Today's Topics:
1. [Germany] Anarchist, anti-authoritarian or libertarian? 180
years of conceptual confusion in anarchism By
years of conceptual confusion in anarchism By
Maurice Schuhmann
By ANA (pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
By ANA (pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. [Spain] Why defend Philosophy in class again? By ANA (ca,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Brazil, federation anarquist gaucha: FAG 25 years:
nourishing and strengthening our convictions (ca, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
nourishing and strengthening our convictions (ca, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL - Against violence
against women: Confined but not gagged !
against women: Confined but not gagged !
(de, it, fr, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. avtonom: Welcome to Father Frost Against 2021 - festival
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL AL #310 - Politics,
Genoa 2001: 20 years later, Vincenzo Vecchi still pursued (de,
it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
Genoa 2001: 20 years later, Vincenzo Vecchi still pursued (de,
it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. ait russia: France's Yellow Vests celebrate second
anniversary with protests against police state
anniversary with protests against police state
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. Poland, rozbrat: THE BUSINESSMEN CAPITULATED.
OGRODY AND
ROZBRAT, SAFE FOR NOW. [machine translation]
ROZBRAT, SAFE FOR NOW. [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
As one of the biggest mistakes of anarchism, Gaston Leval once described the
anarchists' attempt to interpret the term "anarchy", which was used negatively at
that time, positively. Unlike other social movements, the anarchist never managed
to get rid of the negative touch. As in the past, "anarchy" and "anarchism" are
associated today with disorder ("chaos"), terror and violence. As a result,
journalistic headlines such as "There is anarchy in xxx" can be found in
newspapers everywhere. ---- The self-denomination "anarchist" goes back to the
French socialist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who in a fictional dialogue with his
readers in the course of his workWhat is property?Write:
"- Are you a republican?
- Republicans, yes, but the word does not say anything definitive. Republic means
collective well-being, now whoever wants it, regardless of the form of
government, can call himself a republican. Kings are also Republicans.
- Well, then, are you a democrat?
- Not.
- What! So you're a royalist!
- Not.
- Constitutionalist?
- God save me from this.
- So you're an aristocrat?
- No way.
- Are you in favor of the moderate government?
- Much less.
- So what are you?
- I'm an anarchist. "
Proudhon probably toyed with the pejorative use of the term used in the French
Revolution. At that time it was a bad word for the respective political opponent.
The term, which was positively reinterpreted, quickly became a self-designation
in the 19th century, despite all the difficulties. After all, Proudhon was
considered to be the undisputed ancestor of the current in classical social and
individualist anarchism, despite all the criticisms that followed him. Russian
anarcho-communist Peter Kropotkin later awarded him the honorary title of "Father
of Anarchy", while American individualist anarchist Benjamin R. Tucker used a
statement by Proudhon for the subtitle of his magazineLiberty .
In addition to the term "anarchist", the term "libertarian" was discussed as a
self-designation in the mid-19th century. It was created in response to Proudhon
as a neologism by Joseph Déjacque, a largely forgotten publicist and author. As a
concept, it opposes liberalism and was published by the newspaperLe
Libertairesince 1858. Other anarchist publishers later named their headlines as a
result, including Sébastien Faure. Especially on the anarcho-communist spectrum,
the creation of that word fell on fertile ground.
In French and Spanish speaking countries, this term is generally synonymous with
"anarchist". The choice of the nickname has to do in part with the negative
perception of the term "anarchist". The fact that this term can also cause
confusion was demonstrated in the translation to German of an art documentary
about the Spanish revolution, where it was said that the CNT had fought for
liberal communism (sic!). In English-speaking countries, the term "libertarian"
is used almost exclusively in connection with anarcho-capitalists. In this
context, libertarian ultimately only radically means "economic liberal". An
example of this use is the title of Stefan Blankertz's bookLibertarian Manifesto
or the designation of liberals by American businessmen like Robert Nozick as
libertarians. In the spectrum of the German scene, the term is generally broader
than "anarchist", that is, it also includes currents and ideas related to
(classic) anarchism. This can be seen, for example, in the paradoxical labeling
of individualist thinkers as "libertarian Marxists". It also points out overlays
with the adjective "anti-authoritarian", which cannot be counted solely as
anarchism. This is also a concept of struggle that Friedrich Engels chose as a
title for the non-Marxist wing in the International Workers' Association. In the
area of education, too, its meaning does not seem clear.
With this load of a term that anarchists have had with us since the days of
Proudhon, the following lines from Mackay's poem "Anarchy" should never be used:
"But you, word, so clear, so strong, so pure, that you say everything I'm looking
forward to, I give you the future! That future is yours, when everyone finally
awakens ".
Source:https://fda-ifa.org/gai-dai-no-108-mai-2020/
agência de notícias anarquistas-ana
------------------------------
Message: 2
A few days ago, at the initiative of the CNT Irakaskuntza group, we disseminated,
after an internal debate, the statement from REF (Spanish Philosophy Network)
regarding the elimination of Ethics and the History of Philosophy in classes (a
statement that can be consulted on its website). Serve this text to justify this
support or at least, which is no small matter, to leave here a reflection on the
theme. ---- Returning to the question of the title, why since an
anarcho-syndicalist union like CNT do we defend Philosophy and Ethics? What does
the defense of a matter contribute to our daily struggle in the union? Why, I
insist, is philosophy so important to us? Perhaps from an organization that
proposes a radical transformation of society we could be more courageous and
daring, one could think, proposing major revolutionary changes in the way in
which education is proposed, calling into question its real goals, methodologies,
etc. We could, and it is, in fact, something that we usually discuss in the
group, but on this occasion we chose to position ourselves in favor of something
much more humble, of a small objective that we believe important: to defend that
Ethics and Philosophy have the place they had before the Wert Act.
Since CNT Irakaskuntza we have decided to defend Philosophy precisely because in
these classes there is room for reflection, for doubt, for reasoned dialogue and
critical thinking. "Whenever you teach, show at the same time to doubt what you
teach", as Ortega and Gasset would say (to let one of the authors treated in the
Bacharelado classes speak). Well, what better than the Philosophy subjects to
follow Ortega's advice? Is it possible, by chance, to teach Philosophy without
teaching to reflect on itself, without Philosophy becoming, a little bit, a more
humble philosophizing? We are fortunate (all is not lost!) To have teachers and
educational staff engaged in education and who, understanding that critical
thinking and doubt are fundamental conditions for all knowledge, they try day to
day to cultivate that spirit in their classes. In addition, they complement this
with everything that has their enriching materials and with everything they offer
us from their different spheres. And yet, I believe that it is absolutely
necessary to defend what Philosophy specifically offers.
Briefly, in Philosophy classes, doubt and reflection are not only something that
can be fostered by some professors committed to this, but that is part of the
discipline that is taught! Doubting about what is taught does not depend on the
good work of the teacher, it is also an indispensable and inescapable part of
Philosophy. The contents themselves make them doubt themselves, reason turns
against itself and criticism becomes self-critical, because, how to teach, for
example, the arguments against democracy that elaborates Plato and at the same
time believe in the defense of it that the sophists make? It is the contents
themselves, regardless of the shift messenger, that contradict each other, which
implies, in fact, a critical position. As much as we strive to defend a specific
author or philosophical current, nothing prevents us from seeing a whole universe
of different philosophical perspectives that have appeared during history and
that continue to present themselves and lend themselves to discussion. It will be
the student's job, therefore, to draw their own conclusions.
Anyway, no one escapes these heights that, as in the rest of the sectors, we go
for a model that prioritizes economy and profitability, leaving aside the care of
life and other aspects that offer us something like human beings. Current
policies move us towards a paradigm in which education is reduced to its work as
a reproducer of the workforce. We teach things, so that youth can adapt to the
labor market. And let's be honest, Philosophy, according to this model, produces
nothing. Capitalist rationality imposes itself and everything that escapes its
logic is seen as unnecessary, a superfluous luxury that is useless. Thus, the
human being is diminished, impoverished and reduced to his function as worker and
consumer. Only what serves this dual purpose of producing and consuming is seen
positively,
Faced with this scenario, we have to establish priorities. Let us not believe in
his one-sided dogma, let us defend everything we believe is good and necessary
for a dignified and happy life and a desirable society, even if it is not
compatible with the "need" for the wheel of the capitalist economy to keep
turning. And, precisely, is Philosophy not something we should defend for its
value to the human being? Is anyone capable of imagining a society in which he
wanted to live and in which philosophical and critical thinking did not exist?
Let us not be mistaken, not believing in hegemonic discourse and declaring
ourselves "anti-system" is no proof of our critical spirit, as shown by the
varied and extravagant range of great Truths to which our society has clung in
recent times, from earthworks to insanities about the pandemic that I will not
comment on here. Our status quo loses credibility, if the values to which we
clung are broken ("the sacred is profaned", as Marx wrote and, in line with this,
Bauman) and instead of taking the opportunity to take perspective, we launch
ourselves as soon as possible in the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this
the context that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some
simple solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend
Philosophy from CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting
that it is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and
analysis, argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute
Truth. Too much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... Our status quo
loses credibility, if the values to which we clung are broken ("the sacred is
profaned", as Marx wrote and, in line with this, Bauman) and instead of taking
the opportunity to take perspective, we launch ourselves as soon as possible in
the arms of new truths and answers (isn't this the context that took advantage of
the extreme right to put on the table some simple solutions and one or another
scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy from the CNT Irakaskuntza and
as far as we can, because - even admitting that it is costly - we have to get
used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis, argumentation and the search for
truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too much damage did the simple
analyzes and orthodoxies... Our status quo loses credibility, if the values to
which we clung are broken ("the sacred is profaned", as Marx wrote and, in line
with this, Bauman) and instead of taking the opportunity to take perspective, we
launch ourselves as soon as possible in the arms of new truths and answers (isn't
this the context that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table
some simple solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend
Philosophy from CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting
that it is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and
analysis, argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute
Truth. Too much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... the values to
which we clung are broken ("the sacred is desecrated", as Marx and Bauman wrote)
and instead of taking the opportunity to take a perspective, we throw ourselves
as quickly as possible into the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this the
context that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some simple
solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy
from the CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting that it
is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too
much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... the values to which we
clung are broken ("the sacred is desecrated", as Marx and Bauman wrote) and
instead of seizing the opportunity to take perspective, we launch ourselves as
quickly as possible into the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this the
context that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some simple
solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy
from the CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting that it
is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too
much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... we launched ourselves as
quickly as possible in the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this the context
that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some simple
solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy
from CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting that it is
costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too
much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... we launched ourselves as
quickly as possible in the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this the context
that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some simple
solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy
from CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting that it is
costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too
much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... for - still admitting that
it is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in the absolute Truth.
Too much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... for - still admitting
that it is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and
analysis, argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in the
absolute Truth. Too much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies...
Definitely, the struggle is the same as always, which so many comrades are
carrying out in the CNT and in many other collectives: the defense of life
against the totalitarian imposition of the economy. This time it will be
Philosophy that will succumb in the face of capitalist logic, but what surprises
will the next educational reform bring? What will be the next to fall? Let us
defend this time that critical thinking has its place in classes, let us make a
space, in our union and in our schools for Philosophy.
Source:http://www.cnt-sindikatua.org/es/noticias/por-que-defender-de-nuevo-la-filosofia-en-las-aulas
Translation> Sol de Abril
anarchist news agency-ana
------------------------------
Message: 3
Greetings to all the peoples of the world, ---- The Anarchist Federation of Rio
Grande do Sul reaches the mark of 25 years of fist raised and flags raised, with
all our hearts, our bodies and our lives dedicated to the simplest and most just
of all causes, to the demand as urgent as necessary, so impossible as inevitable:
a world of socialism and freedom made by the hands of all and all the oppressed.
---- On the occasion of our 10th anniversary, we said that the poor live
stubbornly. And it was with a lot of stubbornness, with a lot of conviction and
with the certainty that the path is hard but full of powers, that we walked here.
Sowing indignation and rebellion, organizing the wishes and desires of another
world and reaping advances and learning that mark our history.
The history of the Anarchist Federation of Rio Grande do Sul, that tool that
articulates dreams, firmness and hard work and that we are now celebrating in yet
another November, is undoubtedly part of the intense and living history of our
ideology in all corners of the world and the brave history of Latin American
peoples in all the tough times of resistance. It was with the red-black flag that
the peoples of the world fought, especially the peoples of the south of the
world, those who were exploited and exploited in all corners, and whose struggles
not only inspire and encourage us, but fundamentally constitute the history we
make. part.
We understand from the beginning that Latin America is a land of warriors and
warriors, whose lives were dedicated to resistance and whose bodies and stories
were systematically attacked and erased. From the skirmishes against the colonial
invasion to the tough resistance against judicial farces and police persecutions
in the fight against systematic coups from above, the peoples of America have
never had the mark of submission or peaceful acceptance, as we have always known
that living in these lands, it means living in struggle.
The arrows and battles of the original peoples in defense against the white
invasion and exploitation mark the cornerstone of our rebel history. The enslaved
peoples, with all their diversity and cultural potency in the face of the most
brutal state terror process the world has ever seen, dared to create libertarian,
self-managed and sustainable societies, a refuge for poor blacks, indigenous
people and whites from north to south of Brazil. country in every quilombo
territory - the struggle of the enslaved people is the mark of a people that
never bowed, even in the worst conditions.
In examples such as the uprising of the Malês and the campaign of the
Inconfidentes, the memory reminds us of the dread that the constituted power
feels before people who fight for another life. In moments like the Farrapos war,
we emphasized the lesson that there is no hope in the battles that wage those
above and that the people only have the people as an ally. The colonial state
that Europe created on corpses of indigenous lands and which today we call Brazil
has never been an instrument of liberation from the oppressed and, on the
contrary, in cases like Contestado and Canudos, Brazil has demonstrated all the
repressive and bloody commitment it reserves to the ungovernable people who dared
to dream of another world.
Faced with the emergence of the urban proletariat and all the misery, hunger and
overexploitation of cities, there was not a minute of rest or hopelessness: in
factories and on the streets, always with the red and black flag flying in their
arms, the oppressed people carried out sabotages and rebellions, marches,
pickets, barricades and immense general strikes that took from the bourgeois
state social rights that we still struggle to maintain, while founding
athenaeuses and schools, centers of culture and newspapers, community spaces and
a whole set of criticism and action against sexism, racism and capital.
When the farce of democracy gave way to the most open regime of terror, torture
and violence, the oppressed and oppressed of this continent fought with the
weapons at their disposal. Guerrillas, kidnappings, assaults, marches, strikes
and steadfast fights to topple all the dictators of that continent one by one,
even under censorship, exile, dismantling of unions and associations and an
unparalleled persecution of rebel bodies.
We understand ourselves as Latin Americans, part of that history and responsible
for remembering and doing justice to every worker and every worker who has fallen
on her feet in the 500 years of exploitation and violence that mark America.
We understand ourselves as part of the rich and combative history of socialism,
that socialism that does not accept the instruments of the oppressor as a tool of
liberation, that has no vocation for a single party or for the ruling class, that
does not want enlightened representatives to take the power of the national state
which Europe invented, but which wants and adds to the struggle for the oppressed
classes of the world to overthrow capitalism and all its institutions of
domination and terror, once and for all, starting with the state and its
apparatus of violence.
Our story begins with those already at the beginning of capitalism who realized
that private property and the state were barbarism; and against this barbarism
they proposed the collective ownership of the means of production, self-managed
organizations, federalism, direct democracy as a means of political decision and
the end of any domination of one class by the other.
Our history is born in opposition not only to this liberal barbarism, but also in
sincere opposition to any socialism that talked about the problems of the world
from the sacred place of the vanguard, that was mistaken seeing the State as a
potential instrument of liberation or that deposited in the party (not in the
self-organized people) the central role in the struggle.
" The liberation of the workers will be the work of the workers themselves ", and
it was with this principle engraved in our ethics that anarchists faced the State
and capital, almost always betrayed by other socialist matrixes, and always
understanding that "libertarian ends are only achieved with libertarian means ",
forging in every battle and in every organization always a prototype of the
society we want to build.
It was like this in the Paris commune, when the people, rebellious, established
in the center of colonial capitalism a territory without a state and without a
boss. It was so in Russia when authoritarian socialism betrayed the working
people and centralized power; it was like this in Ukraine when millions of
peasants dared to build a self-governing land in resistance to Western armies and
the Bolshevik army.
It was with the principles that constitute anarchism that the peoples of Mexico,
in 1910, Manchuria in 1929, Spain in 1936 fought, dreamed and won victories...
All experiences that tell the history of the successes and mistakes of Anarchism,
and whose memory provides us with important lessons for ours here and now.
In the face of the neoliberal triumph that, in theory, ended the cold war; from
the collisions and successes of the elites that made the transition from
dictatorships to liberal democratic bourgeois states in Latin America, a new
unpredictable, unstable and intensely heated cycle of struggles took place on the
stage of our lands.
With the inspiring air that came from Chiapas, carrying the almost unbelievable
story of the permanence and heroic resistance of our sisters on the other side of
the border, we were born. In November 1995, in the heart of Porto Alegre, the
Anarchist Federation of Rio Grande do Sul was founded with a simple conviction:
that the transformation of the harsh reality that plagues us needs to be and will
be a collective work of the oppressed from around the world; and a simple, daring
and determined objective: to spread the seed of this conviction to all corners of
the country and collectively build an organized, combative, classist anarchism,
with the face of our people and radically revolutionary.
We place ourselves humbly as yet another speck of sand in all this epic of
resistance that marks the lives of the peoples of America and we understand
ourselves as the continuity of the struggles, organizations, yearnings and dreams
that color the history of Anarchism in the world.
We were born during the most ferocious neoliberalism in Brazil and we join the
group of oppressed classes in resistance against the dismantling of our
conquests. We join our voices with those of all the peoples of the planet,
especially those who live and suffer with us in the south of the world,
denouncing that globalization was nothing more than the expansion of the power of
capitalist markets to all corners of the world.
We denounce and fight the shameful celebration of the 500 years of "discovery"
and put our bodies together with collectives, organizations, fighters and
fighters to affirm that, yes, another world is possible, but it must be built by
the self-organization of peoples, by strengthening popular power and fighting
state institutions with no hope in bourgeois and electoral democratic channels.
As anarchists, but mainly as part of the dominated people of that country, we
denounce that the alliance of the left parties with the latifundio, the financial
sector and the parties of the order would be a trap of demobilization and rigging
of the organizations of the popular movement and that any conquest under class
conciliation was an easily destructible conquest.
In the face of successive inequalities in access to cities, we have forged
alliances to resist mega-events and their evictions, expropriations and
evictions, increases in transport prices and decreases in quality of life, and we
open the limits of the farce of class reconciliation.
We continued to fight when those above did not understand each other anymore and
dealt an institutional coup by discarding class conciliation in favor of someone
who was more to their liking; we claim our anti-fascist history and fight for
direct democracy, against the liberal-conservative advance through electoral
channels.
In these 25 years of existence, we, from the Anarchist Federation of Rio Grande
do Sul, have devoted all our time and the best of our strength to each attack,
each withdrawal of rights, each threat to the lives of those below; we lend our
methods of struggle and organization to all the causes of the people; we denounce
and face the inoperability of the left in love with the State and the
"revolutionary" left in love with the Party; we were side by side in every
strike, in every occupation, in every street taken by the popular revolt, in
every assembly, in every take of the latifundia, in every indigenous retake, in
every moment in the struggle for resistance and for another world, understanding
that we there is a greater or lesser task and that there is no more or less
important struggle.
We mourn each of our dead, the people of the people whose lives have been torn
apart by the violence of the State; we extend our shoulders and arms in
solidarity with each new attack, be it against anyone; we faced with bravery,
from the first day, police persecution, judicial farces and physical repression
of our spaces, our companions and our ideas.
We were born to put our militant work, our way of fighting and our socialist
ethics together with the forces that wish to end the settlements, conciliations
or cabinet meetings. We were born so that our actions help to make us afraid from
above, so that our red-black flags flying in every corner of the country take
away the sleep of those who steal our future.
In these 25 years, we did not do it all because of revolutionary romanticism or
because of the attachment to the identity of a militant, it was never because of
positions or powers - we did it yesterday and we do it today in the name of our
convictions and the certainty that only the people save the people. and that it
is impossible to transform the world for a life other than the strengthening of
popular power.
The mark of our 25 years is the 25 years of resumption of anarchism that does not
lend itself to caricatures, that does not hesitate to become a tool to fight the
oppressed and oppressed. They are also the 25 years of CABN, CALC, COMPA, OASL,
FARJ, FAE, FARPA, FACA, ORL, Rusga Libertária, Maria Ieda; 25 years of
construction of anarchism with a specifist matrix, of the forum of organized
anarchism and of the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination, our firm and humble
attempt to rescue the social vector of anarchism and to replace it in the place
of protagonist of the struggles of our people.
This story would not have been possible without the intense dedication, without
the strong donation of each companion and each companion who chose to dedicate
his life to the cause of popular liberation. We were born among the oppressed to
be a political instrument that helps in the difficult task of combating the
harshness of this world without ever resorting to the enemy's weapons and
forging, in the struggle itself, the ethics, the speech and the way of existing
that we wish to print in the future society .
We certainly made a lot of mistakes because we never stopped trying and,
undoubtedly, these 25 years are just the beginning of this hard process that we
have to follow. In this November, we wish to remember with affection each partner
and each partner who built and builds this story together. We want to dedicate
our entire life of struggle to our martyrs and we want to establish a commitment
among ourselves, remembering the times that have passed, to continue combatively,
without deviations, building this history for another 25 years and beyond.
With uncompromising solidarity as a value, with a socialist and libertarian
ethics as a beacon, with self-management, federalism, independence and radicalism
as principles and with the revolutionary rupture and the construction of a
socialist world as an objective, we followed the first 25 years of combats,
learnings, constructions, mistakes, friendships, affections, memories, fruits,
friends, fears and failures.
On this anniversary, strangely distant, but with our hearts beating together at
the same pace, we celebrated the Anarchist Federation of Rio Grande do Sul, the
Brazilian Anarchist Coordination, the Latin American Anarchist Coordination, in
short, the people of Latin America, the yearnings that mark our work and, above
all, the convictions that make us up.
Years go by, circumstances change, names and executioners change, we learn,
improve and change, but we continue with our standing convictions, the same ones
that, a quarter of a century ago, led companions and companions to create a
specifically anarchist organization in bitter land of Rio Grande.
We will bring forth the fruits of another soil tomorrow.
It is because of these convictions, because the world's problems are in a hurry,
because we know that times are hard and because we believe in the power of
popular power, in socialism and freedom, with the blood and bravery of the people
of the state, with Latin American history pulsing on our chest and with the red
black flag raised in our arms, we will continue.
ANARCHIST GAÚCHA FEDERATION: 25 YEARS NUTRING AND STRENGTHENING OUR CONVICTIONS
LIVE TO FAG! LIVE ORGANIZED ANARCHISM!
FOR SOCIALISM AND FREEDOM!
Rio Grande do Sul, November 2020
https://federacaoanarquistagaucha.wordpress.com/2020/11/18/fag-25-anos-nutrir-e-fortalecer-nossas-conviccoes/
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Message: 4
Women represent 39% of jobs held in the world but 54% of jobs lost as a result of
Covid-19. 4 million people in France have been victims of incest, 94,000 women
are victims of rape or attempted rape each year (ONDRP, 2017), 32% of women have
already suffered sexual harassment at work (Ifop, 2018) and all the 2 days, a
woman dies assassinated by her companion or her ex-companion [1]. Transphobic and
lesbophobic insults increased by 36% in France in 2019. ---- This year, let's
mobilize en masse for the international day against violence against women !
Confined, but not gagged ! ---- Libertarian Communist Union November 20, 2020
Validate
[1] see the list
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Contre-les-violences-faites-aux-femmes-Confinees-mais-pas-baillonees
------------------------------
Message: 5
Please note that because of border closures due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the
festival will most likely be postponed to the spring or summer of 2021, and held
under a different name. The new festival date will be announced no later than
December 1. On December 1, we will share information about how to apply for a
Finnish visa and crossing the border. ---- As of now: From 7 to 9 of January, in
Helsinki, the annual cultural and political festival "Father Frost against" will
take place. Here, on a politically neutral territory, we together (organizers /
participants / guests) will create a temporary autonomous zone free from
hierarchical forms of interaction and discrimination. The festival is organized
by local activists, as well as participants from various horizontal initiatives,
libertarian, left-oriented and anarchist communities in Russia and the
post-Soviet area.
During the festival we will co-create and establish new projects and connections,
produce situational practices and knowledge, and exchange experiences as
activists, artists and disciplinary researchers from different regions and countries.
Father Frost Against is a territory for the political imagination, creating and
supporting alternative practices of coexisting - a way of thinking, speaking and
acting in opposition to outdated cultural codes. A space for strategies and
tactics of solidarity, synthesizing theoretical and practical approaches aimed at
researching and transforming socio-political and cultural processes locally,
while keeping global contexts in perspective.
The festival are also a pleasant occasion for us to meet and spend time together
enjoying performances, great music, discussions and relax in pleasant company and
in a safe context.
The aim of the festival is:
Finding new contacts and supporting "invisible" project groups and initiatives,
exchanging experiences, making acquaintances and networking on current projects.
Strategic planning.
Joint project activities. Invention and dissemination of alternative
infrastructures and interaction algorithms within self-organized communities and
nomadic associations. Time spent enjoying.Active participants are representatives
of self-organized communities from Russia and the CIS countries, local projects
and participants from other countries: activists, artists, representatives of
trans / queer / lgbt communities, feminist initiatives / intersectional / cyber /
xeno / left feminist movements, decolonial trends, participants of anarchist
communities, independent media, representatives of human rights organizations and
NGOs. Also - ecologists, philosophers, sociologists, political scientists,
practitioners and theorists of contemporary art, critical theory, whose contour
of interests lay in participatory projects and alliances.
The festival program offers various forms of participation: open discussions /
reports / panels , workshops, presentations, video projects, performances,
networking and gentle reflection.
The end of the festival will be a crypto-rave with the participants from the
modern electronic scene, experimental music and political techno-live.
All information about the festival program will be publicly available.
Lunch and dinner are free for guests from abroad. We can only offer a vegan menu
in order to make our cuisine accessible to everyone.
The festival program will be held in Russian or English. If needed, they will be
translated into Finnish, English, and Russian.
The festival will take place at two locations - Oranssi and Ulrika.
Oranssi is located in Suvilahti. The address is: Kaasutehtaankatu 1, building 11.
The easiest way to get there is from the Sörnäinen or Kalasatama metro stations.
This is the location for all discussions and workshops on January 7, 8 and 9.
Place on google maps.
After 19:00 on Saturday (January 9) there will be a benefit concert for the
festival. The address is: Ulrika, Leppäsuonkatu 11. Ulrika is in the basement of
the third student house "Domus Gaudium". The easiest way to get there is on foot
from the Kamppi metro station. Location in google maps.
Both venues where the festival is taking place are accessible.
Overnight accommodation will only be provided for the first 40-50 participants
who register for the festival (form available at
https://dedmorozprotiv.com/apply, select English language from the menu). The
rest will have to book accommodation on their own.If you are interested in
participating in the festival please fill out the form. Only fill out the
questionnaire if you need help with accommodation.
The questionnaire deadline is January 6, 2020.
Website: https://dedmorozprotiv.com/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/events/1961818990627012
Instagram: @ffrost_against
Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCnKhsD1O30BooGiMyWgd2Gg
Telegram: https://t.me/dedmorozprotiv
Additional Information: dedmoroz@riseup.net
https://avtonom.org/en/news/welcome-father-frost-against-2021-festival
------------------------------
Message: 6
More than a year after his arrest in Brittany in August 2019, the fate of the
Italian anti-capitalist activist remains uncertain. ---- Sentenced to more than
twelve years in prison in Italy, and still under a European arrest warrant (EAW),
Vincenzo Vecchi is the victim of the very strong repression which affected people
who took part in the demonstrations against the G8 of Genoa in 2001. ---- In an
article in Alternative Libertaire from December 2019, we wrote that a first
victory had been won following the decision rendered by the Rennes Court of
Appeal, Vincenzo having been released after several months of imprisonment and
the EAWs issued to its objection having been ruled inadmissible. Victory to which
the mobilization in support of Vincenzo had greatly contributed, but a victory
which was unfortunately short-lived.
Indeed, the public prosecutor appealed in cassation a few days later, and the
Court of Cassation quashed the judgment of the Rennes Court of Appeal, at the
same time referring the case to the Angers court for a new hearing. At the end of
December, as soon as the news arrived in Angers, a few activists from UCL Angers,
quickly joined by many other activists from the city, created an Angevin
committee to support Vincenzo, which took care of everything. continuation put in
touch with the very active Support Committee of Rochefort-en-Terre (where
Vincenzo has lived for more than eight years) to prepare together the mobilization.
RELOCATION OF THE BUSINESS TO ANGERS
All-round display in the city, an action in court and a joint demonstration with
the yellow vests against the repression, a first evening of support which was
full, then a first hearing date announced in March but postponed for health
reasons . So activity resumed in September, new evenings in support of the
Grande-Ourse and L'Étincelle squats, and a new hearing date, this time the
correct one, on October 2.
Rather positive sign, measures have been taken to allow 50 supporters to attend
the hearing. While nearly 200 other supporters of Angers and Rochefort-en-Terre
were present in front of the court, the hearing went rather well: a report from
the President of the Court very correct, the Advocate General making some rude
errors, and Vincenzo's lawyers pointing out the multiple flaws in the EAW
procedure which is still running against it.
A speech from Vincenzo enabled him to recall the conditions of detention in
Italian prisons, the deaths caused by the lack of measures taken in the face of
the Covid-19 epidemic and the movements of inmates' revolt. The deliberation is
delivered on November 4.
The extradition of Vincenzo would be a strong repressive message. In addition,
his case still raises different questions. First, there is the charge of "
devastation and plunder ", inherited from the fascist regime of Mussolini,
which still allows today to imprison Italian activists without material proof.
Then there is the MFA, a real weapon of repression, which drastically reduces any
possibility of protection for victims of political repression. All in a European
context where the freedom-killing laws are gaining ground, like the recent
anti-breakers law in France. We will definitely come back.
In the meantime, in Angers, in the Angevin support committee for Vincenzo, we
want to continue to mobilize on these issues and we are starting to talk about
creating an anti-repression committee that does not yet exist in the city.
Guillaume (UCL Angers)
Logo: c. Rouge / JMB photo library.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Genes-2001-20-ans-apres-Vincenzo-Vecchi-toujours-poursuivi
------------------------------
Message: 7
On November 17, 2020, the yellow vests social protest movement in France
celebrated its second anniversary. Despite total bans, "quarantine" terror and
massive police repression, the demonstrators took to the streets again. Their
speeches have combined with protests against new repressive and anti-social laws.
---- Several demonstrations were scheduled for November 17 in Paris. They were
supposed to head to the National Assembly to protest new anti-social laws and to
mark the second anniversary of the yellow vest movement. At 9.30 am, the striking
scavengers gathered at the mayor's office: they oppose the law on the status of
civil servants. At 14.45, the Yellow Vests met in Montparnasse to celebrate their
second anniversary. At 15.00, a meeting at the Sorbonne began - a protest against
the law on programming research. At 3.30 pm, opponents of the Olympic Games
gathered at the Saint-Ouen City Hall. The participants of the demonstrations
intended to come to the National Assembly by 18.00 in order, at the call of the
Union of Journalists, to protest against the new draft law on global security
(https://actu.fr/ile-de-france/paris_75056/loi-securite-loi-recherche-gilets-jaunes-jo-manifestations-devant-l-assemblee-nationale-a-paris_37502064.html)
The scavengers, who were joined by the activists of the "yellow vests", after the
demonstration at the mayor's office, went to the building of the Property
Directorate on Avenue de France. They scattered thousands of leaflets, blocked
the street, and set fire to waste containers and wooden pallets. The workers who
have declared an indefinite strike are outraged by the change in their position
as civil servants
(https://actu.fr/ile-de-france/paris_75056/videos-manifestation-de-gilets-jaunes-et-d-eboueurs-en-greve-a-paris-tensions-et-incendies_37526885.html).
The building was temporarily captured by the strikers
(https://www.revolutionpermanente.fr/Eboueurs-et-egoutiers-en-greve-illimitee-a-Paris-occupent-la-direction-de-la-proprete).
After 6 pm, the participants of all the demonstrations gathered at the building
of the National Assembly. The atmosphere initially remained calm. "Yellow vests",
human rights activists, journalists, lawyers, students gathered in Piazza Herriot
... The law, against which the protesters protested, provides, among other
things, a ban on the dissemination of images of policemen's faces. The League for
Human Rights and journalist organizations have strongly objected to this,
believing that the actual purpose of the measure is to keep the police atrocities
and reprisals from filming. Objections are also raised by clauses of the bill
that legalize the use of drones by the authorities and the widespread placement
of police security cameras.
A meeting began to boil in the square. The speakers criticized the bill and the
entire policy of those in power in the field of the so-called "security". As the
speeches were being made, tensions grew between the radical protesters and the
police. Shortly before 19:00, firecrackers and fireworks were flying from the
protesters, the forces of the capitalist order were throwing tear gas bombs. The
arrival of the CRS police force formed a cordon around the parliament building,
and hundreds of gathered demonstrators regrouped. Boulevard Saint-Germain has
become a scene of street battles.
At 7:30 pm, as the protesters intended to march unauthorized towards the
Boulevard Saint-Germain, the CRS blocked the path of thousands of protesters
using gas. Street clashes began. Shortly before 20.00 on the rue Lille,
barricades of burning garbage cans were burning: some of the demonstrators lit
them, others - pacifists - on the contrary, tried to extinguish them. As the
gendarmes began to move forward to clear the road for the firefighters, a group
of capitalist law enforcement officers were surrounded in the lobby of the
building. Curses and firecrackers fell on the besieged gendarmes, they tried to
fight back with tear gas. Additional police units barely managed to pull them out
of the encirclement.
Meanwhile, on the Boulevard Saint-Germain, confrontation continued, and the
repressive forces of the regime used a water cannon to disperse the outraged
protesters. The demonstrators returned to the National Assembly. Tear gas
streamed through the streets. Only at 10 pm, after violent clashes with the
police, the demonstration ended, and calm reigned on the boulevards. As a result
of the clashes, there are victims and detainees, including journalists.
(https://actu.fr/societe/videos-manifestation-contre-la-loi-de-securite-heurts-a-l-assemblee-nationale_37542217.html;
https://actu.fr/ile-de-france/paris_75056/manifestation-contre-la-loi-de-securite-globale-a-paris-violents-heurts-des-journalistes-cibles_37544717.html)
Demonstrations by yellow vests and opponents of the security law are reported
from Toulouse (1,300 participants). Many hundreds of demonstrators took to the
streets of Lyon, Rennes, Bordeaux, Marseille, Grenoble, Tarbes, Gap (where the
action was also held against the privatization of the road), Strasbourg, Annecy
and other cities
(https://www.sudradio.fr/societe/manifestation-contre-les-violences-policieres-et-la-loi-securite-globale/).
The promotion for the second anniversary of the "yellow vests was also held on
the island of Reunion
https://aitrus.info/node/5590
------------------------------
Message: 8
The pseudo DAREX company is trying to take over Rozbrat and the surrounding
allotment gardens that are part of the Green Wedge, which supplies oxygen to
Poznan. Several allotment houses were set on fire during the year. The company
also displaced most of the gardeners, threatening them with high penalties for
using the land against the will of businessmen. Today, the Darex tailors,
assisted by the police, were getting ready for the final demolition of the
gazebos for an elite developer. For this purpose, the businessmen's
plenipotentiary even referred to ... the constitution. It didn't help, we won
this battle. ---- Keywords ROD Bogdanka wedges of green Rozbrat stays Rozbrat
stays Green Wave ---- We were prepared for the arrival of businessmen. Thanks to
the joint mobilization of gardeners, tenant groups and anarchists, it was
possible to stop the plan to demolish the existing buildings.
DAREX is a peculiar existence: since its inception, within 30 years it has not
run any real economic activity. It appeared only in 1990 in order to "buy" the
area of the then state-owned enterprise and nearby plots for one tenth of the
value, take a loan for ten times more and disappear. However, she did not buy the
site from the state, but from a private person who also soon disappeared.
The (furniture) workplace was finally closed shortly after wild re-privatization
in 1994, and hundreds of people lost their jobs. Rozbrat was established in 1994
on the ruins of this plant.
Today the Darex crooks are back alive. In the shadow of this column, there are
developers who like this part of Poznan, now worth much more than thirty years ago.
In practice, Rozbrat and Klin Zieleni with plots are on the same cart. DAREX
certainly did not let go. So a hot winter / spring is coming. Only by joint
effort will we free Solacz and the rest of Poznan from further waves of
privatization and concreteosis
https://www.rozbrat.org/informacje/poznan/4746-biznesmeni-skapitulowali-ogrody-i-rozbrat-poki-co-bezpieczne
------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
As one of the biggest mistakes of anarchism, Gaston Leval once described the
anarchists' attempt to interpret the term "anarchy", which was used negatively at
that time, positively. Unlike other social movements, the anarchist never managed
to get rid of the negative touch. As in the past, "anarchy" and "anarchism" are
associated today with disorder ("chaos"), terror and violence. As a result,
journalistic headlines such as "There is anarchy in xxx" can be found in
newspapers everywhere. ---- The self-denomination "anarchist" goes back to the
French socialist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who in a fictional dialogue with his
readers in the course of his workWhat is property?Write:
"- Are you a republican?
- Republicans, yes, but the word does not say anything definitive. Republic means
collective well-being, now whoever wants it, regardless of the form of
government, can call himself a republican. Kings are also Republicans.
- Well, then, are you a democrat?
- Not.
- What! So you're a royalist!
- Not.
- Constitutionalist?
- God save me from this.
- So you're an aristocrat?
- No way.
- Are you in favor of the moderate government?
- Much less.
- So what are you?
- I'm an anarchist. "
Proudhon probably toyed with the pejorative use of the term used in the French
Revolution. At that time it was a bad word for the respective political opponent.
The term, which was positively reinterpreted, quickly became a self-designation
in the 19th century, despite all the difficulties. After all, Proudhon was
considered to be the undisputed ancestor of the current in classical social and
individualist anarchism, despite all the criticisms that followed him. Russian
anarcho-communist Peter Kropotkin later awarded him the honorary title of "Father
of Anarchy", while American individualist anarchist Benjamin R. Tucker used a
statement by Proudhon for the subtitle of his magazineLiberty .
In addition to the term "anarchist", the term "libertarian" was discussed as a
self-designation in the mid-19th century. It was created in response to Proudhon
as a neologism by Joseph Déjacque, a largely forgotten publicist and author. As a
concept, it opposes liberalism and was published by the newspaperLe
Libertairesince 1858. Other anarchist publishers later named their headlines as a
result, including Sébastien Faure. Especially on the anarcho-communist spectrum,
the creation of that word fell on fertile ground.
In French and Spanish speaking countries, this term is generally synonymous with
"anarchist". The choice of the nickname has to do in part with the negative
perception of the term "anarchist". The fact that this term can also cause
confusion was demonstrated in the translation to German of an art documentary
about the Spanish revolution, where it was said that the CNT had fought for
liberal communism (sic!). In English-speaking countries, the term "libertarian"
is used almost exclusively in connection with anarcho-capitalists. In this
context, libertarian ultimately only radically means "economic liberal". An
example of this use is the title of Stefan Blankertz's bookLibertarian Manifesto
or the designation of liberals by American businessmen like Robert Nozick as
libertarians. In the spectrum of the German scene, the term is generally broader
than "anarchist", that is, it also includes currents and ideas related to
(classic) anarchism. This can be seen, for example, in the paradoxical labeling
of individualist thinkers as "libertarian Marxists". It also points out overlays
with the adjective "anti-authoritarian", which cannot be counted solely as
anarchism. This is also a concept of struggle that Friedrich Engels chose as a
title for the non-Marxist wing in the International Workers' Association. In the
area of education, too, its meaning does not seem clear.
With this load of a term that anarchists have had with us since the days of
Proudhon, the following lines from Mackay's poem "Anarchy" should never be used:
"But you, word, so clear, so strong, so pure, that you say everything I'm looking
forward to, I give you the future! That future is yours, when everyone finally
awakens ".
Source:https://fda-ifa.org/gai-dai-no-108-mai-2020/
agência de notícias anarquistas-ana
------------------------------
Message: 2
A few days ago, at the initiative of the CNT Irakaskuntza group, we disseminated,
after an internal debate, the statement from REF (Spanish Philosophy Network)
regarding the elimination of Ethics and the History of Philosophy in classes (a
statement that can be consulted on its website). Serve this text to justify this
support or at least, which is no small matter, to leave here a reflection on the
theme. ---- Returning to the question of the title, why since an
anarcho-syndicalist union like CNT do we defend Philosophy and Ethics? What does
the defense of a matter contribute to our daily struggle in the union? Why, I
insist, is philosophy so important to us? Perhaps from an organization that
proposes a radical transformation of society we could be more courageous and
daring, one could think, proposing major revolutionary changes in the way in
which education is proposed, calling into question its real goals, methodologies,
etc. We could, and it is, in fact, something that we usually discuss in the
group, but on this occasion we chose to position ourselves in favor of something
much more humble, of a small objective that we believe important: to defend that
Ethics and Philosophy have the place they had before the Wert Act.
Since CNT Irakaskuntza we have decided to defend Philosophy precisely because in
these classes there is room for reflection, for doubt, for reasoned dialogue and
critical thinking. "Whenever you teach, show at the same time to doubt what you
teach", as Ortega and Gasset would say (to let one of the authors treated in the
Bacharelado classes speak). Well, what better than the Philosophy subjects to
follow Ortega's advice? Is it possible, by chance, to teach Philosophy without
teaching to reflect on itself, without Philosophy becoming, a little bit, a more
humble philosophizing? We are fortunate (all is not lost!) To have teachers and
educational staff engaged in education and who, understanding that critical
thinking and doubt are fundamental conditions for all knowledge, they try day to
day to cultivate that spirit in their classes. In addition, they complement this
with everything that has their enriching materials and with everything they offer
us from their different spheres. And yet, I believe that it is absolutely
necessary to defend what Philosophy specifically offers.
Briefly, in Philosophy classes, doubt and reflection are not only something that
can be fostered by some professors committed to this, but that is part of the
discipline that is taught! Doubting about what is taught does not depend on the
good work of the teacher, it is also an indispensable and inescapable part of
Philosophy. The contents themselves make them doubt themselves, reason turns
against itself and criticism becomes self-critical, because, how to teach, for
example, the arguments against democracy that elaborates Plato and at the same
time believe in the defense of it that the sophists make? It is the contents
themselves, regardless of the shift messenger, that contradict each other, which
implies, in fact, a critical position. As much as we strive to defend a specific
author or philosophical current, nothing prevents us from seeing a whole universe
of different philosophical perspectives that have appeared during history and
that continue to present themselves and lend themselves to discussion. It will be
the student's job, therefore, to draw their own conclusions.
Anyway, no one escapes these heights that, as in the rest of the sectors, we go
for a model that prioritizes economy and profitability, leaving aside the care of
life and other aspects that offer us something like human beings. Current
policies move us towards a paradigm in which education is reduced to its work as
a reproducer of the workforce. We teach things, so that youth can adapt to the
labor market. And let's be honest, Philosophy, according to this model, produces
nothing. Capitalist rationality imposes itself and everything that escapes its
logic is seen as unnecessary, a superfluous luxury that is useless. Thus, the
human being is diminished, impoverished and reduced to his function as worker and
consumer. Only what serves this dual purpose of producing and consuming is seen
positively,
Faced with this scenario, we have to establish priorities. Let us not believe in
his one-sided dogma, let us defend everything we believe is good and necessary
for a dignified and happy life and a desirable society, even if it is not
compatible with the "need" for the wheel of the capitalist economy to keep
turning. And, precisely, is Philosophy not something we should defend for its
value to the human being? Is anyone capable of imagining a society in which he
wanted to live and in which philosophical and critical thinking did not exist?
Let us not be mistaken, not believing in hegemonic discourse and declaring
ourselves "anti-system" is no proof of our critical spirit, as shown by the
varied and extravagant range of great Truths to which our society has clung in
recent times, from earthworks to insanities about the pandemic that I will not
comment on here. Our status quo loses credibility, if the values to which we
clung are broken ("the sacred is profaned", as Marx wrote and, in line with this,
Bauman) and instead of taking the opportunity to take perspective, we launch
ourselves as soon as possible in the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this
the context that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some
simple solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend
Philosophy from CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting
that it is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and
analysis, argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute
Truth. Too much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... Our status quo
loses credibility, if the values to which we clung are broken ("the sacred is
profaned", as Marx wrote and, in line with this, Bauman) and instead of taking
the opportunity to take perspective, we launch ourselves as soon as possible in
the arms of new truths and answers (isn't this the context that took advantage of
the extreme right to put on the table some simple solutions and one or another
scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy from the CNT Irakaskuntza and
as far as we can, because - even admitting that it is costly - we have to get
used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis, argumentation and the search for
truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too much damage did the simple
analyzes and orthodoxies... Our status quo loses credibility, if the values to
which we clung are broken ("the sacred is profaned", as Marx wrote and, in line
with this, Bauman) and instead of taking the opportunity to take perspective, we
launch ourselves as soon as possible in the arms of new truths and answers (isn't
this the context that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table
some simple solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend
Philosophy from CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting
that it is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and
analysis, argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute
Truth. Too much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... the values to
which we clung are broken ("the sacred is desecrated", as Marx and Bauman wrote)
and instead of taking the opportunity to take a perspective, we throw ourselves
as quickly as possible into the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this the
context that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some simple
solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy
from the CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting that it
is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too
much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... the values to which we
clung are broken ("the sacred is desecrated", as Marx and Bauman wrote) and
instead of seizing the opportunity to take perspective, we launch ourselves as
quickly as possible into the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this the
context that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some simple
solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy
from the CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting that it
is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too
much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... we launched ourselves as
quickly as possible in the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this the context
that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some simple
solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy
from CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting that it is
costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too
much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... we launched ourselves as
quickly as possible in the arms of new Truths and answers (isn't this the context
that took advantage of the extreme right to put on the table some simple
solutions and one or another scapegoat?). That is why we must defend Philosophy
from CNT Irakaskuntza and as far as we can, because - even admitting that it is
costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in absolute Truth. Too
much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... for - still admitting that
it is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and analysis,
argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in the absolute Truth.
Too much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies... for - still admitting
that it is costly - we have to get used to living in doubt, criticism and
analysis, argumentation and the search for truth, and not installed in the
absolute Truth. Too much damage did the simple analyzes and orthodoxies...
Definitely, the struggle is the same as always, which so many comrades are
carrying out in the CNT and in many other collectives: the defense of life
against the totalitarian imposition of the economy. This time it will be
Philosophy that will succumb in the face of capitalist logic, but what surprises
will the next educational reform bring? What will be the next to fall? Let us
defend this time that critical thinking has its place in classes, let us make a
space, in our union and in our schools for Philosophy.
Source:http://www.cnt-sindikatua.org/es/noticias/por-que-defender-de-nuevo-la-filosofia-en-las-aulas
Translation> Sol de Abril
anarchist news agency-ana
------------------------------
Message: 3
Greetings to all the peoples of the world, ---- The Anarchist Federation of Rio
Grande do Sul reaches the mark of 25 years of fist raised and flags raised, with
all our hearts, our bodies and our lives dedicated to the simplest and most just
of all causes, to the demand as urgent as necessary, so impossible as inevitable:
a world of socialism and freedom made by the hands of all and all the oppressed.
---- On the occasion of our 10th anniversary, we said that the poor live
stubbornly. And it was with a lot of stubbornness, with a lot of conviction and
with the certainty that the path is hard but full of powers, that we walked here.
Sowing indignation and rebellion, organizing the wishes and desires of another
world and reaping advances and learning that mark our history.
The history of the Anarchist Federation of Rio Grande do Sul, that tool that
articulates dreams, firmness and hard work and that we are now celebrating in yet
another November, is undoubtedly part of the intense and living history of our
ideology in all corners of the world and the brave history of Latin American
peoples in all the tough times of resistance. It was with the red-black flag that
the peoples of the world fought, especially the peoples of the south of the
world, those who were exploited and exploited in all corners, and whose struggles
not only inspire and encourage us, but fundamentally constitute the history we
make. part.
We understand from the beginning that Latin America is a land of warriors and
warriors, whose lives were dedicated to resistance and whose bodies and stories
were systematically attacked and erased. From the skirmishes against the colonial
invasion to the tough resistance against judicial farces and police persecutions
in the fight against systematic coups from above, the peoples of America have
never had the mark of submission or peaceful acceptance, as we have always known
that living in these lands, it means living in struggle.
The arrows and battles of the original peoples in defense against the white
invasion and exploitation mark the cornerstone of our rebel history. The enslaved
peoples, with all their diversity and cultural potency in the face of the most
brutal state terror process the world has ever seen, dared to create libertarian,
self-managed and sustainable societies, a refuge for poor blacks, indigenous
people and whites from north to south of Brazil. country in every quilombo
territory - the struggle of the enslaved people is the mark of a people that
never bowed, even in the worst conditions.
In examples such as the uprising of the Malês and the campaign of the
Inconfidentes, the memory reminds us of the dread that the constituted power
feels before people who fight for another life. In moments like the Farrapos war,
we emphasized the lesson that there is no hope in the battles that wage those
above and that the people only have the people as an ally. The colonial state
that Europe created on corpses of indigenous lands and which today we call Brazil
has never been an instrument of liberation from the oppressed and, on the
contrary, in cases like Contestado and Canudos, Brazil has demonstrated all the
repressive and bloody commitment it reserves to the ungovernable people who dared
to dream of another world.
Faced with the emergence of the urban proletariat and all the misery, hunger and
overexploitation of cities, there was not a minute of rest or hopelessness: in
factories and on the streets, always with the red and black flag flying in their
arms, the oppressed people carried out sabotages and rebellions, marches,
pickets, barricades and immense general strikes that took from the bourgeois
state social rights that we still struggle to maintain, while founding
athenaeuses and schools, centers of culture and newspapers, community spaces and
a whole set of criticism and action against sexism, racism and capital.
When the farce of democracy gave way to the most open regime of terror, torture
and violence, the oppressed and oppressed of this continent fought with the
weapons at their disposal. Guerrillas, kidnappings, assaults, marches, strikes
and steadfast fights to topple all the dictators of that continent one by one,
even under censorship, exile, dismantling of unions and associations and an
unparalleled persecution of rebel bodies.
We understand ourselves as Latin Americans, part of that history and responsible
for remembering and doing justice to every worker and every worker who has fallen
on her feet in the 500 years of exploitation and violence that mark America.
We understand ourselves as part of the rich and combative history of socialism,
that socialism that does not accept the instruments of the oppressor as a tool of
liberation, that has no vocation for a single party or for the ruling class, that
does not want enlightened representatives to take the power of the national state
which Europe invented, but which wants and adds to the struggle for the oppressed
classes of the world to overthrow capitalism and all its institutions of
domination and terror, once and for all, starting with the state and its
apparatus of violence.
Our story begins with those already at the beginning of capitalism who realized
that private property and the state were barbarism; and against this barbarism
they proposed the collective ownership of the means of production, self-managed
organizations, federalism, direct democracy as a means of political decision and
the end of any domination of one class by the other.
Our history is born in opposition not only to this liberal barbarism, but also in
sincere opposition to any socialism that talked about the problems of the world
from the sacred place of the vanguard, that was mistaken seeing the State as a
potential instrument of liberation or that deposited in the party (not in the
self-organized people) the central role in the struggle.
" The liberation of the workers will be the work of the workers themselves ", and
it was with this principle engraved in our ethics that anarchists faced the State
and capital, almost always betrayed by other socialist matrixes, and always
understanding that "libertarian ends are only achieved with libertarian means ",
forging in every battle and in every organization always a prototype of the
society we want to build.
It was like this in the Paris commune, when the people, rebellious, established
in the center of colonial capitalism a territory without a state and without a
boss. It was so in Russia when authoritarian socialism betrayed the working
people and centralized power; it was like this in Ukraine when millions of
peasants dared to build a self-governing land in resistance to Western armies and
the Bolshevik army.
It was with the principles that constitute anarchism that the peoples of Mexico,
in 1910, Manchuria in 1929, Spain in 1936 fought, dreamed and won victories...
All experiences that tell the history of the successes and mistakes of Anarchism,
and whose memory provides us with important lessons for ours here and now.
In the face of the neoliberal triumph that, in theory, ended the cold war; from
the collisions and successes of the elites that made the transition from
dictatorships to liberal democratic bourgeois states in Latin America, a new
unpredictable, unstable and intensely heated cycle of struggles took place on the
stage of our lands.
With the inspiring air that came from Chiapas, carrying the almost unbelievable
story of the permanence and heroic resistance of our sisters on the other side of
the border, we were born. In November 1995, in the heart of Porto Alegre, the
Anarchist Federation of Rio Grande do Sul was founded with a simple conviction:
that the transformation of the harsh reality that plagues us needs to be and will
be a collective work of the oppressed from around the world; and a simple, daring
and determined objective: to spread the seed of this conviction to all corners of
the country and collectively build an organized, combative, classist anarchism,
with the face of our people and radically revolutionary.
We place ourselves humbly as yet another speck of sand in all this epic of
resistance that marks the lives of the peoples of America and we understand
ourselves as the continuity of the struggles, organizations, yearnings and dreams
that color the history of Anarchism in the world.
We were born during the most ferocious neoliberalism in Brazil and we join the
group of oppressed classes in resistance against the dismantling of our
conquests. We join our voices with those of all the peoples of the planet,
especially those who live and suffer with us in the south of the world,
denouncing that globalization was nothing more than the expansion of the power of
capitalist markets to all corners of the world.
We denounce and fight the shameful celebration of the 500 years of "discovery"
and put our bodies together with collectives, organizations, fighters and
fighters to affirm that, yes, another world is possible, but it must be built by
the self-organization of peoples, by strengthening popular power and fighting
state institutions with no hope in bourgeois and electoral democratic channels.
As anarchists, but mainly as part of the dominated people of that country, we
denounce that the alliance of the left parties with the latifundio, the financial
sector and the parties of the order would be a trap of demobilization and rigging
of the organizations of the popular movement and that any conquest under class
conciliation was an easily destructible conquest.
In the face of successive inequalities in access to cities, we have forged
alliances to resist mega-events and their evictions, expropriations and
evictions, increases in transport prices and decreases in quality of life, and we
open the limits of the farce of class reconciliation.
We continued to fight when those above did not understand each other anymore and
dealt an institutional coup by discarding class conciliation in favor of someone
who was more to their liking; we claim our anti-fascist history and fight for
direct democracy, against the liberal-conservative advance through electoral
channels.
In these 25 years of existence, we, from the Anarchist Federation of Rio Grande
do Sul, have devoted all our time and the best of our strength to each attack,
each withdrawal of rights, each threat to the lives of those below; we lend our
methods of struggle and organization to all the causes of the people; we denounce
and face the inoperability of the left in love with the State and the
"revolutionary" left in love with the Party; we were side by side in every
strike, in every occupation, in every street taken by the popular revolt, in
every assembly, in every take of the latifundia, in every indigenous retake, in
every moment in the struggle for resistance and for another world, understanding
that we there is a greater or lesser task and that there is no more or less
important struggle.
We mourn each of our dead, the people of the people whose lives have been torn
apart by the violence of the State; we extend our shoulders and arms in
solidarity with each new attack, be it against anyone; we faced with bravery,
from the first day, police persecution, judicial farces and physical repression
of our spaces, our companions and our ideas.
We were born to put our militant work, our way of fighting and our socialist
ethics together with the forces that wish to end the settlements, conciliations
or cabinet meetings. We were born so that our actions help to make us afraid from
above, so that our red-black flags flying in every corner of the country take
away the sleep of those who steal our future.
In these 25 years, we did not do it all because of revolutionary romanticism or
because of the attachment to the identity of a militant, it was never because of
positions or powers - we did it yesterday and we do it today in the name of our
convictions and the certainty that only the people save the people. and that it
is impossible to transform the world for a life other than the strengthening of
popular power.
The mark of our 25 years is the 25 years of resumption of anarchism that does not
lend itself to caricatures, that does not hesitate to become a tool to fight the
oppressed and oppressed. They are also the 25 years of CABN, CALC, COMPA, OASL,
FARJ, FAE, FARPA, FACA, ORL, Rusga Libertária, Maria Ieda; 25 years of
construction of anarchism with a specifist matrix, of the forum of organized
anarchism and of the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination, our firm and humble
attempt to rescue the social vector of anarchism and to replace it in the place
of protagonist of the struggles of our people.
This story would not have been possible without the intense dedication, without
the strong donation of each companion and each companion who chose to dedicate
his life to the cause of popular liberation. We were born among the oppressed to
be a political instrument that helps in the difficult task of combating the
harshness of this world without ever resorting to the enemy's weapons and
forging, in the struggle itself, the ethics, the speech and the way of existing
that we wish to print in the future society .
We certainly made a lot of mistakes because we never stopped trying and,
undoubtedly, these 25 years are just the beginning of this hard process that we
have to follow. In this November, we wish to remember with affection each partner
and each partner who built and builds this story together. We want to dedicate
our entire life of struggle to our martyrs and we want to establish a commitment
among ourselves, remembering the times that have passed, to continue combatively,
without deviations, building this history for another 25 years and beyond.
With uncompromising solidarity as a value, with a socialist and libertarian
ethics as a beacon, with self-management, federalism, independence and radicalism
as principles and with the revolutionary rupture and the construction of a
socialist world as an objective, we followed the first 25 years of combats,
learnings, constructions, mistakes, friendships, affections, memories, fruits,
friends, fears and failures.
On this anniversary, strangely distant, but with our hearts beating together at
the same pace, we celebrated the Anarchist Federation of Rio Grande do Sul, the
Brazilian Anarchist Coordination, the Latin American Anarchist Coordination, in
short, the people of Latin America, the yearnings that mark our work and, above
all, the convictions that make us up.
Years go by, circumstances change, names and executioners change, we learn,
improve and change, but we continue with our standing convictions, the same ones
that, a quarter of a century ago, led companions and companions to create a
specifically anarchist organization in bitter land of Rio Grande.
We will bring forth the fruits of another soil tomorrow.
It is because of these convictions, because the world's problems are in a hurry,
because we know that times are hard and because we believe in the power of
popular power, in socialism and freedom, with the blood and bravery of the people
of the state, with Latin American history pulsing on our chest and with the red
black flag raised in our arms, we will continue.
ANARCHIST GAÚCHA FEDERATION: 25 YEARS NUTRING AND STRENGTHENING OUR CONVICTIONS
LIVE TO FAG! LIVE ORGANIZED ANARCHISM!
FOR SOCIALISM AND FREEDOM!
Rio Grande do Sul, November 2020
https://federacaoanarquistagaucha.wordpress.com/2020/11/18/fag-25-anos-nutrir-e-fortalecer-nossas-conviccoes/
------------------------------
Message: 4
Women represent 39% of jobs held in the world but 54% of jobs lost as a result of
Covid-19. 4 million people in France have been victims of incest, 94,000 women
are victims of rape or attempted rape each year (ONDRP, 2017), 32% of women have
already suffered sexual harassment at work (Ifop, 2018) and all the 2 days, a
woman dies assassinated by her companion or her ex-companion [1]. Transphobic and
lesbophobic insults increased by 36% in France in 2019. ---- This year, let's
mobilize en masse for the international day against violence against women !
Confined, but not gagged ! ---- Libertarian Communist Union November 20, 2020
Validate
[1] see the list
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Contre-les-violences-faites-aux-femmes-Confinees-mais-pas-baillonees
------------------------------
Message: 5
Please note that because of border closures due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the
festival will most likely be postponed to the spring or summer of 2021, and held
under a different name. The new festival date will be announced no later than
December 1. On December 1, we will share information about how to apply for a
Finnish visa and crossing the border. ---- As of now: From 7 to 9 of January, in
Helsinki, the annual cultural and political festival "Father Frost against" will
take place. Here, on a politically neutral territory, we together (organizers /
participants / guests) will create a temporary autonomous zone free from
hierarchical forms of interaction and discrimination. The festival is organized
by local activists, as well as participants from various horizontal initiatives,
libertarian, left-oriented and anarchist communities in Russia and the
post-Soviet area.
During the festival we will co-create and establish new projects and connections,
produce situational practices and knowledge, and exchange experiences as
activists, artists and disciplinary researchers from different regions and countries.
Father Frost Against is a territory for the political imagination, creating and
supporting alternative practices of coexisting - a way of thinking, speaking and
acting in opposition to outdated cultural codes. A space for strategies and
tactics of solidarity, synthesizing theoretical and practical approaches aimed at
researching and transforming socio-political and cultural processes locally,
while keeping global contexts in perspective.
The festival are also a pleasant occasion for us to meet and spend time together
enjoying performances, great music, discussions and relax in pleasant company and
in a safe context.
The aim of the festival is:
Finding new contacts and supporting "invisible" project groups and initiatives,
exchanging experiences, making acquaintances and networking on current projects.
Strategic planning.
Joint project activities. Invention and dissemination of alternative
infrastructures and interaction algorithms within self-organized communities and
nomadic associations. Time spent enjoying.Active participants are representatives
of self-organized communities from Russia and the CIS countries, local projects
and participants from other countries: activists, artists, representatives of
trans / queer / lgbt communities, feminist initiatives / intersectional / cyber /
xeno / left feminist movements, decolonial trends, participants of anarchist
communities, independent media, representatives of human rights organizations and
NGOs. Also - ecologists, philosophers, sociologists, political scientists,
practitioners and theorists of contemporary art, critical theory, whose contour
of interests lay in participatory projects and alliances.
The festival program offers various forms of participation: open discussions /
reports / panels , workshops, presentations, video projects, performances,
networking and gentle reflection.
The end of the festival will be a crypto-rave with the participants from the
modern electronic scene, experimental music and political techno-live.
All information about the festival program will be publicly available.
Lunch and dinner are free for guests from abroad. We can only offer a vegan menu
in order to make our cuisine accessible to everyone.
The festival program will be held in Russian or English. If needed, they will be
translated into Finnish, English, and Russian.
The festival will take place at two locations - Oranssi and Ulrika.
Oranssi is located in Suvilahti. The address is: Kaasutehtaankatu 1, building 11.
The easiest way to get there is from the Sörnäinen or Kalasatama metro stations.
This is the location for all discussions and workshops on January 7, 8 and 9.
Place on google maps.
After 19:00 on Saturday (January 9) there will be a benefit concert for the
festival. The address is: Ulrika, Leppäsuonkatu 11. Ulrika is in the basement of
the third student house "Domus Gaudium". The easiest way to get there is on foot
from the Kamppi metro station. Location in google maps.
Both venues where the festival is taking place are accessible.
Overnight accommodation will only be provided for the first 40-50 participants
who register for the festival (form available at
https://dedmorozprotiv.com/apply, select English language from the menu). The
rest will have to book accommodation on their own.If you are interested in
participating in the festival please fill out the form. Only fill out the
questionnaire if you need help with accommodation.
The questionnaire deadline is January 6, 2020.
Website: https://dedmorozprotiv.com/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/events/1961818990627012
Instagram: @ffrost_against
Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCnKhsD1O30BooGiMyWgd2Gg
Telegram: https://t.me/dedmorozprotiv
Additional Information: dedmoroz@riseup.net
https://avtonom.org/en/news/welcome-father-frost-against-2021-festival
------------------------------
Message: 6
More than a year after his arrest in Brittany in August 2019, the fate of the
Italian anti-capitalist activist remains uncertain. ---- Sentenced to more than
twelve years in prison in Italy, and still under a European arrest warrant (EAW),
Vincenzo Vecchi is the victim of the very strong repression which affected people
who took part in the demonstrations against the G8 of Genoa in 2001. ---- In an
article in Alternative Libertaire from December 2019, we wrote that a first
victory had been won following the decision rendered by the Rennes Court of
Appeal, Vincenzo having been released after several months of imprisonment and
the EAWs issued to its objection having been ruled inadmissible. Victory to which
the mobilization in support of Vincenzo had greatly contributed, but a victory
which was unfortunately short-lived.
Indeed, the public prosecutor appealed in cassation a few days later, and the
Court of Cassation quashed the judgment of the Rennes Court of Appeal, at the
same time referring the case to the Angers court for a new hearing. At the end of
December, as soon as the news arrived in Angers, a few activists from UCL Angers,
quickly joined by many other activists from the city, created an Angevin
committee to support Vincenzo, which took care of everything. continuation put in
touch with the very active Support Committee of Rochefort-en-Terre (where
Vincenzo has lived for more than eight years) to prepare together the mobilization.
RELOCATION OF THE BUSINESS TO ANGERS
All-round display in the city, an action in court and a joint demonstration with
the yellow vests against the repression, a first evening of support which was
full, then a first hearing date announced in March but postponed for health
reasons . So activity resumed in September, new evenings in support of the
Grande-Ourse and L'Étincelle squats, and a new hearing date, this time the
correct one, on October 2.
Rather positive sign, measures have been taken to allow 50 supporters to attend
the hearing. While nearly 200 other supporters of Angers and Rochefort-en-Terre
were present in front of the court, the hearing went rather well: a report from
the President of the Court very correct, the Advocate General making some rude
errors, and Vincenzo's lawyers pointing out the multiple flaws in the EAW
procedure which is still running against it.
A speech from Vincenzo enabled him to recall the conditions of detention in
Italian prisons, the deaths caused by the lack of measures taken in the face of
the Covid-19 epidemic and the movements of inmates' revolt. The deliberation is
delivered on November 4.
The extradition of Vincenzo would be a strong repressive message. In addition,
his case still raises different questions. First, there is the charge of "
devastation and plunder ", inherited from the fascist regime of Mussolini,
which still allows today to imprison Italian activists without material proof.
Then there is the MFA, a real weapon of repression, which drastically reduces any
possibility of protection for victims of political repression. All in a European
context where the freedom-killing laws are gaining ground, like the recent
anti-breakers law in France. We will definitely come back.
In the meantime, in Angers, in the Angevin support committee for Vincenzo, we
want to continue to mobilize on these issues and we are starting to talk about
creating an anti-repression committee that does not yet exist in the city.
Guillaume (UCL Angers)
Logo: c. Rouge / JMB photo library.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Genes-2001-20-ans-apres-Vincenzo-Vecchi-toujours-poursuivi
------------------------------
Message: 7
On November 17, 2020, the yellow vests social protest movement in France
celebrated its second anniversary. Despite total bans, "quarantine" terror and
massive police repression, the demonstrators took to the streets again. Their
speeches have combined with protests against new repressive and anti-social laws.
---- Several demonstrations were scheduled for November 17 in Paris. They were
supposed to head to the National Assembly to protest new anti-social laws and to
mark the second anniversary of the yellow vest movement. At 9.30 am, the striking
scavengers gathered at the mayor's office: they oppose the law on the status of
civil servants. At 14.45, the Yellow Vests met in Montparnasse to celebrate their
second anniversary. At 15.00, a meeting at the Sorbonne began - a protest against
the law on programming research. At 3.30 pm, opponents of the Olympic Games
gathered at the Saint-Ouen City Hall. The participants of the demonstrations
intended to come to the National Assembly by 18.00 in order, at the call of the
Union of Journalists, to protest against the new draft law on global security
(https://actu.fr/ile-de-france/paris_75056/loi-securite-loi-recherche-gilets-jaunes-jo-manifestations-devant-l-assemblee-nationale-a-paris_37502064.html)
The scavengers, who were joined by the activists of the "yellow vests", after the
demonstration at the mayor's office, went to the building of the Property
Directorate on Avenue de France. They scattered thousands of leaflets, blocked
the street, and set fire to waste containers and wooden pallets. The workers who
have declared an indefinite strike are outraged by the change in their position
as civil servants
(https://actu.fr/ile-de-france/paris_75056/videos-manifestation-de-gilets-jaunes-et-d-eboueurs-en-greve-a-paris-tensions-et-incendies_37526885.html).
The building was temporarily captured by the strikers
(https://www.revolutionpermanente.fr/Eboueurs-et-egoutiers-en-greve-illimitee-a-Paris-occupent-la-direction-de-la-proprete).
After 6 pm, the participants of all the demonstrations gathered at the building
of the National Assembly. The atmosphere initially remained calm. "Yellow vests",
human rights activists, journalists, lawyers, students gathered in Piazza Herriot
... The law, against which the protesters protested, provides, among other
things, a ban on the dissemination of images of policemen's faces. The League for
Human Rights and journalist organizations have strongly objected to this,
believing that the actual purpose of the measure is to keep the police atrocities
and reprisals from filming. Objections are also raised by clauses of the bill
that legalize the use of drones by the authorities and the widespread placement
of police security cameras.
A meeting began to boil in the square. The speakers criticized the bill and the
entire policy of those in power in the field of the so-called "security". As the
speeches were being made, tensions grew between the radical protesters and the
police. Shortly before 19:00, firecrackers and fireworks were flying from the
protesters, the forces of the capitalist order were throwing tear gas bombs. The
arrival of the CRS police force formed a cordon around the parliament building,
and hundreds of gathered demonstrators regrouped. Boulevard Saint-Germain has
become a scene of street battles.
At 7:30 pm, as the protesters intended to march unauthorized towards the
Boulevard Saint-Germain, the CRS blocked the path of thousands of protesters
using gas. Street clashes began. Shortly before 20.00 on the rue Lille,
barricades of burning garbage cans were burning: some of the demonstrators lit
them, others - pacifists - on the contrary, tried to extinguish them. As the
gendarmes began to move forward to clear the road for the firefighters, a group
of capitalist law enforcement officers were surrounded in the lobby of the
building. Curses and firecrackers fell on the besieged gendarmes, they tried to
fight back with tear gas. Additional police units barely managed to pull them out
of the encirclement.
Meanwhile, on the Boulevard Saint-Germain, confrontation continued, and the
repressive forces of the regime used a water cannon to disperse the outraged
protesters. The demonstrators returned to the National Assembly. Tear gas
streamed through the streets. Only at 10 pm, after violent clashes with the
police, the demonstration ended, and calm reigned on the boulevards. As a result
of the clashes, there are victims and detainees, including journalists.
(https://actu.fr/societe/videos-manifestation-contre-la-loi-de-securite-heurts-a-l-assemblee-nationale_37542217.html;
https://actu.fr/ile-de-france/paris_75056/manifestation-contre-la-loi-de-securite-globale-a-paris-violents-heurts-des-journalistes-cibles_37544717.html)
Demonstrations by yellow vests and opponents of the security law are reported
from Toulouse (1,300 participants). Many hundreds of demonstrators took to the
streets of Lyon, Rennes, Bordeaux, Marseille, Grenoble, Tarbes, Gap (where the
action was also held against the privatization of the road), Strasbourg, Annecy
and other cities
(https://www.sudradio.fr/societe/manifestation-contre-les-violences-policieres-et-la-loi-securite-globale/).
The promotion for the second anniversary of the "yellow vests was also held on
the island of Reunion
https://aitrus.info/node/5590
------------------------------
Message: 8
The pseudo DAREX company is trying to take over Rozbrat and the surrounding
allotment gardens that are part of the Green Wedge, which supplies oxygen to
Poznan. Several allotment houses were set on fire during the year. The company
also displaced most of the gardeners, threatening them with high penalties for
using the land against the will of businessmen. Today, the Darex tailors,
assisted by the police, were getting ready for the final demolition of the
gazebos for an elite developer. For this purpose, the businessmen's
plenipotentiary even referred to ... the constitution. It didn't help, we won
this battle. ---- Keywords ROD Bogdanka wedges of green Rozbrat stays Rozbrat
stays Green Wave ---- We were prepared for the arrival of businessmen. Thanks to
the joint mobilization of gardeners, tenant groups and anarchists, it was
possible to stop the plan to demolish the existing buildings.
DAREX is a peculiar existence: since its inception, within 30 years it has not
run any real economic activity. It appeared only in 1990 in order to "buy" the
area of the then state-owned enterprise and nearby plots for one tenth of the
value, take a loan for ten times more and disappear. However, she did not buy the
site from the state, but from a private person who also soon disappeared.
The (furniture) workplace was finally closed shortly after wild re-privatization
in 1994, and hundreds of people lost their jobs. Rozbrat was established in 1994
on the ruins of this plant.
Today the Darex crooks are back alive. In the shadow of this column, there are
developers who like this part of Poznan, now worth much more than thirty years ago.
In practice, Rozbrat and Klin Zieleni with plots are on the same cart. DAREX
certainly did not let go. So a hot winter / spring is coming. Only by joint
effort will we free Solacz and the rest of Poznan from further waves of
privatization and concreteosis
https://www.rozbrat.org/informacje/poznan/4746-biznesmeni-skapitulowali-ogrody-i-rozbrat-poki-co-bezpieczne
------------------------------
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