#Anarchism from all over the world - MONDAY 10 AUGUST 2020

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Bulgaria, anarchy.bg: ANTI-AUTHORITY! pass it on [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Buenos Aires: An Anarchist Perspective on Social Reality and
      State Repression in the Pandemic Era (ca) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 3.  Britain, Class War: THE REBELLION GOES TO PARLIAMENT
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  zabalaza.net - Economic Policy from Below: an Anarchist
      Critique of the COSATU Unions' "Radical Reform" Project - SIFUNA
      ZONKE (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  ait russia: Poland: Picket for Social Protection [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  Canada, Collectif Emma Goldman - Denunciations, cancel
      culture and friendships: perspectives of feminist activists in
      Chicoutimi (fr, it, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 7.  INTERNATIONAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION: Harmful response to
      climate change is the outbreak of corona virus! by AKM Shihab
      [basf] [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

   


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Message: 1



As a form of complicity , we provide all sympathizers and supporters with the leaflet we have prepared for the protests. ---- If you share
our ideas and want to spread them, you can do the following: ---- Print this PDF file in A5 or A4 format, preferably on both sides ---- Look
for potential supporters among the protesters who would be involved in the creation of the Anti-Government . ---- Give them one or more
leaflets to read and distribute.  ----  ---- ---- ANTI POWER! ---- Their "democracy" is not the power of the people, and organized gangs.
The law is not even a door in the field, and a bat or a policeman stick.
When we defend the institutions of democracy, we defend the rules of the game they play against us.
MILLIONAIRES WIN. THE WHOLE PEOPLE LOSES.
Bozhkov and Peevski, Borisov and Cornelia, are fuses to burn to keep their power.

The protests started out great
a sign of awakening and an example of
self-organization. But if they continue in
protection of such "democracy", with demands
for a "normal" or "rule of law" state,
"Resignation" of the government and replacement
its new, will only strengthen the robbery.

INSTEAD OF RESIGNATION-HAPPENING,
WE OFFER WORK

TO CREATE
ORGANIZED NUCLEAR ENVIRONMENT
THE SUPPRESSED
FOR THE MANUFACTURE OF
REVOLUTIONARY PROGRAM
Against the Government, with its oligarchs,
thugs and prosecutors, to oppose
Anti-government organized through militias,
general meetings and councils.

anarchy.bg

https://www.anarchy.bg/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Anti-authority.pdf

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Message: 2



Notes on the social situation and the escalation of state repression during the pandemic by an anarchist comrade from Buenos Aires ---- In
Argentina, quarantine and curfew began on March 20. It was a sharp and sudden change. Police in riot gear stormed a rally on Friday,
removing hundreds of protesters by truck. Police in riot gear stormed a rally on Friday, removing hundreds of protesters by truck. ---- All
activities were banned. Even on March 24, the anniversary of the military coup, we did not manage to demonstrate, which is unheard of. At
the same time, distrust, fear and uncertainty pervaded the world, as news of thousands of deaths kept coming to other countries. ---- Today,
after more than four months of pandemic and quarantine, we can draw the following conclusions:

- Occupational insecurity.  Especially those employees who are called "necessary" at this stage. Those at the forefront of the fight against
the disease, hospital workers, couriers coming and going from one place to another, so as to keep the supply chain open and everyone else
can live without risk, they workers complain from the beginning about the lack of health care for all workers, about paid leave for
high-risk staff (which caused the death of many workers), about wages that do not correspond to the risks they take.

Of course, this is not new to us, as we know that capitalism requires nothing but human sacrifice to maintain the privileges of the few.

-The emergency health crisis in the slums, locally known as villas. These huge and precarious settlements have been calling for major
reforms for decades to improve the quality of life of the people living there, especially sanitation projects to improve access to water.

They are neighborhoods that have long experienced the indifference of the state, which invests money only in shop windows and more police to
suppress their population. Imagine living this pandemic in overcrowded places with limited access to water. More than 40% of Covid-19 cases
in Buenos Aires come from these neighborhoods.

Fortunately, the villas have strong networking organizations and are organized to provide residents with basic products and make visible the
desperate claims to health care and clean water they promote.

- The inhuman situation in prisons. From the beginning, the detainees tried not to accept the state of emergency in which they found
themselves, in every possible way. From videos on social media presenting their demands to riots in prisons.

Seeing all the deaths that could be due to the inhumane conditions they are in, there have been some support moves by both inmate defense
groups and some judges. They managed to release on restrictive terms many people who did not have final decisions, who had the right to
leave or who did not belong to groups at high risk of health. This measure gave rise to various conflicts, because there were some
violations that were widely covered up by the media.

The media campaign sparked fear and led a large section of society to protest against the "release of prisoners" by organizing cacerolazos.
That goes back to things.

-The bad economic situation of the country.  Although the difference between the current populist government and the previous neo-liberal
one is obvious, misery is inevitable.

Many people are no longer able to continue their work and although there are government programs both to provide financial assistance and to
regulate the "activities of the popular economy" (informal, undeclared work) by providing credit and grants, the reality is that this does
not apply to everyone, it takes time and poverty is now very visible.

There are more and more ollas (popular meals) and clothing exchanges organized by grassroots organizations and self-organized neighborhoods
trying to fight hunger and cold in their communities. Unfortunately, this is sometimes not enough and many wait in huge queues to finally
leave empty handed.
An interesting thing that has happened is the development of "Nodos de consumo": places that distribute cooperative and agro-ecological
products. They already existed before the pandemic, but the need for many to distribute the products and avoid disaster made these places
grow a lot. With these, the so-called "spare economy" has increased and in many cases these places can support with money or products a
local popular meal.

-But perhaps the worst danger is the power gathered by the security forces and the feeling of impunity that prevails.

On April 30, Facundo Astudillo Castro left home to see his ex-girlfriend and never returned. The last time they saw him was in a police car.
Since then there have been no answers as to where he is and no one from the government has said anything about it. But he is not the only
one to have disappeared during the pandemic: Franco Martinez has been missing since July 23, and although there is nothing to link the
security forces to his absence, it would not be a surprise if they did.

As noted in a statement by the Coordination Against Police and State Repression (Correpi):

"As of March 20, despite the apparent difficulties in adequately reviewing cases, as we cannot meet with families or go to court to see the
files, we have confirmed  71 cases of people being killed by state officials.

Of this total, 36 were deaths in prisons (22) and police stations (14), with the sole responsibility of the state and, although there is
very reduced traffic on the streets, 24 were shootings by police forces (" Gatillo fácil»). There were also two homicides by cops and
another related to the repressive forces. Both are official killings and one stems from another police crime case. Two more boys were shot
dead by a patrol car while trying to escape in San Nicolás and three more are missing from repression (Luis Armando Espinoza in Tucumán and
Francisco Valentín Cruz in Florencio Varela were found dead a few days after their detention police and Facundo Astudillo Castro,

http://www.correpi.org/2020/represion-en-pandemia-al-menos-71-asesinatos-estatales-en-4-meses/

In this context, it is particularly worrying that there is a new law banning social gatherings at the national level, which only gives more
power to the police to enter and crack down on certain houses, always the poorest.

It is important to note that although there have been "anti-quarantine" protests from the beginning as once a month a strange mix of
sprayed, right-wing and flat-earth followers "demand freedom" and spit out their anti-social hatred, they have never been suppressed. .

On the contrary, last Saturday, August 1, there was a small demonstration in memory of anarchists for the 3 years of the disappearance and
murder of comrade Santiago Maldonado and demanding the appearance of Facundo Astudillo Castro. The march resulted in a brutal hunt by Buenos
Aires city police.

They beat and arrested our comrades, transferring them from one police station to another and refused to give information on the phone,
saying that "they could not hear". Finally, due to the quick and accurate action of the fellow lawyers, the detainees were all released the
next morning. Now, the miserable Clarín newspaper has published an article linking the demonstration to a Molotov cocktail that took place
in another part of the city and has nothing to do with the detainees, in a clear scheme to make the anarchists enemies again, as they so
well did. to do so during the disappearance of Santiago Maldonado.

Our response to the pandemic, insecurity and repression of the state is always the same: networking, combating individualism and seeking
collective solutions. Solidarity relations are our weapon!

Yoli - FLA (Argentine Liberal Federation)

Buenos Aires, August 2020

Excerpt from the announcement of the 12 arrested on August 1st
"We have decided to take action to make our demands visible. There was a strong police presence everywhere that intimidated us, or at least
tried to. "We have been protesting peacefully for about two hours announcing the disappearance of Facundo and the murder of Sandiago, who
will be with us now and forever, among so many others."
[...]
"Governments alternate but their actions remain the same, whether in dictatorship or democracy, the dead and the wounded are ours and the
causes are created by them. As they now try through their fake news to support the reasons for new repressive action that has no other
purpose than to keep us silent, submissive and to instill fear in those who wish to demonstrate.

We defend our need to demonstrate in the streets, to spread our voice that has no place on television. We reject the use of pandemic fear as
a means of silence and inactivation. The streets are the place of expression, we only have our voice to be heard!

Enough with the "easy shots of the police" - Enough with the murders by the cops

Solidarity with prisoners who resist. To tear down the prison walls for the poor / Down with the privileges of the bourgeoisie

Solidarity and support to the relatives and friends of the victims of the oppressive state / Forward those who are fighting!

Freedom to the prisoners who fight for the Freedom of the Mapuche people / Long live anarchy and solidarity among the oppressed! "

"Labor Organization": 81st issue of the newspaper FORA (Workers' Federation of the Argentine region), anarcho-syndicalist organization
founded in 1901

https://ipposd.wordpress.com/2020/08/06

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Message: 3



Beginning on 1 September, Extinction Rebellion will return. On that day the UK Parliament starts re-sitting after the summer: but we're not
going to let them back in until they agree to start anew with justice, care and life at the heart of it. From the 1st we will peacefully
blockade the UK Parliament in London until they promise that the first thing they'll do is debate our 3 demands.
The Rebellion will not just be focused on London though. Welsh Rebels will join us in Rebellion by causing disruption in Cardiff, with
rebels in the North and Scotland formulating plans as we speak

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Message: 4



Centred on the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), and within it, key unions like the National Union of Metalworkers of South
Africa (NUMSA), the unions developed an ideological and strategic orientation described by scholars (e.g. Eddie Webster and Glenn Adler,
2000) as "radical reform" or "structural reform." The thinking of the main unions in South Africa remains, to this day, profoundly shaped by
the "radical reform" (RR) model. ---- The aim of this input is to examine the RR model, which was an attempt to build on the many key
progressive gains won by workers and their organisations through struggle in the 1980s, and push through to a deeper transformation in the
1990s. This input defines the key components of RR, and then examines why this innovative response to the parliamentary transition and to
capitalist globalisation was not successful. This requires looking at issues of neoliberal capitalist and state domination, the impact of RR
on the unions, and the effects of the institutionalisation of trade union activity and dispute processes that have taken place. It raises
deeper questions about the unions' politics as well.

Economic Policy from Below: an
Anarchist Critique of the COSATU Unions'
"Radical Reform" Project
Warren McGregor
Whereas many union movements in the world entered the 1990s in a state of political crisis, South African unions not only continued to grow
very rapidly - the South African union movement was among the five fastest growing union movements in the world at the time - but also
developed an alternative policy framework that bucked the neoliberal trend.

Centred on the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), and within it, key unions like the National Union of Metalworkers of South
Africa (NUMSA), the unions developed an ideological and strategic orientation described by scholars (e.g. Eddie Webster and Glenn Adler,
2000) as "radical reform" or "structural reform."  The thinking of the main unions in South Africa remains, to this day, profoundly shaped
by the "radical reform" (RR) model.

The aim of this input is to examine the RR model, which was an attempt to build on the many key progressive gains won by workers and their
organisations through struggle in the 1980s, and push through to a deeper transformation in the 1990s. This input defines the key components
of RR, and then examines why this innovative response to the parliamentary transition and to capitalist globalisation was not successful.
This requires looking at issues of neoliberal capitalist and state domination, the impact of RR on the unions, and the effects of the
institutionalisation of trade union activity and dispute processes that have taken place. It raises deeper questions about the unions'
politics as well.

Therefore, this section provides some ideas on:

Briefly defining radical reform and noting the assumptions on which the concept is based.
The historical and ideological-strategic contexts influencing the development of the approach.
The challenges and shortcomings of RR.
Radical Reform (RR) as Economic Policy-from-Below
RR came from the COSATU unions, not the ANC or SACP, and was a strategic trade union and working-class approach to socio-economic
transformation of newly-democratic South Africa and the role that organised labour would play in this transformation. It was developed in
the fires of struggle against late apartheid and capitalism in South Africa by COSATU and its affiliates and can confidently be considered
an example of economic policy development from below that was developed through engagements with the ideas and desires of the rank-and-file
in conversation with their elected leaders and officials.

Locally, the black working-class majority and its organisations were defeating the last vestiges of apartheid and racist capitalism, and
engaging the newly developing institutions of a democratic South Africa. These struggles had incubated the development of powerful and
militant working-class organisations, keenly aware of their power and historical role and responsibility.

At the dawn of the 1990s, COSATU entered into a formal alliance with the ANC. There was then a mighty, radical, mass-based and
street-mobilising working class, closely linked to what was then a radical nationalist party, ANC, which was on the verge of state, power,
as well as allied to the fastest growing communist party in the world at that time, the SACP.

Defining Radical Reform (RR)
According to the labour scholars Webster and Adler, writing in 2000, radical reform (RR) is a "left version of social democracy."[1]Social
democracy is the idea that the working class can win the existing state, using means like parliament, corporatism and expanded state control
of the economy to shift society towards socialism through a series of reforms. A social democratic party is usually a mass party, as it
needs maximum numbers to win elections.

What makes RR a "left" version of social democracy is that it was driven by mass, radical unions, who were willing to use rolling mass
action to win RR; and, secondly, RR included many demands that were designed to give workers and unions direct power over economic
decisions, including in company boardrooms and on the factory floor. The core ideas were that:

The restructuring of the post-apartheid economy must be done in ways that benefit the black majority, but the working class and poor especially.
South Africa should engage in globalisation after apartheid isolation ended, in ways that empower rather than oppress the working class.
Unlike the "low road" of China, based on low wages and brutal suppression of unions, the new South Africa should follow a "high road" closer
to Germany, with high-skill, high-wage, high-productivity workplaces in which black workers, in particular, would be empowered.
This would include - and this is the "radical" part - rolling back the frontiers of capital by giving workers and unions a greater say in
the economy, fighting for policy reforms in the state like universal pensions and a great change in education that would protect labour from
markets. At every stage, the working class would win - through the state and through bargaining - more power, leverage and skills.
It is not just about higher wages and skills and better conditions - it aims at codetermination of industry via tripartite bargaining and
consultative forums with employers and the state.
The working class would also use union funds to build a "social economy" including cooperatives.
The growing conquests of the working class would be "building blocks" for socialism, each of which would allow further conquests, more
"building blocks," so that the ultimate outcome would not just be capitalism (even if on "German lines" with co-determination and welfare),
but rather a transfer of power to the working class, i.e. socialism.
Therefore RR is radical in that it seeks a future socialist worker-controlled society and economy, but reformist in its approach to
transformation, in that it does not seek immediate revolutionary processes, but aims to build worker power by engaging the state and capital
in organised industrial forums - e.g. NEDLAC and Industrial Bargaining Councils - pushing for increased worker control over economic
management by consistently improving the conditions of work for labour. Reformism is a political strategy focussed solely on winning
reforms, and it rejects revolution. In its social democratic version, it is argued that the effect of many reforms is a peaceful shift to a
new society, removing the need for revolution.

What makes RR a more powerful application of the classical social democratic model, as per the ideas of key scholars, was COSATU's presence
in a formal alliance with the governing party, the ANC, and the SACP. The ANC's certain long-term electoral mandate promised consistency
regarding governance and policy development. COSATU would have vital access to key decision-makers in the legislative and executive arms of
government, access developed not only by formal alliance, but also through comradely personal relationships developed through years of
struggle. COSATU and its affiliates would also be able to use this Alliance to send key worker leaders into government as ANC electoral
candidates. Further, COSATU would have access to a range of forums beyond parliament to present and win RR proposals, e.g. the Tripartite
Alliance itself, ANC congresses, the SACP, NEDLAC and Bargaining Councils.

As such, COSATU could assert pressure on the ruling party to adopt progressive, working class orientated policies of RR, in three key ways:

As Alliance members and "inside" the party and the state.
As a union involved in government and bargaining forums with employers, both the state as employer, and the private sector.
As an independent union movement able to mobilise, when it deems necessary, mass worker protests and contestations "outside" the Alliance on
the streets and at workplaces.
The Assumptions of Radical Reform (RR)
This approach to developing working class power and encroaching worker control rests on a few key assumptions, some of which I mention below.

Firstly, it assumes that the union movement is and will continue to be a vibrant, creative force able to respond (i) analytically to
non-progressive ideas pushed by the state and private sector, and (ii) physically, via mobilisation, to the actions of the state and private
sector and to do so quickly enough to either halt or change the situations facing the working class.

It also assumes that the state is an institution of governance that is able to be manipulated by different class forces - whether capitalist
or working class - depending on the relative strengths of these classes in relation to each other. It thus also assumes that class is
determined solely by economic relations of ownership of productive means.

Thirdly, RR assumes that ANC policy trajectories can be shifted in favour of policies advocated by the labour movement. COSATU thus
acknowledges there are various ideological forces competing inside the party, but it does assume that the ANC, as the self-proclaimed party
of the majority of people in South Africa, must then have a working-class bias or sympathy, and that eventually the ANC will come around to
meeting the desires of working class people.

Importantly, RR is predicated on a large, organised, united, militant labour movement strong enough to coerce the state and private capital
in a pro-worker socio-economic direction. RR also rests on continued ANC rule and a large section of the organised working class united in
its desire for longterm and unfettered ANC rule.

Last, it assumes a somewhat one-way direction in change: each victory allows another victory, each building block allows another one. The
assumption here is that more and more blocks can be won, until the system is basically socialist.

Ideologically, COSATU's RR can be located in the sphere of social democracy. As such, its political orientation, including anti-capitalist
rhetoric and its working-class bias, is within this framework, even if its political rhetoric draws on Marxism-Leninism and nationalism. It
sees a particular role for the union movement, to be sure, but it views progressive transformation as being achieved through the state. It
adheres to a stageist approach to achieving socialism, i.e. the idea is that capitalist economic growth (under the ANC) will develop the
forces of production, which will enable the shift to socialism. What labour then has to do is make sure this development is used to benefit
and empower the working class, so that the transition to socialism becomes possible. Its economic foundation is Keynesian as it seeks a
state able to intervene in financial, commodity and labour markets in a way that benefits all classes.

Challenges and Shortcomings
Overall, while COSATU developed a wide range of RR proposals on everything from the chemical industry to pension funds, none were adopted in
any serious way by the state or capital. For example, in the main case when a RR proposal was formally accepted - a proposal for
reconstructing Spoornet - the state simply ignored the agreement. Achieving some of the desired ends of the RR strategy has faced an ANC
increasingly founded on neoliberalism, which COSATU has been unable to shift despite the application of the RR strategy. This helps explain
why COSATU keeps asking for a reconfigured Alliance, and for making the Alliance - not the ANC - the centre of policy.

The Global and Local Context
The RR strategy was developed in the contexts of the late 1980s and early 1990s. This was a time of rapid changes in the world. The balance
of forces was shifting against the left and the working class internationally, and the local context was a transition that involved major
compromises. The new phase of capitalism everywhere was neoliberalism - this was not even new in South Africa where the National Party had
privatised ISCOR and SASOL.

It was the end of the era of Marxist states and the foundations of social democracy and trade unionism in the advanced industrial countries
were under severe attack. This was the advent of the era of neoliberalism, structural adjustment and free-marketism, not only as regards
socio-economic development. Nationalist parties across the poorer countries were embracing neoliberalism. Socialism and trade unionism were
considered anachronistic and a wall impeding freedom - admittedly an attitude fostered by the propaganda of ruling and capitalist classes
emboldened by their victories against organised labour and the Left. COSATU was growing, but it was an exception to the international trend,
and while the SACP was growing, most communist parties worldwide were collapsing.

By the late 1980s, South Africa had become isolated from much of the rest of the world. As such, much of the foundations of RR betray a
sense of South African exceptionalism, discounting the dramatic changes that were taking place on various international stages. Its ideas
for development and the role of organised labour in the process of societal change seem outmoded when related to international changes. The
focus was on South Africa, but South Africa was not an island, and even within South Africa, conditions were arguably challenging for RR.

As time would show, the ANC came under massive pressure to adopt neoliberalism, and did so decisively with GEAR in 1996. The confidence that
the ANC would be open to radical projects like RR was shaken. Meanwhile, South African private capital, after flirting with ideas of a new
deal for workers, turned back to neoliberalism, gutting jobs, using precarious labour, and expanding internationally.

Decline in Union Power
At the same time, the unions' capacities and dynamism declined, even as their numbers swelled. By the early 2000s, COSATU had outsourced
most of its political education to the SACP, as its own programmes were in crisis. Growing bureaucracy and corruption in unions weakened
structures.

Links to political parties work both ways: fights inside the ANC spilled into COSATU, and a growing layer of COSATU leaders saw a job in the
ANC as a profitable exit plan. The vibrant, creative, contested and relatively democratic education forums that had been established by the
unions during the 1970s and 1980s, were to be reduced to classrooms of workers getting either technical training on the basics of
shop-steward work, or narrow ideological and political education.

Increasingly, COSATU's voice in the public declined, as the ruling party acted as the political filter for the voice of the organised
working class. The lack of critical political education has contributed to this situation, imposing an economism on the unions as the ANC
has been allowed to dominate the political terrain. Since the ANC itself and the larger Alliance are seen as sacrosanct, COSATU focuses on
working with the ANC. In practice, this means - in seeing the ANC as leader of a "national democratic" (NDR) phase of South Africa's
post-apartheid trajectory - that COSATU responses are limited in scope. They cannot envisage the ANC itself as a stumbling block on the road
to a proworkers' society. They often tend to be about criticising certain leaders and policies - not the party. This has led to being
entangled in factional battles within the party. This has dramatically reduced the political influence and authority COSATU has on the
majority working class and its imaginations, many of the members of which have either sought other unions, political parties and
organisations, or have disengaged from political activity altogether.

Problems Internal to the Radical Reform (RR) Project
The RR programme was ambitious, but some of its key ideas were actually quite vague strategically, perhaps because the routes to
co-determination and socialism are not easily spelt out strategically. It was never quite clear why the ANC - as a multi-class party working
in a capitalist state - should be expected to prioritise the working class. Capitalism, as the unions admitted, was a mighty force with a
relentless drive to profit at the expense of workers - how then would worker and union partnerships with capital through co-determination
and NEDLAC not end in unions assisting capitalism? Also, the stageist approach meant a long-term alliance with the ANC, which brought its
own problems (as we have seen earlier in this chapter).

COSATU's pathways to achieve co-determination are also not clear. How would this happen? What would it mean? How would workers do this
without being made into agents of capitalism? The use of industrial Bargaining Councils, a positive development won through struggle, became
an end in itself, rather than a means to push industry in a pro-worker and co-determinist direction.

The desire for tripartite bargaining institutions - structured forums for dialogue with bosses and an unclear desire for eventual
co-determination - has fostered the institutionalisation of union activity. In the neoliberal era, these forums are continually under attack
and rendered powerless as they are turned into mere consultative arenas, with little to no decision-making power. So unions have become
increasingly integrated into forums that are increasingly pointless.

Additionally, effective engagement in these forums requires a specific and high-level skill set, meaning outsourcing of research and legal
representation and an increased bureaucratisation of the union. RR policies are technical and cannot be easily developed from the ground-up.
They get given over to specialists, which then means ordinary workers have only a limited idea of what is actually being proposed and little
space to change it.

Engaging the state and bosses, in the Alliance, parliamentary caucuses and boardrooms cannot be done by all members of a union. As this, as
well as the tripartite structures mentioned above, is a major factor of the RR strategy, much power becomes centralised in the hands of
leaders of the organisation due to the high-level needs of these forms of elite, individualised engagement. This has led to increased
distance between rank-and-file members and elected leaders and a growing bureaucracy and authoritarianism in unions.

The 1990s also saw a huge "brain drain" from the union movement of some its most capable leaders and activists to the ANC, particularly at
election time. This has had the obvious negative effect of a reduction in the capacity of the movement to respond - with effective RR
proposals - to the socioeconomic changes that took place under ANC rule. Another unfortunate effect has been the increasing numbers of union
members viewing union work as less a "calling" than a stepping stone into long-term employment in the state or even private sector.

COSATU is also part of a fracturing and fragmenting labour movement. Many new unions have been formed as breakaways from established unions,
or as altogether new worker organisations. There has been much discussion of the external local and international conditions that have
caused this. However, new worker formations must also be considered as a direct response by workers to the problems they perceive in the
established unions, which are no longer attractive to them. Thus fragmentation must also be seen as a challenge by workers to trade unions
and unionism.

Despite the definition offered above, both the literature and the application of the RR strategy shows a distinct lack of ideological and
strategic clarity. There is no clear definitive end goal that is established and thus intermediate milestones are not clearly articulated.
Much of this can also be related to a clear lack of critical political education in the workers' movement, thus not allowing for open
discussion and debate amongst workers of their organisations' ideas and strategies, which, in turn, means that workers have little say over
the directions their organisations take.

Conclusion
Workers and their organisations have responded to their increased impoverishment and lack of ability to impact society. I have mentioned
that fracturing and fragmentation of unions should also be considered as internal worker responses to a distinct lack of union militancy and
democracy. These too, though, face serious challenges. Many of those who have left COSATU have formed a new federation, the South African
Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU), and new unions. Many of these new formations are workplace, city and region based. Some worker leaders,
particularly those from NUMSA, have also formed a new political party to contest state elections.

Yet, these newer formations exhibit real similarities in organisational structure to the formations that their members have left - for
example, big man politics and a centralisation of power are also found in these newer formations. In addition, there seems to be no real
ideological shift developing in these new organisations. For example, they may be very critical of COSATU's alliance with the ANC, but most
still see their political futures through the lens of political party power and the state, and many concrete SAFTU and NUMSA proposals
remain very much in the RR framework. This limits the imagination of what a trade union can do (and has done) as regards social transformation.

Footnotes:

Webster, E. and G. Adler. 2000. "Introduction: Consolidating democracy in a liberalising world - trade unions and democratisation in South
Africa." In Webster, E., and G. Adler. (eds.). Trade Unions and Democratisation in South Africa. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press.
This pamphlet is an extract from the book Strategy: Debating Politics Within and at a Distance from the State - Eds. John Reynolds & Lucien
van der Walt published by the Neil Aggett Labour Studies Unit (NALSU), Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
Front cover graphic: FOSATU Archives.
Source: ‘The future is in the hands of the workers': A History of FOSATU by Michelle Friedman

https://zabalaza.net/2020/08/07/economic-policy-from-below-an-anarchist-critique-of-the-cosatu-unions-radical-reform-project/

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Message: 5



On July 30, in Wroclaw, a local group of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Union of Polish Syndicalists (ZSP, sections of the International Workers'
Association) and members of the Anarchist Federation of Wroclaw held a picket outside the regional bureau of the ruling Law and Justice
Party. ---- The purpose of the action was to draw public attention to the antisocial aspects of the government program to help victims of
the epidemic and economic crisis "Shield". Back in late May, ZSP and other demonstrators held protests outside the parliament building in
the Polish capital, claiming that the program ignored the concerns and needs of employees.
The Wroclaw picketers who spoke at the rally demanded that the state provide assistance to workers and those in need. They recalled that
precarious workers have difficulty applying for assistance, as it is done through employers and they do not want to be subject to
appropriate control. As a result, up until June, many workers (even full-time workers) were left to their own devices.

Another example of injustice: entrepreneurs received substantial monetary payments from the state, which were simply postponed. There are
also some independent workers in the information technology industry who have not suffered any losses, but received 5,000 zlotys from the
state free of charge.

The demonstrators demanded to close the "holes" in the aid program and provide people with a real "social shield". The procedure for
providing assistance should be greatly simplified so that those who really need can receive it as soon as possible.

ZSP requires the government to resolve the problems that have arisen, for example, in the form of payment of emergency income in the amount
of the minimum wage throughout the epidemic and 6 months after it.

By launching a call for a collaborative organization of workers through a Facebook page, the organizers hope to foster mutual aid. This is
necessary for the effective joint protection of labor rights, since an encroachment on one is an encroachment on all!

Source: https://zsp.net.pl/rozliczamy-wladze-za-tarcze-antykryzysowa

https://aitrus.info/node/5530

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Message: 6



The wave of denunciations that is currently taking place in Quebec is also taking place in our region, in activist, artistic and student
circles in Chicoutimi. We are women who live in these environments. Some of us are studying, others have artistic practices, some militate
with the Emma Goldman Collective or others know them well. We felt the need to meet on a non-mixed basis to share our experiences and
consider how to move forward in our relational and activist lives. Here we deliver our current reflections. We want to address the friends
of Chicoutimi, the friends who are elsewhere, as well as the friends who have been reported and those who may not have just been reported
yet. ---- To the friends of Chicoutimi ---- We believe that every woman has the right to choose the means she wants to use to denounce and
share what she has lived. It is imperative that any denunciation be taken seriously. Taking a denunciation seriously means first and
foremost to believe in the victim. But also to understand, to conceive and to accept the complexity of the situations lived by the victim,
his aggressor and their community. If we consider acts of gender-based violence as stemming from the culture of rape, we must recognize a
part of collective responsibility.

In this wave of denunciations, we want to allow our realities to be complex and difficult, to recognize that it is often the people we love
and trust who hurt us and, when possible, we want to be able to forgive to people while combating gender-based violence behaviors[1].

This is why it is important for us to distinguish denunciations from cancel culture. Denunciations in the form of a call-in, made privately,
make it possible to question the guilty in order to raise awareness about the harm caused, to raise awareness and to change behavior.
Private denunciations may lack scope for exposing the overall picture and highlighting the collective and cultural aspect of individual
behavior. One voice can say "This is the way you hurt me" while several voices can say loudly "This is how these behaviors hurt us all"[2].
In the context of a wave of denunciations as we are currently living, denunciations in the form of public call-outs allow survivors to break
the silence, isolation and taboos in relation to assault. They also allow a seizure of power over the situation, rebalance the balance of
power in order to prevent further attacks and to seek justice. The fear must change sides and that is the point. We must continue to speak
out against the assaults we experience when we feel ready to do it and in the way we want to do it, depending on the changes we want and the
energy we have.

In recent years, people in our community have been reported privately and publicly. We do not believe that the approach of the cancel
culture, which would simply eliminate the aggressors, is the right one to take care of our community and our wounds. This way of reacting
does not create a space for redemption, introspection and forgiveness for those at fault. As a result, the survivor is deprived of the
possibility of reconciling and showing her pain to the person who injured her.

We recognize that exclusion has been, and may continue to be, necessary when the desire to deconstruct and change behavior is not serious in
the person complained of or when the victim needs to be protected to enable him or her to recover. However, we do not believe that
systematically banning and removing denounced people from our networks is the way to go. This way of doing things amounts to not looking at
the conditions in which violence occurs and reproducing within our community, to not considering the culture of rape for what it is: a
culture. A culture crosses us and constitutes us since childhood. Some of us have had rough starts, surrounded by toxic role models and
steeped in a sexist culture. We are not born feminists, it is important to leave the possibility for everyone to become one despite the bad
starts. It is not a question of justifying the violence, but of better understanding it in a systemic horizon. Human beings are
multidimensional and the way we participate in oppressions is not the whole of who we are. Seeing a person who has hurt as nothing more than
a representation of the oppression they perpetuate is reductive and essentializing[3]. We believe that a person who has committed assaults,
confronted with the violence of his actions through a denunciation, can choose another future. Human beings are multidimensional and the way
we participate in oppressions is not the whole of who we are. Seeing a person who has hurt as nothing more than a representation of the
oppression they perpetuate is reductive and essentializing[3]. We believe that a person who has committed assaults, confronted with the
violence of his actions through a denunciation, can choose another future. Human beings are multidimensional and the way we participate in
oppressions is not the whole of who we are. Seeing a person who has hurt as nothing more than a representation of the oppression they
perpetuate is reductive and essentializing[3]. We believe that a person who has committed assaults, confronted with the violence of his
actions through a denunciation, can choose another future.

Tidying up, locking people into fixed identities of "good" or "bad" person also involves risks. Once the wave is over, those who, this time
around, will not have been denounced will be able to congratulate themselves for being good people without wondering if they themselves
would not be having problematic behaviors, preventing us from preventing assaults. Those excluded may well reoffend, go and reproduce their
violent behavior elsewhere. We want to avoid this and that is why it is important for us to find a balance between the individual and the
systemic in responding to sexual assault.

To friends who are elsewhere

To friends who are elsewhere, who may have left because of the violence or just because you had something else to go through, we want you to
know that you have been heard. Our friendships are not perfect, but we are firmly committed to a better future. You have changed, so have we.

Sexism, the culture of rape, patriarchy are everywhere in our society, they cross us and build us in Chicoutimi as elsewhere. These
oppressions cannot be fought as external enemies. They are internalized even in progressive circles. Individuals and communities can change,
environments become healthier for everyone. After all, if there's a reason to struggle, this is it.

Our Chicoutimi network is not pure and is not at its first wave of denunciations of gender-based violence. It is imperative to recognize our
absences, our silences, our wrongs, our share of collective responsibility in the face of acts of gender-based violence, regardless of the
seriousness or the degree of intrusion. We waited too long before acting, it is sometimes difficult to recognize that the people we love
have committed assaults. Despite the false starts, the collective initiated a transformative justice process[4]in 2016 with those denounced.
It's a beautiful word and the people who led it at the time felt ill-equipped, but committed to it to the best of their knowledge and
energy. The reality is complex, the intertwined relationships and miracle recipes do not exist. Despite everything, we held meetings that
sparked confrontations within the collective, led the offender to recognize his problematic behavior and allowed collective awareness. While
the realizations and the process were not perfect, they were sincere and have paid off. We have witnessed, over the course of the readings
and work on oneself, radical changes in the behavior of the person denounced, but also changes in customs within our community. Gestures
that could previously be accepted are no longer so, more detailed attention is paid to power relations in interactions. have led the
offender to recognize his problematic behaviors and allowed collective awareness. While the realizations and the process were not perfect,
they were sincere and have paid off. We have witnessed, over the course of the readings and work on oneself, radical changes in the behavior
of the person denounced, but also changes in mores within our community. Gestures that could be accepted before are no longer so, more
detailed attention is paid to power relations in interactions. have led the offender to recognize his problematic behaviors and allowed
collective awareness. While the realizations and the process were not perfect, they were sincere and have paid off. We have witnessed, over
the course of the readings and work on oneself, radical changes in the behavior of the person denounced, but also changes in mores within
our community. Gestures that could be accepted before are no longer so, more detailed attention is paid to power relations in interactions.
but also to changes in customs within our community. Gestures that could previously be accepted are no longer so, more detailed attention is
paid to power relations in interactions. but also to changes in customs within our community. Gestures that could be accepted before are no
longer so, more detailed attention is paid to power relations in interactions.

While the process was successful in this case, it experienced its limitations in another situation. Faced with another person's refusal to
recognize the injuries caused and to engage in a process to deconstruct their predatory behavior, we had to exclude them from activist
circles to protect ourselves. Also, some of us, victimized by his actions and believing in improvement, acted independently by means of
call-ins. The relationship having been damaged, we do not know what this person retained and we could not measure the impact of this
initiative. All the same, we want this to be recognized and do not want to be judged on the approach chosen. We do not want to be
categorized as condoning the aggressors because we have opted for approaches inscribed in the dialogue and in the sphere of the intimate,
because we speak to them. In the course of our awareness, several means have been implemented and remain valid.

The culture of rape runs deep, but each wave of denunciations is an opportunity to build a better version of ourselves. We know that this
work can never heal wounds, because we have them too. We just want, as a community, as feminists who struggle within this community, to have
the opportunity to be something other than the experience you have had, we are more than a frozen portrait of there. is two, four or ten
years old. We must have the opportunity to fight with the means we choose.

To friends who have been reported and those who just might not yet be

The denunciations to which you have been subjected have undoubtedly hurt and shocked you; U.S. too. We are in the third wave of
denunciations within 5 years and they no longer allow the misunderstanding of our struggle or its misinterpretation. We are fighting the
full spectrum of inappropriate behavior and sexual assault, its trivialization and condoning - this is the culture of rape, which is part of
a historical continuum of sexism and oppression against women. Too many actions, sexual violence are trivialized, almost encouraged,
inflicting damage on the victims. It is a question of integrity, respect, as well as individual and collective security.

We are working to deconstruct the culture of rape, we ask that everyone take part in a radical change of culture. We reiterate that acts of
power, domination, manipulation, intimidation and violence are unacceptable and we will always fight against such acts and always encourage
people to fight and speak out against them.

However, we are fighting against behavior and not against individuals. If you've done something that's hurtful, there's nothing you can do
about it. You have power over your reaction - and there is only one right reaction. We believe it is important to support those who will
choose to admit their wrongs and work on themselves. Despite the fact that the victim's wounds cannot always be healed, the work you have
done or may choose to do on yourself should still be recognized and considered.

Some of our male allies have taken the initiative to organize talking circles to better understand the springs of their male privilege
behind unequal social relations and the whole spectrum of rape culture. You will be invited, denounced or not.

The best thing we can hope for from a denunciation is to see individuals and groups take charge and become more informed, more sensitive to
feminist issues and take concrete action to prevent the reproduction of gender-based violence and oppressive behavior. It's hard work, but
possible.

Let's do better.
Véronique, Camille-Amélie, Al and Corinne

References

[1]Grieving Those We 'Canceled': A Call for Restorative Justice in #Metoo,
https://medium.com/@surabhi.y/grieving-those-we-cancelled-d0cc64e36b43
[2]3 Things To Consider When Choosing Between Calling Someone Out Or Calling Them In,
https://everydayfeminism.com/2015/ 03 / calling-in-and-calling-out /
[3]Idem.
[4]No miracle recipe. Extra-judicial perspectives facing sexual assault,
https://rebellyon.info/Pas-de-recette-miracle-Perspectives-extra-22481?fbclid=IwAR2ApNexXQHIqyc4aM9vXJDd_PA1eBDivbuHis67sGLDUvLAAC4JRnLHl7A

by Collectif Emma Goldman

http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.com/2020/08/denonciations-cancel-culture-et-amities.html

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Message: 7



The virus has plagued the world's major governments and powerful nations in just a few months since it originated in the city of Wuhan in
China's Hubei province. In the advancement of knowledge science, those who started to move away from knowledge began to move. The natural
customs of nature were blown away by those who grew old. Their condition is now terrifying. Every day thousands of people are being infected
and dying. Corona virus is now a deadly disease in the world - epidemic. Whose name has been given - Kovid-19. ---- In today's world the
labor market, the circulation of manufactured goods is wide all over the world. One country is dependent on another. One society is
dependent on another society. As a result, today's world economy has expanded and expanded worldwide. Like the movement of people and world
capital, it has spread freely and widely. As a result, the Kovid-19 epidemic has spread across the globe very easily. As a result, the
production system is on the verge of collapsing.

This catastrophic epidemic has forced governments around the world to ensure the safety of their people. National growth and trade are
forcing trade re-calculations. Governments have called for a lockdown in their respective countries due to the countless deaths and injuries
caused by the Corona. Has taken initiative to deliver food to people's homes. Forcing people to stay at home.
Seeing all these initiatives is encouraging us, in the coming days governments may raise awareness for climate change. We want this
initiative to be implemented nationally and internationally.
Coronavirus and climate change are almost identical issues. And this issue is deeply involved in the current economic model of our world. In
that economy there is no limit to production. Which is taking our environment, environment and ecology to the brink of extinction.
Consumerist philosophy has led us to a catastrophic outcome.

One might argue that epidemics are the result of climate change. Our first task now is to control the epidemic. It has created a big crisis
now. So we have to normalize the situation and look at other issues.
Covid-19 and climate change are tied to the same formula

Yet the climate issue is neglected by one class of powerful clique. But today it is clear to everyone that the real reason behind this
mahari is the various facial activities of the people. Such as- industrial production.
People are destroying the planet's water, soil, fuel, timber, rocks, mountains and forests in order to keep the production system of their
country running and to expand it. People like the irrational are extracting natural resources. Using that resource, industrialization
continues to process cars, houses, clothes, furniture, telephones, and food. They are producing all these products for consumption and they
are wasting a lot. Especially wealthy class people.

This ongoing production process is severely damaging the normal balance of the environment. For example, deforestation increases the amount
of carbon in the air. On the other hand, that process creates a lot of waste or waste products. For example, carbon is formed as a result of
aging of animal fuels. And today everyone agrees that carbon is the real driving force behind the world's climate change.
This vicious cycle is one of the reasons for the prevalence of Kovid-19. Man's indiscriminate and boundless demands have forced man to
destroy the habitats of other animal worlds, including viruses. As a result, the toxin virus is taking revenge on the human species by
taking refuge in the human body.

At the same time, the massive increase in food production has resulted in the creation of large-scale farms, where large numbers of
livestock and poultry are being produced. Socialist biologist Rob Wallace argues in his book "Big Farms Make Big Flu" that it creates the
right environment for the transition and emergence of new diseases such as hepatitis E, Nipah virus, Q fever and many more.
The US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) estimates that three out of four new infectious diseases come from human-animal
contact. For example, outbreaks of Ebola and other coronaviruses, such as Mars, have helped to spread the disease from animals to humans in
natural habitats.

Scientists speculate that the corona virus has spread to the rest of the world from a dirty muddy market in Wuhan, where wild animals and
birds are sold.
It is worth noting that the massive breeding of wildlife, including pangolins, civet cats, foxes, wild geese and pigs, is a ? 64 billion
animal industry project in China and a prosperous-fast-growing project run by the Chinese rural population. Lots of people were employed here.

The activities of this project are a great example of how capitalism endangers human life in order to turn it into a commodity and to make
more profit. This ongoing epidemic has proved that capitalism does not hesitate to destroy people, the environment and the environment for
the production of uncontrolled goods.

The World Bank Group recently said that structural adjustment reforms need to be implemented to recover from COVID-19, which would include
"additional regulations, subsidies, licensing arrangements, trade protection ... compliance ... markets, preferences and potential for rapid
growth."

At first, the United States said that was not the case. In just two weeks, everything will be back to normal. But now they think this idea
is not correct. Human civilization will be threatened if the environment is not protected by making drastic changes in environmental laws,
rules, etc. So they are not taking other issues including Kovid-19 lightly anymore. Now it remains to be seen what role they will play in
the national and international arena.

Climate change is going on

In the meantime, COVID-19 and climate change have both been seen as the root cause of objectionable and detrimental economic behavior and
both have been shown to be fatally detrimental to human beings.

Countries around the world have taken drastic measures to prevent the spread of viral infections, despite delays at various levels, and even
in spite of economic growth.
In the case of climate change, however, that has not happened. In the case of current climate change systems, little attention has been paid
to the scale and progress of the environmental changes we are experiencing. Climate change does not follow a four-year election cycle or a
five-year economic plan. It does not wait for the 2030 or 2050 sustainable development goals.

Different aspects of climate change have progressed at different speeds and in different places and although for some of us these changes
may not be obvious or obvious, they are happening. There are certain criteria that, once passed, will make the change irreversible - the
concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, the extinction of animals, birds and insects may not be possible to bring back.

We are constantly updating the number of deaths due to Covid-19 every day. But even if we don't get the statistics of human and animal
deaths due to climate change, it is even more frightening than the virus.

Global warming of 3C and 4C above the pre-industrial level could easily lead us to a series of catastrophic results. It can seriously reduce
soil fertility, increase drought intensity, cause coastal waterlogging, increase the loss of pollen in agriculture and severely affect food
production, it can cause extreme temperatures around the world, which has already proved fatal in both cases. High temperatures and man-made
fires as well as more extreme weather events such as hurricanes can occur.

The UN Sustainable Development Goals, carbon offsetting schemes, incremental eco-efficiency, vegetarian-type diets for the rich and other
similar strategies will not stop climate change. Because they do not discourage mass industrial production and use. But that only changes
their style. Such approaches will never work. This is because they do not pay attention to the radical change in the essentials of our
high-energy life, which helps to reduce carbon emissions and reduce emissions.

The rapid response of COVID-19 around the world paints a picture of extraordinary skill in pressing the ongoing break of society for a
moment. It shows that we can take radical action if we want to.
Lockdowns around the world have already resulted in a significant reduction in greenhouse gas emissions and pollutants. In China, for
example, the lockdown has reduced carbon dioxide emissions by at least 25 percent and nitrogen dioxide emissions by 36 percent.

Accepted Parties:

There is nothing to welcome this temporary reduction in greenhouse gases. The fact of the matter is that as a result of the lockdown,
millions of people have already lost their jobs and millions more are on the move.

Although some have called for climate change to be as drastic as the response to the COVID-19 epidemic, this should not be the case. We need
a fair climate management that ensures the protection of the poor and vulnerable and that will be integrated with our epidemic control. This
will not only control climate disasters but also reduce the risk of new epidemics like the current one.
Economic reform should be involved to prevent the "planned degradation" of climate change that will prioritize human well-being over profit
margins. Now the step that has been taken around the world or the packages have been announced is to ensure that the money of the
corporations is not wasted.

We must always avoid situations where unscrupulous big business and state leaders allow unfettered monarchies to further perpetuate
unbridled global inequality. When the rest of civil society sits at home.

We must demand that the implementation of the Green New Deal begin and that the development of renewable energy to generate new meaningful
employment in the aftermath of the Covid-19 economic crisis be allocated to government funding as well as other appropriate agencies. In
parallel, we need to ensure universal health care and free education, increase social security for all vulnerable populations, and ensure
affordable housing.

The current response to COVID-19 may help initiate some of these changes. It requires us to be accustomed to the way we live and work which
will reduce costs. This should encourage us to travel less and reduce travel, reduce household waste, reduce working hours and rely more on
local supply chain - actions that do not harm working class livelihoods but help shift economic activity from globalized to more localized.

Obviously, the conditions associated with COVID-19 are not ideal in the conventional genre, but these are quick and urgent actions as a
measure to prevent the virus. Using inspirational examples of mutual assistance, society is more capable of working together despite the
grave dangers for humanity as a whole.

Language:
Bengali
Section:
BASF

https://iwa-ait.org/content/jlbaayyu-pribrtneri-ksstikr-prtikriyyaa-hl-kronaa-bhaairaaser-prdurbhaab

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