Today's Topics:
1. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #310 - Historical
march of undocumented migrants: after October 17,
march of undocumented migrants: after October 17,
towards an act
IV (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
IV (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Germany, Evibes: Rally against patriarchal violence (de)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Greece, liberta salonica: Political announcement of the
Anarchist Federation for the militant mobilizations of the
Polytechnic. [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
Anarchist Federation for the militant mobilizations of the
Polytechnic. [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. anarkismo.net: Beating Our Heads Against The Wall - It Was
Worth It (2020) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
Worth It (2020) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. [Spain] Madrid - Concentration 19h00 Plaza Tirso de Molina:
For an anti-fascist and anti-authoritarian 20N By ANA (ca, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
For an anti-fascist and anti-authoritarian 20N By ANA (ca, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. freedom news: Carrying the war into Africa? Anarchism,
Morocco, and the Spanish Civil War (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
Morocco, and the Spanish Civil War (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. UK, AFED: ORGANISE MAGAZINE ISSUE 93 - WINTER 2020
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Act III of the undocumented movement ended on October 17 after a month of marches
throughout France. Act I, in Paris on May 30, then Act II, on June 20 throughout
the country, had mobilized thousands of people. ---- This day of mobilization was
historic. And yet, she was below expectations. Very busy and dynamic processions
on three entrances to Paris converged on Place de la République. But here the
crowd - 10,000 to 15,000 people - was below expectations. ---- Departure from
Marseille, September 19 ---- cc Benjamin UCL Marseille ---- Stopover in
Montreuil, October 15 ---- cc Guillaume UCL Montreuil ---- We were able to
parade, despite the prefecture which had banned the west of Paris " to anyone
claiming to be part of the March of the sans-papiers " (sic), but neither on the
Champs-Élysées, nor up to the presidential palace, announced objective . Media
indifference to the scale of the movement on the ground is also striking - with
the exception of the regional press on the stages, and media marked on the left
and far left. The Head of State's refusal to receive a delegation was seen as a
humiliation.
The question is whether this disappointment will demobilize or if anger will
bring success to Act IV. Because an act IV is already envisaged.
Arrival of the marches in Paris, October 17, 2020
cc Martin Noda / Hans Lucas / Red photo library
cc Jean-Philippe Cazier
The various marches across France have made it possible to forge links between
the various committees of undocumented migrants and supporting organizations.
Along the routes, new collectives are born. The general debriefing assembly on
October 18, for the first time in ten years, brought together undocumented
migrants from all over France to organize the continuation of the movement.
Solidarity March, October 17, Paris
cc Jean-Philippe Cazier
cc Jean-Philippe Cazier
For now, what is being discussed for this next act - the date of which is
currently set for December 18, International Migrants Day - is to favor more
offensive actions such as occupations of symbolic places and strikes (strikes
hunger were however ruled out), to force the government to respond.
For the Libertarian Communist Union, the answer to this drama is clear:
regularization of all; freedom of movement and installation; justice and truth
about police crimes !
UCL at the end of the Solidarity March, October 17, Paris
cc Mohamed UCL Paris nors-est
cc Mohamed UCL Paris north-east
Mathieu (UCL Paris north-east)
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Marche-historique-des-sans-papiers-apres-le-17-octobre-vers-un-acte-IV
------------------------------
Message: 2
The "International Day against Violence against Women" will take place on
November 25th. This topic is more relevant than ever, whether we look at the
increase in domestic violence in covid-times, the countless femicides (murders of
women* due to their gender) worldwide, the criminalization of abortion e.g. in
Poland or the intolerable everyday attacks on women*. ---- This day has a
tradition that goes back to the murder of the Mirabal sisters, members of the
"Movimiento Revolucionario 14 de Junio" in the Dominican Republic. After several
previous arrests they were kidnapped and murdered by the militia of dictator
Rafael Trujillo in 1960. They became a symbol of resistance of women* against
injustice and violence against them. ---- Today we oppose any kind of patriarchal
discrimination based on gender or sexual orientation - it is a matter of concern
to all of us!
We show solidarity with those affected by violence, discrimination and sexism!
We have to stay active during the covid-crisis as well, because the pandemic acts
like a burning glass on the grievances in our society and it is still up to us to
name and fight them.
Therefore we call for a rally against patriarchal violence on November 25th at 6
pm at Jorge Gomondai Square.
However, we have to find a responsible approach to our protest. So please wear
mouth and nose protectors and keep your distance!
*By women* we mean all people who are read as / perceived as / labeled as being
female.
https://evibes.org/2020/11/19/kundgebungegegenpatriarchalegewalt/#more-78026
------------------------------
Message: 3
The Anarchist Federation welcomes the determination of the militant forces,
comrades and rivals, the working people and the youth who, through mediation and
self-organization, broke the junta-type ban on rallies imposed by the government
of the New demonstrations for the Polytechnic. ---- The collectives and
individuals of the Anarchist Federation framed the gatherings in the First
Student Dormitories of Thessaloniki and Tsimiski, they were found in
neighborhoods and squares of Athens and in the block of Support Earth. We also
supported the mobilizations in Patras and the guarded occupation of the Branch.
We carried out symbolic interventions together with other comrades in Argos and
Loutraki. We gave a symbolic response to the far-right characterizations of New
Democracy executive Alexia Evert by spraying on her home. The next day at the
Polytechnic we participated in the evening march that took place in the
neighborhood of Agia Triada in Heraklion.
The people of the struggle, observing with the necessary health protection
measures and the foreseen distances, set as central central political issues of
the rallies that took place the direct and substantial strengthening of the
public health system, the defense of labor rights and civil liberties, the
strengthening of and the decongestion of prisons, being the awe-inspiring
adversary against the rising totalitarianism of the state and capital. We also
express our full solidarity with those who have been arrested, arrested and
beaten by the police and those who have imposed retaliatory fines, defending the
political necessity of supporting public calls for action.
It is clear that the government is managing the pandemic in purely police terms,
prioritizing the suppression of social and class resistance as a key part of its
political agenda, so as not to crumple its supposedly functional profile, which
is blessed by parrots in the night and day. of the economic and political elite.
Priority for the government is government spending on armaments competitions,
police and military recruitment, money laundering and tax breaks for big
business, and mass funding of regime media to praise it and instill submission,
fear and submission. , cannibalism and individualization in society.
The government is responsible for the criminal management of the Covid-19
pandemic, because the policies it serves (like its predecessors) and implements
have led to the devaluation and collapse of public health and its transformation
into a commodity for a few and not all. This political direction advocates the
devaluation of human life on the basis of current class divisions. The government
used the Covid-19 pandemic as an opportunity to strike at the working world by
curtailing its rights and forcing it to live on crumbs. In this critical period,
in fact, he hurried to attack the first house and now launches the 10-hour work
without additional pay, the increase of the legal overtime limit and the
obstruction of the class trade union action.
All this time the New Democracy has made the narrative of individual
responsibility the flag of its government propaganda, in order to abdicate its
criminal responsibilities for the state management of the pandemic, the growing
poverty and misery of the social base. Now they have the audacity to accuse the
protesters that they will be responsible for the spread of the virus and the
outbreak of the cases, insulting them in every media outlet they control. They
whistle, however, indifferent to the daily congestion in the MMM and in the
workplace. It is the government that has put the country under police occupation
these days, ordering its uniformed Praetorians to attack the world of struggle.
In fact, the cops, for the most part, not only did not follow the prescribed
health protocols, but with their violent and unformed attacks they created the
conditions for the final crowding of the protesters in the streets and in the
detention centers. The published photo documents and videos speak for themselves
and defame government propaganda.
The public gatherings, the activist actions and the clashes that took place on
17/11 prove that the Polytechnic uprising is not a museum exhibit, nor can it be
incorporated into the basis of the orderly aspirations of the bourgeois power. We
will not leave the black and red thread of the games. We continue relentlessly
fighting for the defense and the dignified living of our class, in direct
conflict with the power of the state and the capitalists, having as a strategic
axis of our action its revolutionary overthrow.
On 11/17 the anti-capitalist movement achieved a symbolic but important victory.
He achieved a collective upliftment at the level of psychology. He publicly
demonstrated that the class opponent is vulnerable. He stood responsibly and
decisively on the road, strengthening the bonds of class solidarity and
camaraderie, defying policing. Every fighting step has a cost for us, but also
for the rulers. Only in this way, however, do the correlations of power with
which social and class competition take place change. We must therefore meet the
burden of our responsibilities and continue on the path we have set. The
difficult road to social liberation.
Collective, class disobedience and resistance to state and capitalist
totalitarianism (with the necessary health parameters for our self-protection)
must be generalized and adopted as a stance of struggle by wider sections of the
vassals, to stop as a step backwards. and to counterattack in concert with
material and collective demands. The rulers tremble at the collective class
mobilization and counterattack from below, which is why they panic and resort to
repression and slander of their struggles, as the dominant political and economic
system is constantly destabilized and the people's consensus against it weakens.
For this very reason, as we observe, bourgeois democracy is gradually being
militarized. So that is why, even the supposed social contract of the bourgeoisie
becomes a rag at all times, when the protection by all possible means of the
class privileges that the capitalists parasitically enjoy at the expense of the
social base is urgent. This is the barbaric class character of the system in
which we live. Let no one have illusions anymore. This system can not be
humanized, because it is at its core oppressive, exploitative and barbaric. So we
have to reverse it! because it is at its core oppressive, exploitative and
barbaric. So we have to reverse it! because it is at its core oppressive,
exploitative and barbaric. So we have to reverse it!
The spark that lit on 17/11 must remain alive and grow in the flames of a
generalized class uprising. In this direction, therefore, we support the general
strike on 26/11. The militant mobilization of the revolutionary class forces can
break the barbarity and terror sown by the state and the bosses.
SOLIDARITY TO THOSE WHO WERE ARRESTED DURING THIS YEAR'S COMPETITIVE
MOBILIZATIONS OF THE POLYTECHNIC
IMMEDIATE AND ESSENTIAL STRENGTHENING OF THE PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM - MASS AND
PERMANENT RECRUITMENT OF HEALTH STAFF - REQUEST OF PRIVATE CLINICS
NO FINANCIAL STRUGGLE OF SOCIAL BASIS
THE CRISIS OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND CAPITALISM TO BE PAID BY STATES AND BOSSES
SOLIDARITY IN EMPLOYEES 'STRUGGLES - SUPPORT OF THE GENERAL STRIKE ON 26/11
Anarchist Federation
Site: anarchist-federation.gr
email:anarchist-federation@riseup.net
Twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
Fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015
Youtube: Anarchist Federation
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2020/11/20/
------------------------------
Message: 4
A short documentary about anarchist activities in Croatia that depicts a period
of anarchist activities in Croatia (2008-2020), with a focus on the regions of
Kvarner (Quarnaro/Carnaro) and Istria, but also on a larger scale across Croatia,
and other countries such as Slovenia, Italy, Greece, Germany, Switzerland, and
Spain. This document illustrates years of organisation, struggle, and lengthy
legal proceedings. ---- The photographs and graphics used in this film are from
the period between 2008 and 2020. These visuals depict the student occupation of
the university, street protests, workers' strikes, and visual propaganda used for
various purposes. On the audio track (an interview from 2016), Radio Borba (Eng.
Radio Struggle) interviews Eugen Babic after his conviction in a criminal
procedure from 2014 onwards. Also included are audio clips of a protest in 2013,
after which the police attacked the protesters. In this act of repression, 15
policemen were involved in the apprehension of Eugen Babic, in which others also
suffered consequences, including a policeman. The focus of the radio interview is
on those events.
Network of Anarchists takes the credit for the film, commemorating the 4th
anniversary of the verdict in Rijeka (2016). The film is meant for those who do
not know what happened, those that want to remind themselves of the events, and
those that think it's all over.
October 25h, 2020
Publication Committee of the Network of Anarchists (Croatia)
Related Link:
https://mrezaanarhista.wordpress.com/2020/10/26/glavom-kroz-zid-vrijedilo-je-2020/
Embedded Video Description: The whole documentary is available here (ENG and SLO
subs)
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32094
------------------------------
Message: 5
Against all authority ---- We are facing a somewhat special 20N. The height of
fascism, institutional or on the street, protected and encouraged by increasingly
voracious capitalism, cannot pass without a forceful response. ---- The
proliferation of absurd orders, the misinformation and attempts to idiotize the
population, the promotion of xenophobia and racism, etc., are forming an
objectively dangerous sociology for the development of a free and solidary
society, without exploitation, without borders, without CIES, without bars....
---- From our anti-authoritarian perspective, this rejection must be marked by a
critique of power in all its forms. The submission of the person to the interest
of the "Fatherland" or "the State" takes new paths. Facing them is a common task.
From the CNT-AIT in Madrid, we encourage you to go in the next 20N to this
concentration that arises from the coordination and meeting of various
anti-authoritarian groups and collectives in the city.
It fights fascism day by day and in all its fronts and expressions.
cntmadrid.org
anarchist news agency-ana
------------------------------
Message: 6
I was approached by Jeff Stein to write up a summary of Abel Paz, La cuestión de
Marruecos y la República española so that English-language readers might be made
aware of the Spanish anarchist approach to Morocco during the civil war. I would
like to thank Jeff for prompting me to write what follows, although he should not
be held responsible for its contents or conclusions. ---- ‘A lenient war is a
lengthy war, and therefore the worst kind of war. Let us stop it, and stop it
effectually[...]stop it on the soil upon which it originated, and among the
traitors and rebels who originated the war. This can be done at once, by
"carrying the war into Africa."' ---- ‘Frederick Douglass, ‘How to End the War', 1861
The question of why the revolution that accompanied the Spanish Civil War did not
result in independence for the Spanish protectorate in Morocco has long vexed its
supporters. Guerrilla warfare in the centre of the region (the Rif) had plagued
the Spanish authorities from 1909 and had only been suppressed in 1927 following
joint military operations by the French and Spanish, involving the indiscriminate
use of chemical weapons, and the arrest of the famous leader Abd el Krim. The
military conspiracy against the Spanish Second Republic was incubated in this
brutalising colonial environment, and Moroccan troops employed in the so-called
Army of Africa were crucial to the war effort mounted by the conspirators when
their attempted coup stalled in July 1936. Why then was no attempt made to cut
off the conspiracy's vital base by fomenting a recurrence of fighting in the
Francoist rearguard? In particular, why hadn't the anarchist movement, through
the powerful union, the CNT, forced this issue during the months of its greatest
influence?
Daniel Guerin posed this question of Diego Camacho, anarchist veteran of the
underground struggle against Franco and historian of Spanish anarchism (under the
penname of Abel Paz) in 1969. The question resulted in a decades-long search for
information and documentation that was eventually published in the book La
cuestión de Marruecos y la República española (Madrid: 2000). It makes for a
gripping read - Paz's narrative is combined with verbatim copies of his
documentary sources and witness testimonies - but ultimately provides only a
partial answer to Guerin's question. In this two-part article I will first
summarise Paz's findings before fleshing out some of the contradictions in the
anarchist approach to ‘the Moroccan question'.
Paz's book contains a dedication to its chief protagonist, Juan García Oliver,
the veteran anarchist ‘man of action' who played a key role in co-ordinating the
CNT's victorious response to the attempted military coup in Barcelona in July
1936. By the following month, García Oliver was the dominant personality in the
Central Committee of Anti-Fascist Militias (CCAM), an ad-hoc body in which the
CNT participated alongside anti-fascist and socialist parties in Catalonia.
According to his own account, García Oliver had long been preoccupied with the
question of Morocco and conceived of a rebellion in the Spanish protectorate as
key to the success of the revolution. In August 1936 he contacted an old comrade,
José Margelí, whom he had bumped into two months before in the company of an
Egyptian teacher, Marcelo Argila. García Oliver asked Margelí about Argila, who
‘I assume, being Egyptian, must have connections with the Arab world', which
proved to be the case. Summoning both Margelí and Argila to his office, García
Oliver entrusted them with a secret mission to depart for Geneva to contact
Moroccan nationalists. A week later, the two men returned in the company of
representatives of the newly formed Moroccan Action Committee who, following an
exchange of impressions, related García Oliver's proposals to their fellow
committee members. These proposals consisted of a declaration of Moroccan
independence and the provision of arms and finances in exchange for an uprising
in the Spanish protectorate. At the beginning of September, a delegation arrived
in Barcelona with a mandate to begin negotiations in earnest.
García Oliver made every effort to ensure the comfort and respectful treatment of
the Committee, who reported their favourable impressions of the anarchist:
‘García Oliver demonstrated complete agreement with us. Even when the
independence of the Rif zone was spoken about there was no argument.' The
Committee was mindful of a different obstacle, however, which was that the CCAM
in Catalonia could not unilaterally renounce the Spanish claim to the
protectorate. Such a decision would have to reside with the government of the
Republic, which at the beginning of September came under the premiership of the
Socialist Francisco Largo Caballero. Even on this issue, however, García Oliver
was reassuring: ‘He even told us that if the central government displayed ill
will, then he would go and force it to sign a treaty, threatening it with the
withdrawal of Catalan militias from the Madrid front.'
On 20 September, the organisations comprising the Central Committee of
Antifascist Militias in Catalonia and the Moroccan Action Committee signed a pact
guaranteeing the autonomy of the Spanish protectorate, the military evacuation of
the zone and the confiscation of the resources of the rebellious military. A copy
was taken to be presented to the Republican government in Madrid by four
representatives of the CCAM, García Oliver not among them. There they were
received by Largo Caballero, who seemed annoyed that the Catalan body had acted
on its own account. Whether or not this was a bluff to disguise broader
geopolitical concerns (Paz's book indicates that the French government had
already made manifest its opposition to any gesture towards Moroccan
independence), the delegation was given no grounds for hope.
And there the matter came to an anticlimactic end. García Oliver does not appear
to have made good on his promise to threaten the central government, and the
CNT's entrance into the Republican government in November did not result in major
changes in this direction. According to reports published verbatim in Paz's book,
the biggest impact of the negotiations appears to have been in Spanish Morocco,
where Franco was persuaded of the need to grant certain basic freedoms to the
native citizenry, such as allowing an Arabic-language newspaper to be published,
a practice apparently prohibited in the French zone of the country.
Paz includes as appendices reports from 1938 that demonstrate continued CNT
monitoring of the situation in the protectorate and even a proposal for concerted
action. In fact, a recently published book by Ali Al Tuma (Guns, Culture and
Moors: Racial Perceptions, Cultural Impact and the Moroccan Participation in the
Spanish Civil War) suggests there was CNT involvement in an abortive raid of
fifty armed men into Spanish Morocco, intended to provoke an international crisis
at the time of the Munich Agreement, but which was discovered and quashed in
Tangier at the last minute. However, after decades of research, Guerin's original
question has retained a good deal of its original validity. Paz's book
demonstrates the efforts and initiative of one anarchist, Juan García Oliver, in
establishing contact with Moroccans. This contact was established through a
fortuitous meeting rather than any organisational effort on the part of the CNT
(there is an alternative explanation for the initial contact, which Paz deems
less likely, involving Trotskyists in North Africa). Another projected anarchist
initiative is referred to: that proposed by the secretary of the International
Workers' Association, Pierre Besnard, while negotiations with the Moroccan Action
Committee were ongoing. Besnard's plan consisted of busting Abd el Krim out of
his French captivity on Réunion Island. This plan was apparently viewed
favourably by leading anarchists Buenaventura Durruti and Diego Abad de
Santillán, although García Oliver was less sanguine about its feasibility. In any
case, Besnard's proposals, like those agreed with the Moroccan Action Committee,
hinged on a declaration of independence for Spanish Morocco. Besnard was sent off
to meet Largo Caballero with the blessing of the Catalan CNT but was given short
shrift.
Insofar as the CNT was committed to collaborating with its anti-fascist allies it
is perhaps the case that it could not, acting in good faith, attempt to initiate
any activity with regard to Morocco without first consulting them. As with other
counterfactuals posed of anarchist activity during the Spanish Civil War, it is
possible, though hypothetical, that ploughing ahead with whatever revolutionary
measures and resources were available at the time and stopping to ask questions
later might have proven a more fruitful policy. In the specific case of Morocco,
however, the possibility that the anarchist movement was held back by internal
failings must also be considered, and this will be the subject of Part Two.
Danny Evans
Part Two of this text will be published next Monday.
https://freedomnews.org.uk/carrying-the-war-into-africa-anarchism-morocco-and-the-spanish-civil-war/
------------------------------
Message: 7
A lovely new 88 page issue of our magazine Organise! #93 is now available for
purchase or free PDF download. A screen-reader page turning version is here:
https://organisemagazine.org.uk/2020/11/17/organise-93/ ---- The best way to
support Organise! and get print copies (full colour & glossy) is via
https://www.patreon.com/Organise ---- Singles print issues can be obtained from
AK Press https://www.akuk.com/ - order this issue or search on Organise! or
Anarchist Federation for back issues. ---- Visit our magazine site
https://organisemagazine.org.uk for related content. ---- Full content of #93 is
as follows.
EDITORIAL
1 - Editor's column and about Organise!
THEORY AND ANALYSIS
3 - The queer polish revolution is just beginning
5 - The three-headed leftist
10 - Anti-fascism (fighting to win)
13 - Refugee list
18 - Market vs state vs commons
22 - Seeds of change (GAF report)
25 - Together we fight! (Earth Strike)
INTERNATIONAL
27 - Towards an Anarchism inthe Philippine archipelago
41 - ???? (Taigyaku Jiken)
46 - Interview with Anarchist in Minskabout the Belarus protests
50 - Mystification of clothes as the causeof sexual violence and harassment
52 - Another fine mess - Covid-19 analysis & update
54 - International bulletin
KNOWLEDGE EXCHANGE
56 - Digital security against the state
58 - Make your media accessible!
60 - How to drop a banner
BURN AFTER READING
62 - Review: Tracksuits, trauma,and class traitorsby D. Hunter
65 - Review: We live here EP(Bob Vylan)
66 - Vital WorK: Anarchy and violence
MEMORIA
69 - Stuart Christie
73 - Donald Rooum
COMICS
80 - Wildcat
82 -The super happy anarcho fun pages
RED AND BLACK GAMERS
83 - Review: Among us
85 - Review: Solidarity
ANARCHIST FEDERATION
86 - Who are the AnarchistFederation
87 - Aims and principles
88 - IFA
http://afed.org.uk/organise-magazine-issue-93-winter-2020/
------------------------------
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Act III of the undocumented movement ended on October 17 after a month of marches
throughout France. Act I, in Paris on May 30, then Act II, on June 20 throughout
the country, had mobilized thousands of people. ---- This day of mobilization was
historic. And yet, she was below expectations. Very busy and dynamic processions
on three entrances to Paris converged on Place de la République. But here the
crowd - 10,000 to 15,000 people - was below expectations. ---- Departure from
Marseille, September 19 ---- cc Benjamin UCL Marseille ---- Stopover in
Montreuil, October 15 ---- cc Guillaume UCL Montreuil ---- We were able to
parade, despite the prefecture which had banned the west of Paris " to anyone
claiming to be part of the March of the sans-papiers " (sic), but neither on the
Champs-Élysées, nor up to the presidential palace, announced objective . Media
indifference to the scale of the movement on the ground is also striking - with
the exception of the regional press on the stages, and media marked on the left
and far left. The Head of State's refusal to receive a delegation was seen as a
humiliation.
The question is whether this disappointment will demobilize or if anger will
bring success to Act IV. Because an act IV is already envisaged.
Arrival of the marches in Paris, October 17, 2020
cc Martin Noda / Hans Lucas / Red photo library
cc Jean-Philippe Cazier
The various marches across France have made it possible to forge links between
the various committees of undocumented migrants and supporting organizations.
Along the routes, new collectives are born. The general debriefing assembly on
October 18, for the first time in ten years, brought together undocumented
migrants from all over France to organize the continuation of the movement.
Solidarity March, October 17, Paris
cc Jean-Philippe Cazier
cc Jean-Philippe Cazier
For now, what is being discussed for this next act - the date of which is
currently set for December 18, International Migrants Day - is to favor more
offensive actions such as occupations of symbolic places and strikes (strikes
hunger were however ruled out), to force the government to respond.
For the Libertarian Communist Union, the answer to this drama is clear:
regularization of all; freedom of movement and installation; justice and truth
about police crimes !
UCL at the end of the Solidarity March, October 17, Paris
cc Mohamed UCL Paris nors-est
cc Mohamed UCL Paris north-east
Mathieu (UCL Paris north-east)
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Marche-historique-des-sans-papiers-apres-le-17-octobre-vers-un-acte-IV
------------------------------
Message: 2
The "International Day against Violence against Women" will take place on
November 25th. This topic is more relevant than ever, whether we look at the
increase in domestic violence in covid-times, the countless femicides (murders of
women* due to their gender) worldwide, the criminalization of abortion e.g. in
Poland or the intolerable everyday attacks on women*. ---- This day has a
tradition that goes back to the murder of the Mirabal sisters, members of the
"Movimiento Revolucionario 14 de Junio" in the Dominican Republic. After several
previous arrests they were kidnapped and murdered by the militia of dictator
Rafael Trujillo in 1960. They became a symbol of resistance of women* against
injustice and violence against them. ---- Today we oppose any kind of patriarchal
discrimination based on gender or sexual orientation - it is a matter of concern
to all of us!
We show solidarity with those affected by violence, discrimination and sexism!
We have to stay active during the covid-crisis as well, because the pandemic acts
like a burning glass on the grievances in our society and it is still up to us to
name and fight them.
Therefore we call for a rally against patriarchal violence on November 25th at 6
pm at Jorge Gomondai Square.
However, we have to find a responsible approach to our protest. So please wear
mouth and nose protectors and keep your distance!
*By women* we mean all people who are read as / perceived as / labeled as being
female.
https://evibes.org/2020/11/19/kundgebungegegenpatriarchalegewalt/#more-78026
------------------------------
Message: 3
The Anarchist Federation welcomes the determination of the militant forces,
comrades and rivals, the working people and the youth who, through mediation and
self-organization, broke the junta-type ban on rallies imposed by the government
of the New demonstrations for the Polytechnic. ---- The collectives and
individuals of the Anarchist Federation framed the gatherings in the First
Student Dormitories of Thessaloniki and Tsimiski, they were found in
neighborhoods and squares of Athens and in the block of Support Earth. We also
supported the mobilizations in Patras and the guarded occupation of the Branch.
We carried out symbolic interventions together with other comrades in Argos and
Loutraki. We gave a symbolic response to the far-right characterizations of New
Democracy executive Alexia Evert by spraying on her home. The next day at the
Polytechnic we participated in the evening march that took place in the
neighborhood of Agia Triada in Heraklion.
The people of the struggle, observing with the necessary health protection
measures and the foreseen distances, set as central central political issues of
the rallies that took place the direct and substantial strengthening of the
public health system, the defense of labor rights and civil liberties, the
strengthening of and the decongestion of prisons, being the awe-inspiring
adversary against the rising totalitarianism of the state and capital. We also
express our full solidarity with those who have been arrested, arrested and
beaten by the police and those who have imposed retaliatory fines, defending the
political necessity of supporting public calls for action.
It is clear that the government is managing the pandemic in purely police terms,
prioritizing the suppression of social and class resistance as a key part of its
political agenda, so as not to crumple its supposedly functional profile, which
is blessed by parrots in the night and day. of the economic and political elite.
Priority for the government is government spending on armaments competitions,
police and military recruitment, money laundering and tax breaks for big
business, and mass funding of regime media to praise it and instill submission,
fear and submission. , cannibalism and individualization in society.
The government is responsible for the criminal management of the Covid-19
pandemic, because the policies it serves (like its predecessors) and implements
have led to the devaluation and collapse of public health and its transformation
into a commodity for a few and not all. This political direction advocates the
devaluation of human life on the basis of current class divisions. The government
used the Covid-19 pandemic as an opportunity to strike at the working world by
curtailing its rights and forcing it to live on crumbs. In this critical period,
in fact, he hurried to attack the first house and now launches the 10-hour work
without additional pay, the increase of the legal overtime limit and the
obstruction of the class trade union action.
All this time the New Democracy has made the narrative of individual
responsibility the flag of its government propaganda, in order to abdicate its
criminal responsibilities for the state management of the pandemic, the growing
poverty and misery of the social base. Now they have the audacity to accuse the
protesters that they will be responsible for the spread of the virus and the
outbreak of the cases, insulting them in every media outlet they control. They
whistle, however, indifferent to the daily congestion in the MMM and in the
workplace. It is the government that has put the country under police occupation
these days, ordering its uniformed Praetorians to attack the world of struggle.
In fact, the cops, for the most part, not only did not follow the prescribed
health protocols, but with their violent and unformed attacks they created the
conditions for the final crowding of the protesters in the streets and in the
detention centers. The published photo documents and videos speak for themselves
and defame government propaganda.
The public gatherings, the activist actions and the clashes that took place on
17/11 prove that the Polytechnic uprising is not a museum exhibit, nor can it be
incorporated into the basis of the orderly aspirations of the bourgeois power. We
will not leave the black and red thread of the games. We continue relentlessly
fighting for the defense and the dignified living of our class, in direct
conflict with the power of the state and the capitalists, having as a strategic
axis of our action its revolutionary overthrow.
On 11/17 the anti-capitalist movement achieved a symbolic but important victory.
He achieved a collective upliftment at the level of psychology. He publicly
demonstrated that the class opponent is vulnerable. He stood responsibly and
decisively on the road, strengthening the bonds of class solidarity and
camaraderie, defying policing. Every fighting step has a cost for us, but also
for the rulers. Only in this way, however, do the correlations of power with
which social and class competition take place change. We must therefore meet the
burden of our responsibilities and continue on the path we have set. The
difficult road to social liberation.
Collective, class disobedience and resistance to state and capitalist
totalitarianism (with the necessary health parameters for our self-protection)
must be generalized and adopted as a stance of struggle by wider sections of the
vassals, to stop as a step backwards. and to counterattack in concert with
material and collective demands. The rulers tremble at the collective class
mobilization and counterattack from below, which is why they panic and resort to
repression and slander of their struggles, as the dominant political and economic
system is constantly destabilized and the people's consensus against it weakens.
For this very reason, as we observe, bourgeois democracy is gradually being
militarized. So that is why, even the supposed social contract of the bourgeoisie
becomes a rag at all times, when the protection by all possible means of the
class privileges that the capitalists parasitically enjoy at the expense of the
social base is urgent. This is the barbaric class character of the system in
which we live. Let no one have illusions anymore. This system can not be
humanized, because it is at its core oppressive, exploitative and barbaric. So we
have to reverse it! because it is at its core oppressive, exploitative and
barbaric. So we have to reverse it! because it is at its core oppressive,
exploitative and barbaric. So we have to reverse it!
The spark that lit on 17/11 must remain alive and grow in the flames of a
generalized class uprising. In this direction, therefore, we support the general
strike on 26/11. The militant mobilization of the revolutionary class forces can
break the barbarity and terror sown by the state and the bosses.
SOLIDARITY TO THOSE WHO WERE ARRESTED DURING THIS YEAR'S COMPETITIVE
MOBILIZATIONS OF THE POLYTECHNIC
IMMEDIATE AND ESSENTIAL STRENGTHENING OF THE PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM - MASS AND
PERMANENT RECRUITMENT OF HEALTH STAFF - REQUEST OF PRIVATE CLINICS
NO FINANCIAL STRUGGLE OF SOCIAL BASIS
THE CRISIS OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND CAPITALISM TO BE PAID BY STATES AND BOSSES
SOLIDARITY IN EMPLOYEES 'STRUGGLES - SUPPORT OF THE GENERAL STRIKE ON 26/11
Anarchist Federation
Site: anarchist-federation.gr
email:anarchist-federation@riseup.net
Twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
Fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015
Youtube: Anarchist Federation
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2020/11/20/
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Message: 4
A short documentary about anarchist activities in Croatia that depicts a period
of anarchist activities in Croatia (2008-2020), with a focus on the regions of
Kvarner (Quarnaro/Carnaro) and Istria, but also on a larger scale across Croatia,
and other countries such as Slovenia, Italy, Greece, Germany, Switzerland, and
Spain. This document illustrates years of organisation, struggle, and lengthy
legal proceedings. ---- The photographs and graphics used in this film are from
the period between 2008 and 2020. These visuals depict the student occupation of
the university, street protests, workers' strikes, and visual propaganda used for
various purposes. On the audio track (an interview from 2016), Radio Borba (Eng.
Radio Struggle) interviews Eugen Babic after his conviction in a criminal
procedure from 2014 onwards. Also included are audio clips of a protest in 2013,
after which the police attacked the protesters. In this act of repression, 15
policemen were involved in the apprehension of Eugen Babic, in which others also
suffered consequences, including a policeman. The focus of the radio interview is
on those events.
Network of Anarchists takes the credit for the film, commemorating the 4th
anniversary of the verdict in Rijeka (2016). The film is meant for those who do
not know what happened, those that want to remind themselves of the events, and
those that think it's all over.
October 25h, 2020
Publication Committee of the Network of Anarchists (Croatia)
Related Link:
https://mrezaanarhista.wordpress.com/2020/10/26/glavom-kroz-zid-vrijedilo-je-2020/
Embedded Video Description: The whole documentary is available here (ENG and SLO
subs)
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32094
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Message: 5
Against all authority ---- We are facing a somewhat special 20N. The height of
fascism, institutional or on the street, protected and encouraged by increasingly
voracious capitalism, cannot pass without a forceful response. ---- The
proliferation of absurd orders, the misinformation and attempts to idiotize the
population, the promotion of xenophobia and racism, etc., are forming an
objectively dangerous sociology for the development of a free and solidary
society, without exploitation, without borders, without CIES, without bars....
---- From our anti-authoritarian perspective, this rejection must be marked by a
critique of power in all its forms. The submission of the person to the interest
of the "Fatherland" or "the State" takes new paths. Facing them is a common task.
From the CNT-AIT in Madrid, we encourage you to go in the next 20N to this
concentration that arises from the coordination and meeting of various
anti-authoritarian groups and collectives in the city.
It fights fascism day by day and in all its fronts and expressions.
cntmadrid.org
anarchist news agency-ana
------------------------------
Message: 6
I was approached by Jeff Stein to write up a summary of Abel Paz, La cuestión de
Marruecos y la República española so that English-language readers might be made
aware of the Spanish anarchist approach to Morocco during the civil war. I would
like to thank Jeff for prompting me to write what follows, although he should not
be held responsible for its contents or conclusions. ---- ‘A lenient war is a
lengthy war, and therefore the worst kind of war. Let us stop it, and stop it
effectually[...]stop it on the soil upon which it originated, and among the
traitors and rebels who originated the war. This can be done at once, by
"carrying the war into Africa."' ---- ‘Frederick Douglass, ‘How to End the War', 1861
The question of why the revolution that accompanied the Spanish Civil War did not
result in independence for the Spanish protectorate in Morocco has long vexed its
supporters. Guerrilla warfare in the centre of the region (the Rif) had plagued
the Spanish authorities from 1909 and had only been suppressed in 1927 following
joint military operations by the French and Spanish, involving the indiscriminate
use of chemical weapons, and the arrest of the famous leader Abd el Krim. The
military conspiracy against the Spanish Second Republic was incubated in this
brutalising colonial environment, and Moroccan troops employed in the so-called
Army of Africa were crucial to the war effort mounted by the conspirators when
their attempted coup stalled in July 1936. Why then was no attempt made to cut
off the conspiracy's vital base by fomenting a recurrence of fighting in the
Francoist rearguard? In particular, why hadn't the anarchist movement, through
the powerful union, the CNT, forced this issue during the months of its greatest
influence?
Daniel Guerin posed this question of Diego Camacho, anarchist veteran of the
underground struggle against Franco and historian of Spanish anarchism (under the
penname of Abel Paz) in 1969. The question resulted in a decades-long search for
information and documentation that was eventually published in the book La
cuestión de Marruecos y la República española (Madrid: 2000). It makes for a
gripping read - Paz's narrative is combined with verbatim copies of his
documentary sources and witness testimonies - but ultimately provides only a
partial answer to Guerin's question. In this two-part article I will first
summarise Paz's findings before fleshing out some of the contradictions in the
anarchist approach to ‘the Moroccan question'.
Paz's book contains a dedication to its chief protagonist, Juan García Oliver,
the veteran anarchist ‘man of action' who played a key role in co-ordinating the
CNT's victorious response to the attempted military coup in Barcelona in July
1936. By the following month, García Oliver was the dominant personality in the
Central Committee of Anti-Fascist Militias (CCAM), an ad-hoc body in which the
CNT participated alongside anti-fascist and socialist parties in Catalonia.
According to his own account, García Oliver had long been preoccupied with the
question of Morocco and conceived of a rebellion in the Spanish protectorate as
key to the success of the revolution. In August 1936 he contacted an old comrade,
José Margelí, whom he had bumped into two months before in the company of an
Egyptian teacher, Marcelo Argila. García Oliver asked Margelí about Argila, who
‘I assume, being Egyptian, must have connections with the Arab world', which
proved to be the case. Summoning both Margelí and Argila to his office, García
Oliver entrusted them with a secret mission to depart for Geneva to contact
Moroccan nationalists. A week later, the two men returned in the company of
representatives of the newly formed Moroccan Action Committee who, following an
exchange of impressions, related García Oliver's proposals to their fellow
committee members. These proposals consisted of a declaration of Moroccan
independence and the provision of arms and finances in exchange for an uprising
in the Spanish protectorate. At the beginning of September, a delegation arrived
in Barcelona with a mandate to begin negotiations in earnest.
García Oliver made every effort to ensure the comfort and respectful treatment of
the Committee, who reported their favourable impressions of the anarchist:
‘García Oliver demonstrated complete agreement with us. Even when the
independence of the Rif zone was spoken about there was no argument.' The
Committee was mindful of a different obstacle, however, which was that the CCAM
in Catalonia could not unilaterally renounce the Spanish claim to the
protectorate. Such a decision would have to reside with the government of the
Republic, which at the beginning of September came under the premiership of the
Socialist Francisco Largo Caballero. Even on this issue, however, García Oliver
was reassuring: ‘He even told us that if the central government displayed ill
will, then he would go and force it to sign a treaty, threatening it with the
withdrawal of Catalan militias from the Madrid front.'
On 20 September, the organisations comprising the Central Committee of
Antifascist Militias in Catalonia and the Moroccan Action Committee signed a pact
guaranteeing the autonomy of the Spanish protectorate, the military evacuation of
the zone and the confiscation of the resources of the rebellious military. A copy
was taken to be presented to the Republican government in Madrid by four
representatives of the CCAM, García Oliver not among them. There they were
received by Largo Caballero, who seemed annoyed that the Catalan body had acted
on its own account. Whether or not this was a bluff to disguise broader
geopolitical concerns (Paz's book indicates that the French government had
already made manifest its opposition to any gesture towards Moroccan
independence), the delegation was given no grounds for hope.
And there the matter came to an anticlimactic end. García Oliver does not appear
to have made good on his promise to threaten the central government, and the
CNT's entrance into the Republican government in November did not result in major
changes in this direction. According to reports published verbatim in Paz's book,
the biggest impact of the negotiations appears to have been in Spanish Morocco,
where Franco was persuaded of the need to grant certain basic freedoms to the
native citizenry, such as allowing an Arabic-language newspaper to be published,
a practice apparently prohibited in the French zone of the country.
Paz includes as appendices reports from 1938 that demonstrate continued CNT
monitoring of the situation in the protectorate and even a proposal for concerted
action. In fact, a recently published book by Ali Al Tuma (Guns, Culture and
Moors: Racial Perceptions, Cultural Impact and the Moroccan Participation in the
Spanish Civil War) suggests there was CNT involvement in an abortive raid of
fifty armed men into Spanish Morocco, intended to provoke an international crisis
at the time of the Munich Agreement, but which was discovered and quashed in
Tangier at the last minute. However, after decades of research, Guerin's original
question has retained a good deal of its original validity. Paz's book
demonstrates the efforts and initiative of one anarchist, Juan García Oliver, in
establishing contact with Moroccans. This contact was established through a
fortuitous meeting rather than any organisational effort on the part of the CNT
(there is an alternative explanation for the initial contact, which Paz deems
less likely, involving Trotskyists in North Africa). Another projected anarchist
initiative is referred to: that proposed by the secretary of the International
Workers' Association, Pierre Besnard, while negotiations with the Moroccan Action
Committee were ongoing. Besnard's plan consisted of busting Abd el Krim out of
his French captivity on Réunion Island. This plan was apparently viewed
favourably by leading anarchists Buenaventura Durruti and Diego Abad de
Santillán, although García Oliver was less sanguine about its feasibility. In any
case, Besnard's proposals, like those agreed with the Moroccan Action Committee,
hinged on a declaration of independence for Spanish Morocco. Besnard was sent off
to meet Largo Caballero with the blessing of the Catalan CNT but was given short
shrift.
Insofar as the CNT was committed to collaborating with its anti-fascist allies it
is perhaps the case that it could not, acting in good faith, attempt to initiate
any activity with regard to Morocco without first consulting them. As with other
counterfactuals posed of anarchist activity during the Spanish Civil War, it is
possible, though hypothetical, that ploughing ahead with whatever revolutionary
measures and resources were available at the time and stopping to ask questions
later might have proven a more fruitful policy. In the specific case of Morocco,
however, the possibility that the anarchist movement was held back by internal
failings must also be considered, and this will be the subject of Part Two.
Danny Evans
Part Two of this text will be published next Monday.
https://freedomnews.org.uk/carrying-the-war-into-africa-anarchism-morocco-and-the-spanish-civil-war/
------------------------------
Message: 7
A lovely new 88 page issue of our magazine Organise! #93 is now available for
purchase or free PDF download. A screen-reader page turning version is here:
https://organisemagazine.org.uk/2020/11/17/organise-93/ ---- The best way to
support Organise! and get print copies (full colour & glossy) is via
https://www.patreon.com/Organise ---- Singles print issues can be obtained from
AK Press https://www.akuk.com/ - order this issue or search on Organise! or
Anarchist Federation for back issues. ---- Visit our magazine site
https://organisemagazine.org.uk for related content. ---- Full content of #93 is
as follows.
EDITORIAL
1 - Editor's column and about Organise!
THEORY AND ANALYSIS
3 - The queer polish revolution is just beginning
5 - The three-headed leftist
10 - Anti-fascism (fighting to win)
13 - Refugee list
18 - Market vs state vs commons
22 - Seeds of change (GAF report)
25 - Together we fight! (Earth Strike)
INTERNATIONAL
27 - Towards an Anarchism inthe Philippine archipelago
41 - ???? (Taigyaku Jiken)
46 - Interview with Anarchist in Minskabout the Belarus protests
50 - Mystification of clothes as the causeof sexual violence and harassment
52 - Another fine mess - Covid-19 analysis & update
54 - International bulletin
KNOWLEDGE EXCHANGE
56 - Digital security against the state
58 - Make your media accessible!
60 - How to drop a banner
BURN AFTER READING
62 - Review: Tracksuits, trauma,and class traitorsby D. Hunter
65 - Review: We live here EP(Bob Vylan)
66 - Vital WorK: Anarchy and violence
MEMORIA
69 - Stuart Christie
73 - Donald Rooum
COMICS
80 - Wildcat
82 -The super happy anarcho fun pages
RED AND BLACK GAMERS
83 - Review: Among us
85 - Review: Solidarity
ANARCHIST FEDERATION
86 - Who are the AnarchistFederation
87 - Aims and principles
88 - IFA
http://afed.org.uk/organise-magazine-issue-93-winter-2020/
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