Today's Topics:
1. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #307 - Luxfer: Social
utility at the heart of the fight (fr, it, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. asr Anarchist Union of Iran and Afghanistan: THREE YOUNG
BOYS ARE WAITING FOR THE EXECUTION IN IRAN By
Hasse-Nima Golkar
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. US, black rose fed - In Defense of Autonomy: Seattle's CHOP
Advanced the Movement for Black Lives (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Britain, Class War Daily THURSDAY 02 JULY 2020 - The
Peasants' Revolt Johanna Ferrour (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. ait russia: Poland: ZSP protests government program [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. anarkismo.net: Today as yesterday, sexual and gender
dissidents continue to fight by Groupo libertario vialibre (ca,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. vrije bond: zaterdag -- 11 JUL '20 -- BENEFIET ~ Amsterdam
-- Benefit move night for Anarchist prisoner Gabriel Pomba da
Silva (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
At the height of the health crisis, the State and the Luxfer group did not give in to the demands of former employees of the Auvergne
factory, despite the pressing need for oxygen cylinders in France and worldwide. Workers Persevere ! ---- There were many people, Thursday
June 25 - in scorching weather - to support the " Luxfer " in front of the factory in Gerzat, north of Clermont-Ferrand. The entire
militant apparatus of the CGT, from the local unions of the department to the confederation - with the presence of the general secretary,
Philippe Martinez -, via the CGT metallurgical union union, very present in the region, set in motion to make this day a success. FO and, to
a lesser extent, Solidaires, remained in the background.
Even if it is especially the political parties and their headliners (Mélenchon, Glucksmann ...) who have reaped the media laurels, the
strongest moment of the day was the intervention of the workers of GM&S (Creuse ), who paid tribute to their union representative Yann
Augras, who died two weeks earlier. The question that nobody will ask, of course, but which trots in everyone's head: was it a last stand or
a willingness to go back on the offensive after the containment interrupted the occupation of the factory ? [1]
Read also " Metallurgy: Let's change the air, let's socialize Luxfer ! " In Alternative Libertaire, in May 2020.
Political promises
Faced with a state that does nothing to protect the interests of the capitalists, condemning any resumption of the factory by legal means,
the former workers of Luxfer are in a fragile situation. Politicians flock to their bedside (PS, Generation-s, PCF, LFI, EELV...) to
promise, as usual, that with them in power, everything would be different. An inexpensive speech, which obviously meets a large echo. The
time is not to give lessons but to roll up our sleeves so that hope may live, so that the capitalists will understand that the labor camp
will not be robbed without reacting. And it is not the political promises, not really disinterested, that will help us to organize ourselves
as a class to fight here and now against our exploiters, our licensees,
The self-managed alternative to popularize
There are buyers. It is this track which seems the most credible, well before the nationalization or even the takeover of the company in
cooperative form. If, as libertarian communists, we favor the latter option, we of course know all the obstacles that a possible Scop (or
Scic [2]) could encounter in the framework of capitalist economy. The Luxfer family did not ignore them when they had set up their
cooperative project, before changing their guns when the former boss refused to hand over the business to them.
Whatever the case, no one here will be choosy: the least progress can only be obtained thanks to the balance of power that the union
movement will be able to impose. The proven shortcomings of the State in this file, which could have been dramatic in the event of a
shortage of oxygen cylinders, could they breathe new life into the prospect of a takeover of the factory by the former employees · are ? It
is up to us, trade unionists and libertarians, to make this idea gain ground!
Dadou (UCL Clermont-Ferrand)
Photo Hervé Chellé.
I would like to receive the weekly newsletter.
Your e-mail address *
Validate
[1] " Let's change the air, let's socialize Luxfer ! " , Alternative libertarian, May 2020.
[2] A cooperative society of collective interest (Scic) necessarily associates around a project salaried actors, beneficiary actors
(customers, users, residents, suppliers ...) and contributors (associations, communities, companies, volunteers) to produce goods or
services of collective interest for the benefit of a territory or a sector of activities.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Luxfer-L-utilite-sociale-au-coeur-du-combat
------------------------------
Message: 2
In connection with that suddenly had triple the gasoline price of the fascistic Shia Islamic Caliphate regime, the working people most young
people made a major national uprising 15th - 21th of November 2019 in more than 150 large and small Iranian cities ---- In order for
security and order forces to brutally crush this rebellion, all Internet communications were first turned off. Then, with the help of
electric batons, tear gas, water cannons, even war equipment as well as armored vehicles, tanks and helicopters, the country's streets and
squares were transformed into a place of massacre ---- The Capitalist regime in Iran, as well as throughout its 41 years of dictatorial
power, has not yet released any real statistics in any case. In this case, it is said that more than 15,000 protesters have been arrested
and detained and about 5,000 have disappeared and massacred
Three of the young fighters in Tehran: Saeed Tamjidi born in 1992, Amir Hossein Moradi 1994 and Mohammad Rajabi 1994 who had been
identified, among other things by street cameras, were condemned by the "Tehran Revolutionary Court, Division 15" to execution. All accused,
among other things, "Participation in the destruction of public property and encouragement of insurgency against the Islamic Republic
This inhuman judgment has now been confirmed by the Supreme Court. These three young people are now waiting for the death sentence
EXECUTION IS A CRIMINAL ACT AND STATE TERRORISM, THEREFORE MUST BE STOPPED
In connection with the sudden increase in the price of gasoline three times, the toiling people staged a nationwide uprising in more than
one hundred and fifty large and small cities of Iran against the fascist regime of Islamic-Shiite caliphate during the days of November 24
to 30, 2009. .
In order for the security and law enforcement forces to be able to brutally suppress this insurgency, they must first shut down all Internet
lines. They then killed people by using electric batons, tear gas, high-pressure sprinkler trucks, and even weapons such as armored
vehicles, tanks and helicopters. They massacred the country's streets and squares and turned them into bloodbaths.
The capitalist regime of Iran, during the forty-one years of its dictatorial rule, has not yet published real statistics in any case. In
this regard, it is said that more than fifteen thousand protesting people have been arrested and imprisoned, and about five thousand people
have disappeared and been massacred.
Three young protesters in Tehran: Saeed Tamjidizadeh, born in 1992, Amir Hossein Moradi, and Mohammad Rajabi, both born in 1994, who were
identified by the street cameras; He was sentenced to death by the Revolutionary Court of Tehran, Section Fifteen, on charges of
"participating in the destruction of public property and inciting rebellion against the Islamic Republic." The inhumane sentence has now
been upheld by the Supreme Court, and the three young men are currently awaiting execution.
Since the execution is a criminal act and state terrorism must be stopped!
https://asranarshism.com/1399/04/05/three-young-boys-are-waiting-for-the-execution-in-iran/
------------------------------
Message: 3
CHOP is dead, long live CHOP! As the police moved to dismantle the Seattle Capitol Hill Organized Protest (formerly "Capitol Hill Autonomous
Zone") earlier this morning, this piece by Seattle based historian Micheal Reagan eloquently reflects on the power, significance and
important weaknesses inherent in the movement. This piece was originally published by the Institute for Anarchist Studies, please consider
supporting their work. ---- By Micheal Reagan ---- A friend of mine, a Trump supporter, recently sent me a social media post from an
anonymous Seattle police officer about the "organized protest" zone, or autonomous zone, established by the Black Lives Matter (BLM)
movement in the city's Capitol Hill neighborhood. The officer argues, in part, that "there is a part of our country that is no longer under
our control," and that "we[the police]have been castrated." The post is mostly filed with misinformation, that the protest space has its own
currency, ID system, and that the former police precinct, abandoned by the mayor and the city at the height of the protests, is being used
as a BLM headquarters - no doubt a kind of black witches coven in their imagination. Indeed, in the language used in the post, "terrorists"
and "anarchists" are stock piling "ammo and chemical weapons," and are headed by a "warlord" who "drives a tesla and has been arrested for
drugs, guns, pimping and crimes against children." The officer concludes that "this is real," and that "you can't make this up." These
developments they call "unthinkable."
The police are not the only ones hysterical at the loss of their station. Right wing media have also chimed in, exacerbating and stoking the
fears of the Right. Fox media personality, Tucker Carlson, for example, bloviates on his nightly show that the founders of the Capitol Hill
Organized Protest (CHOP) are "just like the conquistadors" because they've seized and occupied already established land and are extorting
local businesses. Not to be outdone, President Trump, searching for an election year issue, called on the city of Seattle to attack and
retake the space. He tweeted angerly, "Take back your city NOW. If you don't do it, I will. This is not a game. These ugly Anarchists must
be stopped IMMEDIATELY."
What is unthinkable, or was at the beginning of the month, is the power of the Black Lives Matter movement in the streets. The emergence of
the autonomous zone is a pinnacle of that power, a significant victory. It demonstrates the ability of popular power to win the impossible
from structures of white supremacy - the state and the propertied interests they represent. That victory, and the subsequent diminution of
state violence, is a major step forward for community self-control and autonomy. It shows that ending anti-Black violence is the first and
most basic step to honoring Black life.
But it is just the beginning. Honoring Black life means constructing a society where Black autonomy and Black power are the cornerstones of
community, and one where Black freedom is the foundation for broader, collective liberation. The advent of the movement's autonomous zone
was a step in that direction. Taking the city's east police precinct demonstrates not only that our movements can win, but we can win
previously unimaginable victories for Black lives.
Seattle police dismantling and dispersing CHOP on the morning of Wednesday, July 1st.
There is another legacy now that must be dealt with from the CHOP. Much uglier, it is about the violence that took one life and left several
in critical condition in a series of recent shootings. The shootings and the lack of direction for the space sadly demonstrate that our
movements are not yet mature enough to know what to do with victory. As I write, the Seattle police are threatening to retake the building
in the wake of the violence.
The shootings happened as the movement languished. With no clear direction, political, strategic, and tactical infighting broke out,
reminiscent of Occupy Wall Street's failures. Questions emerged over whether the encampment was for abolition or reform, taking the police
station or not, "autonomy" or remaking existing institutions, marching or occupying, and others. This infighting was rooted in a lack of
decision-making process that made even the most basic agreements impossible to gain collective consent.
In the autonomous zone, a diverse flowering of self-activity emerged, a variegated patchwork of mutual aid projects, support, care, and
action that reflected the full diversity of the movement's politics and people. That beautiful moment must not be lost in its downfall, but
now with violence in the space, it must also be held within a more complex picture of the movement's failures as well.
First, the Victory
Having the city abandon the precinct was a huge victory for the Black freedom movement in Seattle. It came after weeks of fierce clashes
with police. The weekend after the murder of George Floyd saw confrontational and angry downtown riots that burned police vehicles, broke
store windows, and looted merchandise. Quickly, a city curfew was imposed. Instead of dying, the protests turned into even larger
mobilizations across the city and the region, even in small, mostly white bedroom communities.
Tens of thousands of people marched. On Wednesday, June 3rd, the sixth day of protests, BLM and anti-criminalization organizers from Block
the Bunker, No New Youth Jail, and Decriminalize Seattle issued a series of simple and direct demands to the mayor and marched with tens of
thousands to City Hall. They helped establish the goals of the protests as 1) cutting the city police budget 50%, 2) refunding community
needs, and 3) releasing those arrested during protests. This marked a huge advance for the movement; the protests now had clear, ambitious
demands.
Meeting of community response team at CHOP.
The action at City Hall also put the crosshairs squarely on Mayor Jenny Durkan, with increasing calls for her resignation. The
demonstrations continued throughout the week, high school students formed impromptu marches that turned into street occupations. Actions of
thousands popped up in unexpected parts of the city, like the mostly white, and affluent northern sector. In the Othello neighborhood, a
poorer and Blacker part of the city, organizers filled Othello park with thousands, fists in the air, chanting "Black Lives Matter."
Meanwhile, in Capitol Hill, nightly clashes with the police were escalating. Every evening thousands gathered at police barricades
constructed to protect the east police precinct building. These actions came on news that Minneapolis had burned to the ground one of their
police stations. Overwhelmed, outnumbered, and exhausted, police used aggressive tactics, often charging into the crowd to push back the
throngs of protestors. One young woman was hospitalized, her heart stopped after getting hit the chest with an exploding flash-bang grenade.
Tear gas stung the air until one or two in the morning. This continued night after night.
Momentum, Power
Widely criticized for the aggressive approach the police took, in which child protestors were maced by riot cops, and other protestors
tackled and beaten, the mayor was under intense scrutiny, and seeming to lose control over the situation. On Friday, June 5th Mayor Durkan
promised a 30-day moratorium on the use of tear gas. But the very next night the police again gassed people in the streets protesting. City
council members announced calls for the mayor to resign, and began drafting official statements. On Sunday, protestors continued to gain
power, as the situation further spiraled out of the mayor's control. That evening, a young man, and relative of a Seattle police officer,
drove his car into the protest, shot one man in the arm, before surrendering to police lines. At the same time, President Trump was stoking
the Right to shoot "looters" in the streets.
Then the bombshell. In a surprise announcement on Monday, June 8th, Chief Carmen Best said the police would vacate the precinct at the
center of the Capital Hill protests. On Twitter moving vans were seen removing equipment from the station. The withdrawal was a huge victory
for the movement, and likely saved Durkan's position as mayor, for a time.
That night demonstrators again gathered at the station, this time coming right up to the walls of the building. Uncertain what to do, and
fearing a trap, BLM demonstrators did not occupy the station. Rumors that armed gangs of Proud Boys were ready to attack demonstrators,
possibly circulated by the police, led to people seeking to protect the area around the east precinct. Late in the night on June 8th
demonstrators declared the area a police-free autonomous zone. By the next day, hundreds rushed into the space to establish an
infrastructure of occupation that allowed residents and protestors to stay, and kept the violence of the police out.
Daily crowds in the space walking over "Welcome to CHOP" chalking on the street.
Instantly the character of the neighborhood transformed. From a space filled with nightly clashes punctuated by police violence, the Capitol
Hill Autonomous Zone (CHAZ) as it was initially called, demonstrated a flowering of art, mutual aid, music, direct democracy, and
self-sufficiency. Without the violence of the police, people organized their lives and their neighborhood in ways that suited their
interests and priorities. These were all humane, focused on defending and honoring Black life; many were quite beautiful.
The toppling of the east precinct was a huge victory. Not only because it demonstrated that people had the power in the streets to oust the
mayor, and beat back police violence, but because it opened the horizon as to what kind of neighborhood, city, and society we could create
and live in.
No Direction
The victory of the CHAZ soon came to be undone by the lack of political maturity of the movement to capitalize on victory. This is not
about unity, but maturity: the ability to navigate political difference and move forward on shared interests for collective liberation.
Indeed, as soon became clear, there was little ability to discuss the pressing strategic and logistical concerns in the space.
Instead, people just started doing - hundreds and thousands of people working on hundreds of individual and collective projects. This
included a community garden for Black and Indigenous lives, nightly concerts and political rallies, documentary film screenings, a veritable
renaissance of street art, a "decolonial" café, and more. For the movement, there were nightly marches to other police precincts, and people
used the autonomous zone for meetings, political conversations, popular education, and abolition work.
Even in the early days of the zone however, there were problems evident. The biggest was that there was no space to have collective decision
making to shape agreed upon priorities. A general assembly did emerge, but it was very difficult to get things done. It became more of a
speak-out, with people voicing impassioned testimonials against the police, but not able to raise political or strategic questions with each
other. This was partially because few had experience facilitating large meetings, forming agendas, setting short time limits for debate, and
having the discipline to silence or remove those who were off topic and disruptive. This was exacerbated by police infiltrators who acted to
divert, distract, and make focused conversation more difficult.
In addition, there were significant political differences difficult to overcome. Changing the name from CHAZ to CHOP - Capitol Hill
Organized Protest - was reflective of this. Very early, there were voices raised that the autonomous zone was a distraction, that it took
away from the movement for Black lives, that the focus became holding space, rather than stopping police violence, and that it was dominated
by white activists. There are merits to these claims. Still other voices, many of them Black, questioned the focus on "autonomy," arguing
that as African Americans they sought not autonomy from the institutions of the country, but integration, respect, and a dignified existence
within. Again, with merit.
There were differences between Black voices, and for white ally politics this posed a quandary - whose voices to prioritize? Some Black and
POC organizers were talking with the police, making suggestions to lead marches away from the zone, or to make other concessions with the
cops including allowing street traffic access or in other ways limiting and restricting the autonomous zone. While other Black voices were
more militant, defended the notion of an autonomous zone, and challenged the more conservative Black organizers. Others were frustrated by
the whole debate over the name and looked for a clearer strategic orientation for what to do with the precinct, the autonomous zone, and
what could be won from the police. Part of this confusion was also because most of the established radical Black leadership was organizing
elsewhere, putting their efforts into other mobilizations in the city.
Then people started shooting. On Juneteenth one man died after a fight in the CHOP. The next night there was another. And a few days later,
yet another still. Several people were sent to the hospital in critical condition. While one victim said his assailants were white
supremacists who were lurking near the space, most of the shootings stemmed from internal personal conflicts that spiraled into violence.
In the most recent days, Mayor Durkan and Chief Best have done their darndest to capitalize on the situation, calling for the occupants to
voluntarily leave, marshalling conservative Black leadership for support, and waiting for people to disperse enough to get the precinct
back. These are tense and troubling moments. Meanwhile, people in the zone cannot agree on strategy at this critical juncture. Some are
arguing in favor of leaving, others, for holding the space at all costs.
How to Castrate a Bull
The fact that the police express feeling "castrated" with the victory of the movements for Black lives, underscores the synthesis of racism,
patriarchy, violence, and state power. The police, the president, and the Far Right loath the loss of the precinct and the creation of the
organized protest space because it is a significant defeat of their power, their values, their way of life. In the words of one Seattle
police officer, they've lost control of their own country.
Their defeat is our victory.
The emergence of the autonomous zone shows that the limits of what mass movements can accomplish are shaped only by the limits of our power
in the streets, and the limits of our imaginations for what is possible. The collective and humane values expressed in the zone are cause
for celebration, a source of beauty. Black life can be honored when the institutions of white supremacy, like the police, are not reformed,
but removed. In their absence we can create a space where Black voices are honored, where Black life truly matters.
But the legacy of the organized protest zone is more complicated than a simple and straightforward celebration. The emergence of violence in
the space is a gift to the Right. They can argue that policing is necessary and that the excesses of movements must be checked.
For us, the failures demonstrate that basic meeting facilitation, lack of ability to engage with complication and complexity, and allowing
for difference while working on projects of shared interest are very serious shortcomings that require quick resolution. Further, it reveals
that politics are important. The ideas and visions we have in our heads are what enable us to set future horizons of freedom.
Thankfully, there is much more movement in front of us, and whatever happens to the autonomous zone, the movement for Black lives can push
forward in a multitude of directions. We've already seen it here in Seattle. In the last week the police union has been ousted from the
labor council. Armed police have been forbidden from schools. Police budgets will be cut and their use of an array of weapons banned. We
must act to create sites free of police violence in the other institutions and zones of the city. We can build from one autonomous zone, to
many. Even if the CHOP dies, autonomy continues to grow.
Michael Reagan is a historian and activist in Seattle. He is the author of the forthcoming Intersectional Class Struggle: Theory and
Practice to be published by the IAS and AK press. Find him on Twitter at @reaganrevoltion
This piece was originally published by the Institute for Anarchist Studies.
https://blackrosefed.org/in-defense-of-autonomy-seattle-chop/
------------------------------
Message: 4
Today in Class War Daily: ---- The Peasants' Revolt Johanna Ferrour ---- We're already there ---- Got a text for us? Email
classwardaily@gmx.com ---- Class War Daily 2/07/2020Download https://classwar.world/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/CW-Daily-61-200702.pdf ----
The Peasants' Revolt - Johanna Ferrour ---- The leaders of the Peasants' Revolt, Wat Tyler, Jack Straw and John Ball were angry. But Johanna
Ferrour was fucking livid! ---- On 14 June 1381, rebels dragged Lord Chancellor Simon of Sudbury from the Tower of London and brutally
beheaded him. Outraged by his hated poll tax, the insurgents had stormed into London looking for him, plundering and burning buildings as
they went. It was the leader of the group who arrested Sudbury and dragged him to the chopping block, ordering that he be beheaded.
Her name was Johanna
Ferrour.
In court documents she
was described as "chief
perpetrator and leader of
rebellious evildoers from
Kent". She also ordered the
death of the treasurer, Robert
Hales.
As well as leading the
rebels into London, she was
charged with burning the
Savoy Palace - the grandest
townhouse in London at the
time - and stealing a chest of
gold from a duke.
So why are women like
Ferrour largely hidden
from popular history, yet
charismatic rebel leaders
The Peasants' Revolt
Johanna Ferrour
such as the "mad priest" John
Ball and Wat Tyler dominate
in the history books?
Some historians now
suggest that sexist attitudes
permeated medieval history.
By translating Latin court
records, Sylvia Federico,
Associate Professor of
English at Bates College, was
able to establish that women
were often at the heart of the
revolt.
From records held at the
National Archives in Kew she
discovered they did "almost
everything" that men did -
they incited crowds, chased
their enemies and marched
into London alongside the
men.
"They were not shy to pick up
staffs, sticks, and staves and
wield them against perceived
oppressors," says Federico.
A third poll tax in 1380
sparked the revolt. A tax of
three groats, or one shilling,
was imposed on men and
women, both rich and poor.
For a labourer this amounted
to two weeks' pay. Resistance
to tax collectors spread
and protests quickly turned
bloody.
The revolt ended after the
peasants' leader, Wat Tyler,
was killed.
One female leader was
accused of encouraging a
group to attack the prison at
Maidstone in Kent, another
of leading rebels to plunder a
number of mansions, leaving
servants too scared to return.
Theft, looting, and
intimidation of neighbours
were further charges. But
criminal acts like this
were hardly noted because
of skewed history, says
Federico.
Medieval women were
seen by contemporaneous
chroniclers and later
historians as housewives
and mothers and not deemed
political. If their role in
the conflict had been more
widely recognised, the revolt
might have seemed more
trivial, Federico argues.
"The frequency and
significance of women's
participation is striking
compared with scholars'
silence on the topic."
Historian and author Dr John
Ridgard is also frustrated
that there are so few studies
on the lives of medieval
peasant women.
Despite this, he found
reference to 70 women rebels
in Suffolk alone. Female
rebels were certainly in
the minority, a mere 4% in
Suffolk, but they nevertheless
played a significant role,
says Federico.
There were a few women who
took leading roles during the
revolt but the majority were
there as part of the general
mob.
The beheading of the Chief
Justice John Cavendish for
example, came about after a
woman - Katherine Gamen -
untied the boat he hoped to
escape in. Court records state
that the mob then "seized
upon him".
Lord Chancellor Simon
Sudbury was beheaded
Ridgard remarks that "two
of the men most hated by
the general population of
England - Sudbury and
Cavendish - were both
brought to ‘natural justice
by women".
The poll tax of 1380, which
sparked the revolt, was
much tougher on married
women as they were taxed
separately from their
husbands, regardless of
their income or employment
status.
But although women were
at the heart of the violence
and charged with many of
the same crimes as men,
Ridgard has found no
records of women being
executed, or punished as
harshly.
Historian and presenter
Michael Wood says it
should come as no surprise
that "strong minded local
characters were just as
articulate and vociferous
[as men]in pushing the
peasants' claims".
But it is surprising, says
Wood, that women were
involved in the more
shocking acts of violence,
and it demonstrates their
hatred for "the figureheads
of an unjust government".
It must be remembered, he
adds, that events like the
revolt are usually only told
from the perspective of the
ruling class and the victors.
"It's a part of history that
has remained unwritten for
a long time. It's not just the
Peasants' Revolt, it's the
whole of our history."
The axe mark on Simon
of Sudbury's head is still
clearly visible on his skull,
which remains on display
in his home town as a
permanent reminder of the
revolt.
But as for the woman who
played a vital role in his
murder, there is no evidence
she was ever convicted.
--------------------------------------------------
We're ALREADY THERE by quirk!
We're already there!A vision of a future that's already a reality
and this social media is a control tool of Society
Big Brother's in da house
and he's already changed the locks
We're all just fucking prisoners
doing time and breaking rocks
We're the Systems Quarrymen, the fucking condemned
Serving life in their prison, no remission
So we just pretend
that we are free men, when we're all fucking Slaves
Not Knights but knaves
There is no free thought
no independent ideas
All fucking hostage
to preconditioned fears
To keep us apart keep us divided
Because they know we're invincible
if we are united
That why they want us
living life on our knees
Why they invented
the Thought Police
Not Orwell's 84
they were here before
They called it Religion
Gave it a God
Wrote it down in a book
The big book of Fraud
Told us to worship the sect of division
Follow his laws, live by his words
So we would comply accept the lie
As a God given truth when it was a fraud
Their truth was a lie
It's the reason why
Why we're strictly controlled
Why we're taught to do as we're fucking told
And never to question the shit we're sold
Well not fucking me i'll fight to be free
to the last fucking breath
The last beat of my heart
I'd rather be dead than live like that
And you can fuck off,
i'm not a part of your story
I'll write my own fucking book
Not some Jackanory about a backward doG!
A mythical God
Whose words are holier than holy
An absurd fucking story
inconsistent and flawed
I follow No God, No Lord or Master
No fucking bastard is my Master
You don't fucking own me
You will not control me
i will not comply so
FUCK OFF AND DIE!
Because you can't groom me
i'm no bastards doggy
i'm not your fucking pet
wearing no fucking collar
because I will not be led
I'd rather be dead lying cold in the grave
Than meekly accept and simply comply
with this fucking charade and your fucking lies
It's been said before and it will be again
Government is Government and all are the same
Corrupt to the core
The rich man's whore
Tart to the privileged
So they can control the whole fucking show
for their own fucking ends
Their wants and needs
Paying homage to their God
the one they call Greed.
That's their devotion, their fucking faith
That's why you're conditioned from birth to their ways
So your fucking life is the life of a Slave
We're all fucking Spartacus
to the fucking Capitalist
Whose fucking game is to keep us in chains
Servants from birth to the end of our days
There's no fucking masks in this masquerade
It isn't fucking raining they're pissing on our parade
and we gulp it down like FUCKING champagne
Well not fucking me
It's time to break free
Free from those chains
Stop playing their game
We're not fucking Slaves
Recondition your brain
Reprogram your thoughts
Refuse to be sold
Refuse to be bought
You are NOT their whore
I don't know about you, I couldn't take any more
Started fighting back
my flag is black
with Revolution at its core
This is their consequence
Let the battle commence
It's the start of the end
it's time we evened the score
It's time for......
the One War, we must win
CLASS?WAR!
are YOU in?
https://classwar.world/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/CW-Daily-61-200702.pdf
------------------------------
Message: 5
At the end of June, activists of the Union of Polish Syndicalists (ZSP, sections of the International Association of Workers) took part in
various protests against the anti-workers social and economic policies of the government, especially in the program to help the population
in connection with the Shield 4.0 epidemic. ---- In a statement issued by the Warsaw ZSP Interprofessional Union, reference is made to the
main points of outrage. First of all, workers who work under unofficial and precarious labor contracts are excluded from the recipients of
the Solidarity Allowance. The protest also causes a tightening of the criminal code, which is carried out under the guise of an epidemic:
stricter penalties for abortion, for minor thefts (including even theft of several loaves of bread hungry), etc.
(https://www.facebook.com/events/601684684103634/?active_tab=about)
On June 20, members of the Warsaw ZSP participated in a protest rally and picketed government offices, including a government law-making
center. They raised a banner with the inscription: "A strike is our best defense"
(https://www.facebook.com/ZSPZwiazekWielobranzowyWarszawa/photos/a.873550892787941/1792750134201341/)
On June 25, anarcho-syndicalists set up a picket in front of the presidential palace in Warsaw at 14.00, protesting against the signing of
the current aid program by the president. On the raised posters and banners it was possible to read: "We will not pay for your crisis!",
"The precariat riots!" and "Joint assistance is not only for state employees!"
https://aitrus.info/node/5512
------------------------------
Message: 6
In the midst of the reactionary wave that is shaking Latin America, we recall the Stonewall revolts of June 28, 1969 in New York, starring
poor dissidents and tired of police abuse. Today we recall the protests of the dissident sex movement in the 1970s in the United States,
Europe and Latin America for the cessation of exclusion and persecution. We also recall, in the midst of the formally parity but decidedly
patriarchal government of Iván Duque and the Democratic Center, the experience of the Homosexual Liberation Movement in Colombia that since
1978 made a radical criticism of authoritarianism, patriarchy and normative heterosexuality, defending a vision of sexual liberation
connected with social change, in a socialist sense,
Likewise, and amid the great wave of indignation of women against patriarchal violence, today we recall that the growing movement of sexual
and gender dissent is also the result of the effort and work of thousands of lesbian women and diverse identities who they have been made
invisible and excluded from homosexual spaces centered on men. We note that many of these dissidents participate in the women's movement
with feminist leadership and whose antipatriarchal struggle is also one of dissent. Thus, the demands against sexist violence, sexual
harassment, male authoritarianism and for equal pay and employment, free contraception, comprehensive sex education and legal abortion,
among many, must also be flags of struggle of the dissident movement.
Finally, and in the midst of the deep educational crisis that the pandemic reveals and feeds, today we remember Sergio David Urrego Reyes, a
young libertarian and dissident of 16 years, led to suicide on August 4, 2014, by violent institutional harassment to which he was subjected
for his sexual orientation. Following Sergio's proposal, we seek to deepen the fight against patriarchal and authoritarian education present
at all school levels, as well as strengthening as an educational alternative a popular, feminist and dissident proposal that enriches human
diversity.
Claims today
In the midst of the strong socio-sanitary and economic crisis, sexual and gender disagreements have been directly affected by discriminatory
measures such as the peak and gender established by the Claudia López government in Bogotá, but also by the aggravation of psychological
violence and physical in families and homes, in addition, due to the increase in police and institutional harassment. Likewise, it is clear
that the dissident working class population has a higher risk of job insecurity, suffering unemployment and being the victim of forced
eviction from housing, as in fact it has already been presented illegally in the country.
On the other hand, in the midst of the deep crisis, the fight for full equality in civil rights and the end of all legal discrimination,
including the possibility that same-sex couples marry, may receive pension, remain of absolute relevance. or social benefits of their
partners or maintain adoption rights. However, civil rights are only a moment in a more general process of fighting against
heteropatriarchy, in which protests against the entrenched discrimination of directors and colleagues in educational institutions, decent
working conditions, and denunciation are also key. against social and political violence that cruelly hits sexual and gender dissidents.
In the current context, the demand for full labor inclusion of the transgender and transsexual population, poor among the impoverished,
condemned to few, risky and precarious jobs, becomes urgent and vital, destined by the patriarchal society for a short and hostile life. We
think that with the development of this social demand, led by trans women workers and accompanied by the rest of the labor and popular
movement, we should impose trans contracting for the State in all its local and sectoral dependencies and for private entrepreneurs of
primary production. , industry and services. Furthermore, in this context, comprehensive coverage of physical and mental health remains
relevant, including the financing and safe execution of sex change treatments.
Strengthening the dissident movement
The fight against sexual and gender disagreements traces a double path; On the one hand, it is urgent to daily and constantly deepen the
cultural change within our own relationships and organizations, to build a social movement open to participation, voice and experience of
sexual and gender dissent that does not reproduce their oppression. but fight it, and participate in their struggles and support their
self-organization processes.
On the other hand, it is essential to continue strengthening the dissident movement that organized and mobilized from below, with autonomy
from public institutions or pink businessmen, actively intervenes in the social political situation, fighting for their own demands,
engendering a new culture of solidarity without sexual oppression of gender and contribution in many other social and popular struggles.
Up with the fight of sexual and gender dissidents!
Against heteropatriarchy: dissident and organized feminism!
Libertario Vía Libre Group
Related Link: https://grupovialibre.org/2020/07/03/hoy-como-ayer-las-disidentes-sexuales-y-de-genero-siguen-luchando/
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31965
------------------------------
Message: 7
Saturday 11 juli 2020 ---- Door open at 19:00 start talk at 19:30 ---- Short talk about Gabriel and the decades long anti prison struggles
in Spain of him and others against the FIES system and the prison state in general. ---- DOCU: ---- COPEL ( Coordinadora de Presos En Lucha
) ---- A tale of rebellion and dignity. ---- by: Colectivo COPEL 2018 ---- Spanish and Catalan spoken - English subtitles ---- The best
documentary ever made about the prisoners struggle in Spain in the 70's made by ex members of COPEL, their outside supporters, anarchists,
autonomous groups and social movements. ---- COPEL (Coordinadora de Presos En Lucha) emerged through spontaneous mobilizations by prisoners
pushing for the amnesty law of October 1977 to be extended across the prison population; it developed as a rank-and-file body that gave
voice and leverage to those excluded from the political process, and which challenged the State for more than two years, exposing its
injustices and the inhumanity of society's punitive machinery.
This documentary, focusing on Franco's and post-Francoist's prisons and the plight of its prisoners, is told by the victims of the regime,
activists who lived through those long years of struggle and who are determined to expose the truth about the nature of the regime and its
penal system
After the movie there is room for discussion and a drink.
This event has only space for 25 people! so please send us a email that you gonna attend, and when you cancel please also send us a email so
that other comrades can attend
Send email to: aga@agamsterdam.org
Respect Social distancing, Covid 19 is NOT a joke or a conspiracy
Free entrance but, Donations are welcome!!!
This will take place in the OCCII
Amstelveenseweg 134 Amsterdam
occii.org
This event is organized by the:
Anarchist Group Amsterdam - Vrije bond
agamsterdam.org
https://www.vrijebond.org/benefit-move-night-for-anarchist-prisoner-gabriel-pomba-da-silva/
------------------------------
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten