrath. The exclusive reduction of the responsibility for the
imposition of the memoranda to the "foreign invaders" and the "German 4th Reich",
Nationalist rhetoric about "Greece-Psorokostaina" has always turned a purely class issue into a national one. As domestic capitalists
profited unhindered and inflated their bank accounts amid memoranda and Greek capitalist business activities in the Balkans continued to
expand, cries and shouts of "national unity" between rich and poor pervaded the nation. From the "thieves-thieves", the juntas and the blue
and whites of the indignant to the nationally proud "no" to the misleading referendums, the resurgence of "national cohesion" has been a
constant goal of the regime. So, since governments have been described as "nationally traitorous" rather than bourgeois, consistent
representatives of the interests of capital, On the other hand, the "pure patriots" ethnocentrisms, the savior institutional "memorandum
eaters" (from Kamenos and every nationalist system, to Lafazanis and Tsipras) who would "tear" the memoranda, could also be found. Not on
the streets, but in the parliamentary seats. Not by enforcing the revolutionary law of a society that claims its freedom, but by enforcing
the "laws, the constitution, the national right."
So, even before taking power, the timeless historical role of social democracy, that of integrating and trapping class forces in bourgeois
government, SYRIZA functioned as the useful systemic "launcher" at the critical time. It was prepared for the government by the bosses'
forces (eg SEV), the regime's media and the state to mediate between the bourgeoisie and the "movements" of anger like the vanguard of the
"state that continues". Leading as a pioneer and reformer from the left, as a "right" social democrat, he is preaching the opposition to
tear up the memoranda. Later as a ruling party, the breakwater of the torrent of social resistance ends and through the implementation of a
neoliberal political agenda it washes away and pulls the snake out of the hole for the state and the bourgeoisie, essentially finally voting
2 Memoranda and imposing measures that would otherwise face social resistance with major uprisings. Throughout his electoral term, SYRIZA
imposed the will of capital, serving with excessive zeal the political and economic interests of the bourgeoisie, while at the same time
socializing and massing the popular masses.
In the summer of 2018, outgoing Prime Minister A. Tsipras announced in a speech from Ithaca the country's exit from the rescue programs and
announced the start of a "transitional period" during which economic policy will be drawn up independently by governments, which are
"exempt." "Now, from the creditors' demands, they will be able to devise their own macroeconomic strategy without external commitments,
which in itself implies" benefits "for the people and the weak. His expression "we went through many waves to reach our destination today"
was not typical. But who really went through these waves?
The symbolic allegory with the choice of Odysseus' homeland as the background of the sermon was from the beginning clear in terms of the
communicative messages he wanted to send and active in terms of the goals he wanted to achieve. The narrative of the left-wing government
about the period of the "post-war memorandum" found in Ithaca the mythological representation of the "end of the journey", where the odyssey
of the "Greek people" quickly finds redemption after "great sacrifices". The image of Ithaca was chosen to succeed Kastelorizo in the
"collective unconscious", the location chosen by the PASOK government to announce the inclusion of the Greek state in the support mechanism.
The expiration of the loan agreements in the summer of 2018 was basically the consistent observance of the memorandum rules. The cessation
of lending and the country's exit to the markets was only the fabricated warming of the "liking" of the markets to Greek bonds. Credit
rating agencies have "instigated" investors' confidence in the Greek debt market, aiming at a direct resale and a short-term profit in the
secondary market. As a team, we have repeatedly spoken of the "fraud" of exit in capital markets and low bond prices, and we have fully
confirmed the time of the outbreak of the new crisis, where market insecurity has led to a massive shift in Greek debt and Greek debt. safe
havens "(eg German bonds)
Subsequently, the termination of the loan agreements meant the continuation of the memoranda without the parallel financial support from the
"lenders", since all the mechanisms that ensured the automated implementation of the memoranda, regardless of whether it is in place, were
formed in the context of debt assessments. some loan agreement. Commitment to primary surpluses by 2060, surpluses that, if not covered,
will be addressed through proper "fiscal interventions", the privatization super fund, a reduction in pensions and an increase in the
retirement age are just some of SYRIZ's "legacy" to hide behind any "anti-memorandum" or "post-memorandum" myth.
With the New Democracy taking over the government, the declarations of the "end of the crisis" and the success stories of the "return to
normalcy" come and go. Nevertheless, the messages for a New Recession and a new episode of the systemic crisis were clear. In this way, ND
comes to convince the Greek society that "the best days have arrived" by concealing the real facts and through a neoliberal political line
it is preparing the ground for further violation of labor acquis, individual and social rights, privatizations of all kinds, looting. At the
same time, preparations for the coming of the new recession and the suppression of impending outbursts of social outrage are becoming
urgent: the re-emergence of the motorized gang (former D), police in the neighborhoods, racist pogroms in the streets from uniformed
bastards, police camps in Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by circles friendly to SYRIZA as "ideological obsession of the right"
and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more
"progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a
result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while
the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation
are secondary. racist pogroms in the streets from uniformed bastards, police camps in Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by circles
friendly to SYRIZA as "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a
dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off
the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation
of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of
the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation are secondary. racist pogroms in the streets from uniformed bastards, police camps in
Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by circles friendly to SYRIZA as "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile
substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in
managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the
"fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with
clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation are secondary. camping
of police officers in Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by SYRIZA-friendly circles as an "ideological obsession of the right" and
through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more
"progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a
result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while
the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its sharpening labor exploitation are
secondary. camping of police officers in Exarchia, etc. A "agenda" that is perceived by SYRIZA-friendly circles as an "ideological obsession
of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government
as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As
a result, protests against the "fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli)
while the mobilizations with clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its sharpening labor exploitation
are secondary. A "agenda" that is perceived by circles friendly to SYRIZA as "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile
substitute rhetoric attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in
managing the resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the
"fascism of the SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with
clearer political content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation are secondary. A
"agenda" that is perceived by SYRIZA-friendly circles as an "ideological obsession of the right" and through a sterile substitute rhetoric
attempts to emerge as "fascist" with a dual goal: to present the SYRIZA government as more "progressive" and mildly "in managing the
resistance and at the same time cutting off the class matrix of state authoritarianism. As a result, protests against the "fascism of the
SW" began to intensify after each evacuation of occupation or violent events (eg Kypseli) while the mobilizations with clearer political
content, the resistance against the effects of the crisis, its intensification labor exploitation are secondary.
With the signs that the crisis is never over, but instead deepening to be many and evident in the global economy, a new episode of the
crisis is breaking out to confirm this condition. The Covid-19 pandemic is changing radically and across the course of world social,
political and economic history. Whichever way we look at the current situation, the new episode of the crisis confirms the weaknesses of the
system that are perpetuated and covered by a multitude of regime ideological mechanisms, confirming how vulnerable and unprepared it is for
"emergencies" manages without the universal social consensus as well as how necessary it is for the capitalist system to survive the New
Recession in which the globalized market enters. Thus, once again, the narratives of the "perfection of capitalism" (sic) and the "end of
history" based on the current state capitalist model of managing social affairs are fragmented, if nothing else, by any reformist
perspective and reform proposal. "Humanization" of the system is now manifested as ungrounded and ineffective for the lower levels of class
structure. The aggressive restructuring of world capital is bringing closer and closer the possibility of imposing new Memoranda or measures
of strong "fiscal control" which will lead to the fact that we have lived these 10 years even more intensified. Violation of labor rights,
thousands of layoffs in all sectors, precarious and unpaid work, the abolition of social freedoms and resistance, more houses in the hammer
of banks, more privatizations, less public spending, taxes out of nowhere, a sharp rise in the percentage of those living under or below the
poverty line. In other words, misery, misery, pain and death are what promise us an immediate future so that we do not rebel.
But how can we not rebel? How can we leave unanswered the insults that human dignity receives? In a world for a few, none of us can fit. As
Anarchists we stand against the plans of predatory capitalism whose sole purpose is to devalue human life in simple survival, encroachment
and plunder of the Earth, the abolition of social and labor acquis, the greedy profitability of capitalists through the privatization of
surplus value. our labor force. Our goal is to create another social organization. A society without a state but with trade unions, councils
of Communities (communities) and popular assemblies that will be interconnected at the federal level, who will make decisions with
horizontal procedures giving everyone the opportunity to decide on their lives. A society where through the replacement of property by the
socialization of all the products and services necessary for man, will give space to each and every one to excel by offering to the
community the skills with which he was endowed by Nature and not by working for the sole purpose of livelihood. We propose a federalist
social organization, the basic principle of which will be: "from each according to his abilities - to each according to his needs."
Bourgeois democracy, the class structure of society, the state, the free market economy, (new) liberalism and its representatives are
institutions,
In order for our goals to be realized, we believe that we must adhere to the perspective of the only condition that will bring about this
coveted change, the Social Revolution. In other words, to move to the just ataxic-extremist society that we envision through a specific
revolutionary program, with overall organizational positions and proposals around the issues that concern the human community and beyond. To
resist and overthrow the oppressive regime that, as it goes, tightens its noose around people's necks. To claim that it belongs to us. To
take our lives into our own hands. Build a prosperous future for future generations. To leave a revolutionary legacy in human history. If I,
you, he, we, don't revolt, then who?
With the theme of "10 years of memoranda" and the central slogan "Anarchism or Barbarism" we are currently conducting an anti-information
and resistance campaign in the neighborhoods of Agioi Anargyroi, Kamatero, Ilio and the surrounding areas, with eyes on preparation. and
organizing new races and new explosions that are just around the corner. The main goal of our wider action is for our voice to reach every
home, every employee and every youth in the area, expanding intervention methods and discovering new ones. In this effort, we call on our
comrades, friends and friends who are inspired by anarchist projects and liberal values, who find general agreements with our analyzes and
positions, in participation and organization for the strengthening of an anarchist pole of organization, resistance and battle in the
western districts. It is a time of organization, militarization, revolutionary responsibility and great decisions for the movement and
society we want.
To finally find the odyssey of the oppressed her own Ithaca.
Anarchist Saints Anargyron-Kamatero initiative
Related Link: http://protaanka.espivblogs.net
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31966
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