Today's Topics:
1. UK, anarchistcommunist ACG: Demonstrations against the
police in Nigeria and murder by the military
police in Nigeria and murder by the military
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Greece, Information from today's strike rally in Patras by
dysínios íppos - restive horse APO [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
dysínios íppos - restive horse APO [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Holand, vrije bond: Demonstration in solidarity with Belarus
* Amsterdam, Beursplein, Amsterdam. Sunday, 29 Nov, 14:00
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
* Amsterdam, Beursplein, Amsterdam. Sunday, 29 Nov, 14:00
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, Announcement of the Thessaloniki Local Coordination
of the Anarchist Political Organization [APO] [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
of the Anarchist Political Organization [APO] [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Union Communiste Libertaire AL #310 - Ecology and
animal cause debate (1/2) -- Combine animal cause and
anti-capitalism (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
animal cause debate (1/2) -- Combine animal cause and
anti-capitalism (de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Greece: NATIONWIDE ANNOUNCEMENT OF ESE - (ATHENS,
THESSALONIKI, RETHYMNO IOANNINA) NO LOCK DOWN
THESSALONIKI, RETHYMNO IOANNINA) NO LOCK DOWN
TO OUR FREEDOMS AND
RIGHTS! - 26 NOVEMBER WE STRIKE AND CLAIM
RIGHTS! - 26 NOVEMBER WE STRIKE AND CLAIM
[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. anarkismo.net: Chronicle of an announced vacancy or
inter-bourgeois dispute in Peru by Franz Verne (de, it ca,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
On October 3rd members of the much-hated Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) shot a
young man, dumped his body at the side of the road and stole his car. This murder
was recorded on a videocamera and then went viral on social media. This set off
three weeks of demonstrations against police brutality and against corruption in
Nigeria, demonstrations that lasted three weeks. ---- At first the government
headed by President Muhammadu Buhari, promised the disbanding of SARS and
supposedly replaced with a new unit, SWAT (Special Weapons and Tactics). In fact,
the same SARS personnel now made up the new SWAT outfit. Only a name had been
changed.
Because of this, the demonstrations continued. Next, the Nigerian State responded
with its old standby, violence. This in part involved the government hiring
criminal thugs to attack demonstrators. This too, failed to intimidate and so now
the military was brought out onto the streets and curfews were imposed in various
cities. These protests were now becoming increasingly radicalised, with attacks
on the police.
By October 20, however, the protests had spread across Nigeria. Some of the
assets of the Nigerian ruling class were also targeted during these protests,
banks, public buildings, TV and media buildings, shopping malls etc., and the
largest and most lucrative toll road in the country, Lekki, in Lagos, was
blockaded. On that day the military attempted to brutally end the protests and
shot dead at least 12 unarmed people at the Lekki tollgate. So far 1,500 people
have been arrested and 69 have been killed by police and military.
The median age of the Nigerian population is 19 years, and large numbers of
youth, disenfranchised, unemployed or in low paid jobs, took part in the
demonstrations. There was unity beyond ethnic, tribal and religious divisions.
The murder was a spark that ignited widespread anger among the population, where
the interests of the old colonial power are allowed to continue to make huge
profits, where corruption is engrained within the political system, and where a
small ruling elite was able to pocket a staggering $20 trillion between 1960 and
2005. Unemployment stands at 27.1%. The government has signally failed to handle
the spiralling problem of the coronavirus. Food, fuel and electricity are soaring
in prices. All of these factors came together in a wave of social unrest.
The SARS was provided with training and arms by the British government in 2019,
through the Conflict, Stability and Security Fund (CSSF) of the Foreign Office.
The British government wishes to protect its interests in Nigeria, in particular
with Shell Oil which has many investments in the Niger delta. The SARS unit is a
State sanctioned criminal gang. It regularly robs people, and tortures and extorts.
The government is now trying to close down social media and freeze bank accounts
of activists. Nevertheless, these demonstrations have proved to be the largest in
Nigerian history. Whether the movement can grow, can establish its own class
based committees remains to be seen, in face of the increasing State repression.
www.ilrigsa.org.za/2020/11/10/nigeria-and-the-hope-of-the-endsars-protests/
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2020/11/26/demonstrations-against-the-police-in-nigeria-and-murder-by-the-military/
------------------------------
Message: 2
The strike on November 26 was called at a time when the outbreak of the health
crisis and the pandemic highlight in the most brutal way the criminal, parasitic
and anti-social nature of the state, which is indifferent to human life and the
vast majority of society and is only interested in preserving the privileges of
the powerful and maximizing the profits of the bosses. In this context, the
demonstrations and the demands are targeted as a health bomb, while the crisis is
used as an opportunity for the anti-social plans of the state and the bosses to
proceed without resistance. ---- Early in the morning, the entire city center was
occupied (once again) by police forces of all kinds in order to prevent the
holding of the strike rallies that had been called in the Branch by anarchist
collectives ( call of the Horseman / member of the APO and call of the Open
Assembly of Anarchists of Patras ) and Olga Square by organizations of the Left.
In response to the occupation of the announced gathering points, about 40
anarchist comrades immediately gathered in Hagia Sophia Square, calling on the
public to join the rally. For about an hour, hundreds of texts were distributed
and slogans were shouted, while the banner of the rally read "The crisis of the
coronavirus to be paid by the bosses". Soon, strong police forces began to gather
around the square.
Around 12 quarter, about 60 comrades started marching towards the police station
in the city, causing panic among the police forces who were running to regroup.
At the intersection of Constantinople with Favierou, an OPKE squad blocked the
demonstration. The comrades calmly moved towards the adjacent public market that
existed in the neighborhood at that time, which they entered with pulse and slogans.
The cops, confused, remained at a distance and the demonstration ended at the end
of the rally, from where everyone left safely.
In the midst of a pandemic and a health crisis, at a time when the state and its
bosses are launching another attack on society and the labor acquis, we must
regroup, overcoming the objective difficulties posed by the danger of the virus,
but also the subjective ones that it methodically cultivates. and introduces the
state aiming at the suppression of the resistance and the control of the
population. Respecting all the measures of self-protection of the society as a
whole and with the main concern of defending the life of all of us against the
death policy of the state and the bosses, to try to take to the streets again.
To continue to fight for the needs of society as a whole, with the main concern
being the prosperity and service of society and not a caste of powerful people,
who lead humanity to the dystopia of death, misery and control.
Solidarity with health workers. Immediate and unconditional mass recruitment of
medical and nursing staff, ordering of private hospitals and provision of all
required resources and means, in order to meet the needs of the population in
care. Heavy and unhealthy stamps on all personal health as well as provision so
as not to lead to utter exhaustion and serious risks to their own health.
Do not pass the new roller to work. Hands off jobs and employee gains. No
layoffs, no cuts in salaries and pensions. No thought of banning strikes and
trade unionism. The coronavirus crisis to be paid by the bosses.
Organization at the base - Social self-defense - Class counterattack!
Strikes - Demonstrations - Conflicts
https://ipposd.wordpress.com/
------------------------------
Message: 3
Anarchist Group Amsterdam joins the week of solidarity with anarchists and
antifascists of Belarus. Come with us to the center of Amsterdam this Sunday to
show your support for fighters against Lukashenko dictatorship! ---- In 26 years,
dictator Lukashenko has built a system aimed at suppressing any political life.
The coronavirus and a number of economic problems have greatly changed what is
happening in the country. In a few months, Belarusians have learned to
self-organize. The presidential elections provoked a wave of the largest protest
in the country's history! But the tyrant does not want to give up his throne. At
least 5 people were killed (some died under strange circumstances). Thousands of
people were beaten and disabled by the violence of the police. More than 15
thousand have been detained and sentenced on administrative cases. More than 500
criminal cases have been initiated. At least 200 people are awaiting trial in the
pre-trial detention center.
Anarchists have always stood up against tyranny and dictatorship. Regardless of
the color of the flag, raised by authoritarianism over this or that corner of the
planet. So it is not surprising that anarchists are actively involved in the
uprising against the dictator Lukashenko in Belarus.
During the uprising, many of our comrades ended up in prison. Now at least 10
anarchists and antifascists are serving administrative arrests. In addition, 10
anarchists and 4 anti-fascists are waiting for criminal courts, punishment for
some of them reaches 20 years in prison.
We call on you to join the demo and show by action your support for revolutionary
anarchists and antifascists fighting against the occupation regime of Lukashenko!
Beursplein, Amsterdam. Sunday, 29 Nov, 14:00
http://agamsterdam.org
Anarchist Group Amsterdam
https://www.vrijebond.org/demonstration-in-solidarity-with-belarus-amsterdam/
------------------------------
Message: 4
"It is not us who return to the past, but the past that threatens to come back to
us." ---- Georges Bernanos, "Munich" Le Chemin de la Croix-des-Ames, 1942 ----
The political staff that currently serves the capital controlling the state
administration and more specifically the head of the Ministry of Civil
Protection, M. Chrysochoidis tried several days before November 17 to set a
political trap in the forces of the revolutionary movement for reasons which will
touch below. The objective of this choice was to create a condition in which
power and government would emerge victorious in any turn of political
developments. The basis of the "trapping" was the protest ten days before the
anniversary of the Technical University of the Minister for a complete ban on
established demonstrations.
The government staff, having lost control at all levels and especially on the
front of the pandemic, is trying to turn the loss into a profit, permanently
bringing forward the police, which is currently its most loyal ally and at the
same time a decisive political player for its mobilization. part of the far-right
base of the ruling party. At the same time, it is exhausting the possibilities of
repressive intervention, wishing to consolidate new negative data in the
confrontation with the contestants, taking advantage of the health crisis brought
about by the dangerous pandemic and its equally dangerous policy. If the
organized revolutionary movement did not raise the glove of confrontation then
the government could occupy the entire public space undisturbed with the army of
the repressive forces,
At the same time, the planning for the occupation of the cities by the police
army is in any case a pre-general of the strategic implementation of the
"preventive counter-insurgency", which is a firm doctrine from now on of the
state power mechanism. The rapid and great weakening of social legitimacy
vis-.-Vis the government but also state arbitrariness and authoritarianism in
general, has created permanent conditions of emergency for the oppressors. On the
other hand,
This plan failed miserably. Not one of their (increasingly declining) lobotomized
voters was convinced of this misery. And this is due to the exemplary,
responsible and competitive attitude of the fighters. The government's plan was
thrown in the trash by the movement's action. Instead of crushing those who broke
the vulgar and persuasive junta ban that was applied exclusively for the four
days from November 15 to 18, they came out even stronger, more powerful and more
consistent in the eyes of the oppressed and the exploited. Because they were
represented by the comrades who took to the streets on November 17, because only
their opinion matters to us - and no one else.
The universal ban itself may have created a suffocating siege for those who
wished to break it, but at the same time it demonstrated in broad layers to all
progressive people the horrific instrumentalization of the pandemic by the human
beings who manage the fortunes and lives of people of social base. . The arrest
of several dozen anarchists who tried to occupy the Polytechnic and the
Polytechnic in Athens, the arrests of leftists and the calls for apologies of
militants throughout the territory, the set up of prosecutorial interventions
against ENITH doctors and other actions that unfolded they came to prove on their
own the hypocrisy of state management to anyone who had the slightest intention
of perceiving it.
This time, forces of both the parliamentary and the extra-parliamentary Left also
appeared. In our opinion, their appearance based on previous experiences (eg
Makedoniko or even recently in gatherings in Patras) was not self-evident and
there were oscillations in relation to their final attitude, which also stemmed
from their timeless legal attitude. But if the leftists at the end of the
conversation were not left with other options, the same would not be true for the
KKE. On the one hand the intensity of the ban by the government and on the other
the pressure of the revolutionary space and the anarchists, who had already
expressed their intentions (breaking the ban) but also some of their moves
(occupation of the Polytechnic) played a role in the mobilization. the forces of
a number of political actors.
The KKE, after first dealing with the shielding of its position in the
bourgeoisie, protected its ears and avoided isolation, co-signing for the first
time a joint text with the SYRIZA orthodoxists (it was preceded at the end of
October of Tsipras vs. Stournara) -while he was even looking forward to his
signing by KIN.AL. who refused - and could more comfortably make the "avant-garde
of movements" for a day. SYRIZA reiterated in practice its deeply bourgeois
nature, reflecting in its refusal to participate in a demonstration its view of
who it considers to represent. At the same time, taking the opposite path from
the KKE, he seized the opportunity presented to him -through the co-signing of
the common text- to turn left for one day. While Varoufakis chose to make the old
SYRIZA of 3%, fortunately failed. The chrysanthemums of the common bum
Chrysochoidis in Sakorafa and the conduct of a "preliminary examination" against
the party leaders simply show that they are immoderate bastards.
Throughout the country, the anarchist movement fought a hard battle and, despite
the losses that logically result in real conditions of total confrontation, won
it. Nowhere could there be even half a propaganda image of overcrowding and lack
of measures, on the basis of which the spokesmen of the authorities would try to
disorient the social body. On the contrary, the role of state administration in
the spread of the pandemic emerged even on this day, with the "gathering" of
thousands and thousands of police officers and the suffocating conditions that
were created in many cases after their intervention. Even in these two-legged
puppets of the Greek Police, their expendable nature did not go unnoticed, as
well as their bosses, but their structural stupidity and their non-negotiable
fascism, It allows them to carry out their criminal duties with joy and appetite.
Another element that we must touch on is the role of the anarchists in this
critical turning point of the confrontation with the state. The forces of the
anarchists, and in fact to a certain extent organized, all over Greece, and
especially in the periphery, were the ones who mainly raised their gloves and
defended people and meanings.
Banner of APO at the main gate of the Polytechnic in Athens.
From Xanthi, Ioannina, Patras, Karditsa to Heraklion, Rethymno and Chania, the
anarchist movement played a leading role in organizing acts of disobedience.
Everywhere with the common goal of claiming better conditions of care, providing
food and housing for all, while honoring the dead fighters of the Polytechnic
uprising and the dead of the Metapolitism. The role of the movement was extremely
important, the movements found social effects and were, above all, a clear
political response to modern totalitarianism. In any case, from the morning of
November 17 until late in the afternoon, it was in any case a resounding
response. It is becoming increasingly apparent that the government's crackdown on
the anarchist movement, which continues unabated,
As the local coordination of APO in the city, we decided without hesitation that
our dynamic presence on the road on November 17 is a one-way street. On November
9, we published a poster and a text with which we clarified our position once and
for all: "At the Polytechnic, the anarchists will be present, not because of some
ideological whim, but because if we do not ensure today that the oppressed will
be able to resist their executioners , then we are already dead! "
Our decision was to support the call of the focus students of SOFETH and at the
same time our organized participation in any central movement to break the ban.
The exemplary struggle of the students of SOFETH was the only process that was
able to set a peak in the gloomy environment of quarantine and at the same time
the only organized and real student mobilization during the days of the
Polytechnic. After many days of occupying the hearth building and turning it into
a struggle center, which the students defended against the police provocations
and after symbolically occupying the AUTh rector's office, the contestants
succeeded in (in any other self-evident) free application of the test for
covid-19. But even then mockery was the rule, as an insufficient number of tests
were sent for all interns. Equally important was the Association's decision to de
facto turn a demand struggle into a purely political field with the call for a
rally on November 17 and the breaking of the ban.
Banners and blocks of APO in the gathering that took place in the dormitories.
Thus, the Association of Focal Students of Thessaloniki, together with the
solidarity groups who chose the centers as a point of manifestation of their
disobedience to countless police forces, became the first social body to break
the ban throughout the country. The cool attitude of the comrades towards the
total confinement imposed by the police for 8 hours helped significantly, among
other things, in facilitating the movement of further forces in the city center.
The breaking of the ban was manifested by a sudden gathering (Tsimiski & Hagia
Sophia) of forces of anarchist and leftist organizations. Our decision to take an
active part in this front as well is considered appropriate, as he threw his
glove back at the state and raised the issue of dealing with an illegal
demonstration. Looking back, and having seen the face of our city early in the
morning, when hundreds of uniforms were unfolding everywhere in the absence of
even passers-by, we really can not think of what city we would wake up to on the
18th if no one left their house at 17 We consider that after the rallies of
Kamara and Propylaea in January 2018 against the fascist spirit of the national
body, the rallies of November 17 are another historic milestone in the course of
our movement, precisely those who turn the so-called "space" into something much
bigger, much bigger, much more dangerous for power. During both the quarantine
and in particular the preparation for November 17, we reaffirmed the usefulness
of the Organization in the process of the struggle.
Banners and blocks of APO in the gathering in the city center.
During the police intervention to dissolve the concentration dozens were fined in
the center (also in other places as far as we know) and the morning were also
made dozens of arrests, six of them were turned into arrests. The three belong to
different organizations of the Left and the other three are members of the APO,
while another 3 members of the APO were brought in from the same place and fined.
The three arrested, who were also fined € 300, were charged with disobedience and
violating disease prevention measures, and after spending a night in detention,
from where they were taken to court, passing the highway procedure, received a
postponement and are awaiting appointment. of their trial.
Photo of comrades and competitors through the courtroom.
The movements of resistance, disobedience and counterattack do not exclusively
concern the part of the organized forces, but at the moment they represent many
more. With this in mind in the near future we will seek the necessary political
and financial support from the oppressed, as well as seek as much interaction as
possible with the people who want to participate in the struggle, which continues
and will win. Long live Anarchy!
MATCHES ARE NOT LEGAL OR ILLEGAL ARE FAIR
RESISTANCE TO MODERN INTEGRATION | THE STRUGGLE WILL EITHER BE A REPLACEMENT OR
NOTHING
https://maurokokkino1936.wordpress.com/2020/11/27/
------------------------------
Message: 5
What role for animals in human societies ? It is a central point of ecological
reflection, where two major ethical questions converge: that of animal suffering
and exploitation on the one hand, and on the other, that of animal husbandry as
it is. is determined by capitalism, where peasants are just as much exploited
subjects by a system. Is it a question of managing the breeding as it exists, of
reducing its ecological footprint, animal and human suffering ? On the contrary,
is it a question of completely breaking away from this model ? And how ?
Alternative Libertaire invites this debate in its columns. ---- The animalist
struggle is sometimes accused of complacency towards capitalism. Far from the
individualistic aims sometimes put forward, we believe that the animal cause and
the anti-capitalist struggle can be mutually articulated and enriched.
Libertarians have always refused the hierarchy of struggles and wanted to
understand the specificities of each system of domination. The animal cause was
also one of the major interests of anarchists, especially during the Belle Époque
[1]. In this perspective, we defend the taking into account of the interests of
animals, and denounce the refusal to worry about them on the pretext of the
anti-capitalist struggle.
Read also: Jocelyne Porcher (Inrae): " Peasant breeding in coexistence with
cellular agriculture is illusory " , Alternative libertaire, November 2020.
Take into account the interests of animals
We breed, exploit and kill animals for our food or clothing consumption, we lock
them up for entertainment, we test our cosmetics and drugs on them - the list
goes on. However, scientific research, particularly in ethology [2]show us that
many species form societies, made up of sensitive individuals with specific
interests. These individuals organize themselves with social roles, feel
emotions: fear, joy, boredom or even empathy. They also have, to varying degrees,
levels of consciousness allowing them to know that they exist, that others exist,
and not wanting to die. It therefore seems to us that we must respect and take
into account these other individuals and societies, in our way of building our own.
Although we cannot " socialize " with animals the same way as with humans, we
can envision a libertarian society free from animal exploitation. Indeed,
although they are presented as evidence of the natural order, products of animal
origin are replaceable. We are thus defending a libertarian economic and
agricultural project including massive revegetation of food, especially since
plant proteins are ecologically preferable crops - they require less space and
produce (much) less greenhouse gas. greenhouse in particular [3].
For ecology as for the animal cause, the exit from capitalism is a condition
certainly insufficient, but essential.
red photo library
This libertarian and ecological society project does not require, contrary to
popular belief, advanced technologies such as synthetic meat or industrial
substitutes. The only constraint is the production of vitamin B12, not present in
the vegetable diet, but simple to produce locally and inexpensive energy [4]..
The livestock industry is currently trying to restore its image with arguments
about " exploitation on a human scale ", claiming to limit animal suffering.
For this, it uses a few farms whose practices, on the one hand, are marginal, on
the other hand, often stem more from the declaration of intent than from reality:
" small farms " and local slaughterhouses are not idyllic places. , the
animals also suffer there (and this, whereas no product resulting from the
breeding is essential for us for our consumption).
As libertarians, we share the criticisms made of vegan movements which aim to
transform society through a change in individual practices, and are often based
on guilt. We also denounce the collusion of certain organizations with parts of
the food industry. However, it is essential to remember that this collusion does
not structure the entire movement.
That multinationals invest in advance in vegan products and seize a niche market,
nothing more expected. It seems flawed to us to deduce from this a general
complicity between animal activists and industry, at the risk of an almost
conspiratorial overinterpretation: the whole of the animal cause would be
manipulated by the industry to convert us to their future products, then that
their current production already has a stranglehold on the food market ?
A society without animal exploitation is possible
As for us, the animal cause as we see it is inherently anti-capitalist. Indeed,
the transition from an industry based on livestock to a largely vegetated
production would call into question entire sections of our economy (agro-food,
clothing, pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, etc.). This transition, defended for
ethical reasons, is radically incompatible with the capitalist imperative of
profitability.
In addition, taking into account the interests of animals also necessarily
implies the end of the destruction of ecosystems (which are their living
environments), which implies urgently fighting for the preservation of the
environment - while in a capitalist regime , environmental destruction will
continue as long as it is profitable.
In other words, for ecology as for the animal cause, the exit from capitalism is
a condition certainly insufficient, but essential. We do not advocate a reformist
change based on laws concerning the types of breeding or the limits of acceptable
suffering, but a revolutionary transformation of society involving a fundamental
rethink of our relationship to the exploitation and domination of animals. .
We are opposed to the absurd logic which would like that, in order to continue to
live with animals, it is necessary to necessarily exploit and kill them without
necessity. We have confidence in the capacity of a society, freed from
capitalism, to reinvent other modes of coexistence while supporting peasant
agriculture. While this prospect may seem distant, we won't wait any longer to
work on it.
UCL Animal Condition Working Group
Validate
[1] On the animal cause and an analysis of anarchist differences on this
question, we can read Anarchy and Animal Cause , two volumes, published by Le
Monde libertaire.
[2] Discipline that studies the behavior of animal species.
[3] We also underline that the soya intended for human consumption is for the
most part cultivated in France or in neighboring countries, and not imported from
South America as we still read too often.
[4] We thus see the development of local productions of B12 in France.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Allier-cause-animale-et-anticapitalisme
------------------------------
Message: 6
The instrumentation of the crisis in health terms by the government shows that
beyond its deliberate inability to fortify the public health system, it found
suitable territory to accelerate repressive measures, with even more police
state. It imposes confinement and terrorizes her with exorbitant fines en masse
society, while pushing the vast majority of the working class into poverty and
unemployment potential. At the same time, it feeds millions of systemic media and
the "immortals", throwing a dry-cut bonus to the poor to "plug it". -- Legislates
reactionary against the working class, with bankruptcy codes, labor bills,
university police, bills criminalizing trade unionism action, while bullying
antifascists, arresting teenagers and even abusing Specifically, through the
announcements of the Prime Minister at the TIF, it is obvious that Simultaneously
with the pandemic, state mechanisms are doing "overtime", targeting whatever
has been left out of labor rights, as they are now considered "obsolete
arrangements of the last century ". In short, with the new labor bill that
It is about to be voted in November, the abolition of the 8 o'clock comes and
institutionalization 10 hours, employees should be more "flexible" and will be
more "rubber", since overtime will have no limit and will not be paid but will
"Offset" with breaks or part-time at semester depth. Still, the bill
contains the substantial abolition of the strike in public and communal services
utilities (transport, ports, telecommunications, energy), since security
personnel will should be 40%, so as not to interrupt production and promote
criminalization of the strike and the trade union action after both the strike
gathering outside the workplace as well as guarding it will be criminal
offense and sabotage of collective and trade union proceedings, if they will
must be made compulsorily and exclusively online, with a complete dossier of
participants in the General Register of Trade Unions of Employees (GEMISOE).
At the same time, the looted insurance funds are being hit even harder
pandemic, as the state, with the "soft" persuasions of large employers, reduces
the percentage of the latter's contributions to the insurance funds (ie the
amounts that so far translated into support of care, unemployment benefits and
pensions).
Through the bonus policy pursued, attempts are being made to silence the
while restricting junta-type traffic measures
in order to pass laws and regulations depriving the right to
protest. All this, following the "COOPERATION" program, where the state
He "poured" part of the salaries of the employees to the bosses, transforming,
gradually the salary in allowance and giving freedom and alibi to the latter, not
to pay her work they buy and exploit.
As for sections of society that resist, one takes place more and more
more extreme repression with raids on public spaces, evacuations of squatters and
attacks to children (14-year-old students and 5-year-old children). However,
waving his finger at social base, the government spends twice on equipment, cops,
millions in canals and "long walks" while giggling that there are no "money
trees" for health, education, insurance and transport.
Against the governmental doctrine of individual responsibility, we propose
collective and class vigilance.
We rally in the workplace, in grassroots unions and in labor unions
collectives in our area, we form Libertarian unions outside and in rupture with
him regime trade unionism of GSEE-ADEDY in the direction of the formation of a
revolutionary labor confederation.
WE ARE NOT TERRORIZED! WE ARE ANGRY!
LET'S EXPAND OUR ACCUMULATED WRATH ON THEM!
TO TRANSFORM OUR ANGRY IN A MATCH!
NO SINGLE - NO SINGLE!
NOVEMBER 26 WE STRIKE AND CLAIM:
Withdrawal of the anti-labor-anti-union bill Vroutsi.
Not in the "payment" of overtime on breaks or leave
Hands down from the unions. No to criminalizing trade union action.
Do not charge any day of regular leave
working parents for Special Purpose licenses under
measures to address the covid - 19 pandemic.
No replenishment of time off work
workers in quarantine
No withholding on the Christmas Gift
Public health system support, mass appointments
sanitary, now new ICU units, order of the private sector
health,
Strengthen MMM, hire drivers, renew and increase the bus fleet.
Free test for all, employed, unemployed, immigrants
STRIKE CONCENTRATION IN
PL. KLAFTHMONOS WITH EVERYTHING
HYGIENE MEASURES
PROTECTION AT 11:00
HYGIENE MEASURES
PROTECTION AT 11:00
Liberal Union of Athens
ese-ath@espiv.net
------------------------------
Message: 7
Fall and rise of the same political model ---- It is clear that this was always
an inter-bourgeois dispute, between two right-wing factions, each representing
their own interests and political agendas. And in this contest, the one with the
least strategic backing lost. The fall of Vizcarra demonstrates a weakened
Executive lacking governance, because - among other things - it never had a
parliamentary bench to back it up and stop the onslaught of the Legislature,
which did manage to reach a consensus on its attack en bloc under the worn out
ruse of the "anti-corruption struggle», When it was always clear that in both
powers of the State the level of putrefaction is truly alarming. Now, with the
seizure of power by Manuel Merino, who is doomed to convene a ministerial cabinet
according to his parliamentary partners, a new distribution of power begins, let
there be no doubt.
Peru is entering a new political crisis within the generalized panorama of a
health and socioeconomic megacrisis that it was already experiencing due to the
global pandemic. This time, Parliament approved the presidential vacancy against
Martín Vizcarra under the argument of "permanent moral incapacity" due to a
series of indications and blatant accusations about acts of corruption that would
come from the time he served as regional president in Moquegua. Beyond going into
well-known details about the process of defenestration of Vizcarra and the
inauguration of Manuel Merino (then president of Parliament), we are interested
in focusing on the political core of the matter and its immediate impact on our
people.
Character of the conflict
It is clear that this was always an inter-bourgeois dispute, between two
right-wing factions, each representing their own interests and political agendas.
And in this contest, the one with the least strategic backing lost. The fall of
Vizcarra demonstrates a weakened Executive lacking governance, because - among
other things - it never had a parliamentary bench to back it up and stop the
onslaught of the Legislature, which did manage to reach a consensus on its attack
en bloc under the worn out ruse of the "anti-corruption struggle», When it was
always clear that in both powers of the State the level of putrefaction is truly
alarming. Now, with the seizure of power by Manuel Merino, who is doomed to
convene a ministerial cabinet according to his parliamentary partners, a new
distribution of power begins, let there be no doubt.
Now, the mess has been eminently political, without disrupting the economic
factor. In this institutional crisis, Confiep has not been affected; on the
contrary, he had no qualms about distancing himself quickly (via public
pronouncement) from the vacant Vizcarra whom they abandon as a replaceable piece,
as a worn out politician without his own party, as a bad strategist who quickly
self-liquidated; and now they welcome Merino, a man with a traditional right-wing
party (Popular Action) and with a clear record in defense of the national status
quo. And in this shed, the Armed Forces have fulfilled the usual role:
safeguarding the interests of the elite with greater capacity for socio-political
control. While the presidency of Congress remains in the hands of Luis Valdez
(Alliance for Progress),
With regard to the legality of the approved vacancy, it should be noted that two
months ago, in the context of the first presidential vacancy attempt, the
Executive presented a competency claim and a precautionary measure, in which it
was proposed that Congress He could not vacate the President, since the
assumptions of moral incapacity are too lax. The injunction was rejected and on
that issue there is no going back, but the underlying demand still exists. So,
for some analysts, the Constitutional Court generated, in part, this problem when
it did not resolve the injunction in time. If he had admitted said measure at the
time, he would have ordered Congress not to pronounce on any vacancy in
application of the assumption of permanent moral incapacity, as long as the
underlying issue is not resolved in the aforementioned competence claim. And
although the official ruling of the TC is still awaited, this could be a mere
formal procedure that would no longer change the course of things.
Parliamentary left and popular clamor
The role of the left - in very general terms - at this juncture has been diffuse,
scattered or inconsequential. During the development of the pandemic, there was a
clear divorce between the parliamentary left and official progressivism regarding
the demands and hustle and bustle of the affected population. There were
processes of struggle or mobilization in neighborhoods and communities looking
for food and basic mechanisms of subsistence; Likewise, union protests were
generated against massive layoffs and labor abuses, but they were neither picked
up by the institutional left nor were policies in favor of these sectors
generated. And today there is talk of moving towards a process of a Constituent
Assembly and a new Constitution. As a political slogan it is encouraging, but on
what basis? About what organized community? On what level of mass representation?
With what left as a consensual vanguard?
Regarding the recent mobilizations in various parts of the country, it is true
that these are citizen marches originally convened against the spurious Congress
and its illegitimate vacancy, it is true that there is a presence of
opportunistic politicians seeking to fish in a troubled river (Guzmán, Forsyth,
Mendoza, Humala , etc.), it is true that its general character is liberal and
functional to the defense of a supposed corrupt and corrupting democracy, it is
true that it is not a working-class protest. But it is not correct to make a
derogatory analysis or to insult the bulk of the mobilized mass as if it were a
simple bourgeois parade. Right now this mobilization has brought together many
people who are not going to defend Vizcarra, because we see the presence of
workers and students who are not in favor of the vacated government,
There are several detainees who will be processed, there are wounded by tear gas
and pellets, there is generalized repression. And this should call us to
immediate solidarity and to seek to deepen the current scenario of social
conflict. The moment must be tightened to move from institutionalist defense to
popular protest, to move from diffuse indignation to open class struggle,
focusing that the vacancy is irrelevant or harmful if the abolition of the
Fujimori Constitution that we suffer is not considered.
It seems that this social demonstration is clarifying its course of not defending
a particular vacated regime or politician, but rather that it goes against the
seizure of powers by right-wing political sectors interested in polarizing the
country with their own agenda. Then, it could be opportune to continue tense the
moment and lay open criticism from the streets towards the economic model and its
reactionary Constitution.
Therefore, "criticisms" from a certain puerile sectarianism or biased purism
against the protesters in action are rejected. We can disagree, we can question
citizenship forms, we can - and we must - confront institutionalist demands, but
we do not repeat the attacks of the reactionary right itself, disqualifying the
mobilized people as simple "vizcarristas." It is urgent to have a more objective
and militant reading to interpret social processes that may be outside our
"correct leftist meter", but that are still social spaces of direct incidence to
build demands of greater historical significance. And from this,
Old chips on the new board
Before it became official, it was already known that Antero Flores-Aráoz would
assume as Prime Minister of the illegitimate government of Manuel Merino. And
beyond remembering all the racist, elitist, homophobic, arrogant, defender of the
corrupt and reactionary profile of this character (something that is obviously
true), it would be interesting to see the background and the political message of
this acceptance in that position key.
As is known, Flores-Araóz was a deputy for the Fredemo (ultra-liberal party) in
the early 90s, then he was a congressman for the conservative Christian Popular
Party (PPC) during the Fujimorato, he was also president of Parliament
(2004-2005), He was also a permanent representative of Peru to the OAS (2007),
later he became Minister of Defense (2007-2009) of the second government of Alan
García, and then we saw him running - unsuccessfully - to the presidency of Peru
for the Party Order that he himself founded and disappeared. Today he is vice
president of the Republican Coordinator (a conglomerate of ultra-conservative
politicians, denialist leaders, leaders of "With my children you don't mess with
me," followers of conspiracy theories, retired high-ranking military personnel,
self-confessed fascist, etc.).
So, this recent dispute between the right-wing, between factions of the
traditional oligarchy (entourage behind Vizcarra) and the new provincial
bourgeoisie (partners and immediate surroundings of Merino) in the eyes of big
capital had to come out of its trap and generate an air of confidence to the
owners of the national economy. If already transnational entities such as the
Bank of America showed their concern about the "populism of Merino", Confiep had
to intervene to calm the waters and place a creole and elitist guarantor for the
attempt of the provincial right.
Therefore, it is clear that the new Flores-Araóz cabinet must radiate confidence
in the national and foreign big bourgeoisie. They should be concerned that so far
no president of the region has greeted them. And you have to see who will be
appointed in the Ministry of Economy, Defense and the Foreign Ministry, which are
always key positions that paint the true profile of a regime.
And now that?
Move towards a Constituent Assembly process? Constituent Popular Assembly? New
Constitution? On what basis? Are there conditions of form and substance for such
an aspect? Is there any tangible difference between Vizcarra and Merino that
makes it possible to demand the termination of the current Constitution?
Civil disobedience and insurgency against an illegitimate government? What is the
reading on the correlation of forces in the popular field? What balance to draw
from the recent role of the parliamentary left? Is there a representative left at
the mass level? What is the scenario for 2021?
Everyone leaves? And how do you achieve that? What comes next? Is there a clear
political spectrum to the left that allows us to see what can happen after this
juncture? With what sectors, within the social movements, could a mass
articulation be generated? General Strike to defeat the current regime? What or
who assumes the call? What are the trade union centrals in our country today?
The questions are many and must be resolved in the heat of the developing popular
process itself. An alternative must be built from below that clarifies the
panorama and directs us towards a north in benefit of the interests of the
working class and social movements. It is necessary to move from citizen outrage
to confrontation with the economic model and the political system, in addition to
extending and intensifying popular protest at the national level. Clearly it is
time to bet on direct mass action and solidarity with the mobilized people and
put on the table for discussion the frontal rejection of the Fujimori
Constitution, its defenders and its false critics. Based on this dynamic, it is
possible to prepare a General Strike and an articulated platform of struggle to
establish a viable solution to the crisis generated.
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32085
------------------------------
inter-bourgeois dispute in Peru by Franz Verne (de, it ca,
pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
On October 3rd members of the much-hated Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) shot a
young man, dumped his body at the side of the road and stole his car. This murder
was recorded on a videocamera and then went viral on social media. This set off
three weeks of demonstrations against police brutality and against corruption in
Nigeria, demonstrations that lasted three weeks. ---- At first the government
headed by President Muhammadu Buhari, promised the disbanding of SARS and
supposedly replaced with a new unit, SWAT (Special Weapons and Tactics). In fact,
the same SARS personnel now made up the new SWAT outfit. Only a name had been
changed.
Because of this, the demonstrations continued. Next, the Nigerian State responded
with its old standby, violence. This in part involved the government hiring
criminal thugs to attack demonstrators. This too, failed to intimidate and so now
the military was brought out onto the streets and curfews were imposed in various
cities. These protests were now becoming increasingly radicalised, with attacks
on the police.
By October 20, however, the protests had spread across Nigeria. Some of the
assets of the Nigerian ruling class were also targeted during these protests,
banks, public buildings, TV and media buildings, shopping malls etc., and the
largest and most lucrative toll road in the country, Lekki, in Lagos, was
blockaded. On that day the military attempted to brutally end the protests and
shot dead at least 12 unarmed people at the Lekki tollgate. So far 1,500 people
have been arrested and 69 have been killed by police and military.
The median age of the Nigerian population is 19 years, and large numbers of
youth, disenfranchised, unemployed or in low paid jobs, took part in the
demonstrations. There was unity beyond ethnic, tribal and religious divisions.
The murder was a spark that ignited widespread anger among the population, where
the interests of the old colonial power are allowed to continue to make huge
profits, where corruption is engrained within the political system, and where a
small ruling elite was able to pocket a staggering $20 trillion between 1960 and
2005. Unemployment stands at 27.1%. The government has signally failed to handle
the spiralling problem of the coronavirus. Food, fuel and electricity are soaring
in prices. All of these factors came together in a wave of social unrest.
The SARS was provided with training and arms by the British government in 2019,
through the Conflict, Stability and Security Fund (CSSF) of the Foreign Office.
The British government wishes to protect its interests in Nigeria, in particular
with Shell Oil which has many investments in the Niger delta. The SARS unit is a
State sanctioned criminal gang. It regularly robs people, and tortures and extorts.
The government is now trying to close down social media and freeze bank accounts
of activists. Nevertheless, these demonstrations have proved to be the largest in
Nigerian history. Whether the movement can grow, can establish its own class
based committees remains to be seen, in face of the increasing State repression.
www.ilrigsa.org.za/2020/11/10/nigeria-and-the-hope-of-the-endsars-protests/
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2020/11/26/demonstrations-against-the-police-in-nigeria-and-murder-by-the-military/
------------------------------
Message: 2
The strike on November 26 was called at a time when the outbreak of the health
crisis and the pandemic highlight in the most brutal way the criminal, parasitic
and anti-social nature of the state, which is indifferent to human life and the
vast majority of society and is only interested in preserving the privileges of
the powerful and maximizing the profits of the bosses. In this context, the
demonstrations and the demands are targeted as a health bomb, while the crisis is
used as an opportunity for the anti-social plans of the state and the bosses to
proceed without resistance. ---- Early in the morning, the entire city center was
occupied (once again) by police forces of all kinds in order to prevent the
holding of the strike rallies that had been called in the Branch by anarchist
collectives ( call of the Horseman / member of the APO and call of the Open
Assembly of Anarchists of Patras ) and Olga Square by organizations of the Left.
In response to the occupation of the announced gathering points, about 40
anarchist comrades immediately gathered in Hagia Sophia Square, calling on the
public to join the rally. For about an hour, hundreds of texts were distributed
and slogans were shouted, while the banner of the rally read "The crisis of the
coronavirus to be paid by the bosses". Soon, strong police forces began to gather
around the square.
Around 12 quarter, about 60 comrades started marching towards the police station
in the city, causing panic among the police forces who were running to regroup.
At the intersection of Constantinople with Favierou, an OPKE squad blocked the
demonstration. The comrades calmly moved towards the adjacent public market that
existed in the neighborhood at that time, which they entered with pulse and slogans.
The cops, confused, remained at a distance and the demonstration ended at the end
of the rally, from where everyone left safely.
In the midst of a pandemic and a health crisis, at a time when the state and its
bosses are launching another attack on society and the labor acquis, we must
regroup, overcoming the objective difficulties posed by the danger of the virus,
but also the subjective ones that it methodically cultivates. and introduces the
state aiming at the suppression of the resistance and the control of the
population. Respecting all the measures of self-protection of the society as a
whole and with the main concern of defending the life of all of us against the
death policy of the state and the bosses, to try to take to the streets again.
To continue to fight for the needs of society as a whole, with the main concern
being the prosperity and service of society and not a caste of powerful people,
who lead humanity to the dystopia of death, misery and control.
Solidarity with health workers. Immediate and unconditional mass recruitment of
medical and nursing staff, ordering of private hospitals and provision of all
required resources and means, in order to meet the needs of the population in
care. Heavy and unhealthy stamps on all personal health as well as provision so
as not to lead to utter exhaustion and serious risks to their own health.
Do not pass the new roller to work. Hands off jobs and employee gains. No
layoffs, no cuts in salaries and pensions. No thought of banning strikes and
trade unionism. The coronavirus crisis to be paid by the bosses.
Organization at the base - Social self-defense - Class counterattack!
Strikes - Demonstrations - Conflicts
https://ipposd.wordpress.com/
------------------------------
Message: 3
Anarchist Group Amsterdam joins the week of solidarity with anarchists and
antifascists of Belarus. Come with us to the center of Amsterdam this Sunday to
show your support for fighters against Lukashenko dictatorship! ---- In 26 years,
dictator Lukashenko has built a system aimed at suppressing any political life.
The coronavirus and a number of economic problems have greatly changed what is
happening in the country. In a few months, Belarusians have learned to
self-organize. The presidential elections provoked a wave of the largest protest
in the country's history! But the tyrant does not want to give up his throne. At
least 5 people were killed (some died under strange circumstances). Thousands of
people were beaten and disabled by the violence of the police. More than 15
thousand have been detained and sentenced on administrative cases. More than 500
criminal cases have been initiated. At least 200 people are awaiting trial in the
pre-trial detention center.
Anarchists have always stood up against tyranny and dictatorship. Regardless of
the color of the flag, raised by authoritarianism over this or that corner of the
planet. So it is not surprising that anarchists are actively involved in the
uprising against the dictator Lukashenko in Belarus.
During the uprising, many of our comrades ended up in prison. Now at least 10
anarchists and antifascists are serving administrative arrests. In addition, 10
anarchists and 4 anti-fascists are waiting for criminal courts, punishment for
some of them reaches 20 years in prison.
We call on you to join the demo and show by action your support for revolutionary
anarchists and antifascists fighting against the occupation regime of Lukashenko!
Beursplein, Amsterdam. Sunday, 29 Nov, 14:00
http://agamsterdam.org
Anarchist Group Amsterdam
https://www.vrijebond.org/demonstration-in-solidarity-with-belarus-amsterdam/
------------------------------
Message: 4
"It is not us who return to the past, but the past that threatens to come back to
us." ---- Georges Bernanos, "Munich" Le Chemin de la Croix-des-Ames, 1942 ----
The political staff that currently serves the capital controlling the state
administration and more specifically the head of the Ministry of Civil
Protection, M. Chrysochoidis tried several days before November 17 to set a
political trap in the forces of the revolutionary movement for reasons which will
touch below. The objective of this choice was to create a condition in which
power and government would emerge victorious in any turn of political
developments. The basis of the "trapping" was the protest ten days before the
anniversary of the Technical University of the Minister for a complete ban on
established demonstrations.
The government staff, having lost control at all levels and especially on the
front of the pandemic, is trying to turn the loss into a profit, permanently
bringing forward the police, which is currently its most loyal ally and at the
same time a decisive political player for its mobilization. part of the far-right
base of the ruling party. At the same time, it is exhausting the possibilities of
repressive intervention, wishing to consolidate new negative data in the
confrontation with the contestants, taking advantage of the health crisis brought
about by the dangerous pandemic and its equally dangerous policy. If the
organized revolutionary movement did not raise the glove of confrontation then
the government could occupy the entire public space undisturbed with the army of
the repressive forces,
At the same time, the planning for the occupation of the cities by the police
army is in any case a pre-general of the strategic implementation of the
"preventive counter-insurgency", which is a firm doctrine from now on of the
state power mechanism. The rapid and great weakening of social legitimacy
vis-.-Vis the government but also state arbitrariness and authoritarianism in
general, has created permanent conditions of emergency for the oppressors. On the
other hand,
This plan failed miserably. Not one of their (increasingly declining) lobotomized
voters was convinced of this misery. And this is due to the exemplary,
responsible and competitive attitude of the fighters. The government's plan was
thrown in the trash by the movement's action. Instead of crushing those who broke
the vulgar and persuasive junta ban that was applied exclusively for the four
days from November 15 to 18, they came out even stronger, more powerful and more
consistent in the eyes of the oppressed and the exploited. Because they were
represented by the comrades who took to the streets on November 17, because only
their opinion matters to us - and no one else.
The universal ban itself may have created a suffocating siege for those who
wished to break it, but at the same time it demonstrated in broad layers to all
progressive people the horrific instrumentalization of the pandemic by the human
beings who manage the fortunes and lives of people of social base. . The arrest
of several dozen anarchists who tried to occupy the Polytechnic and the
Polytechnic in Athens, the arrests of leftists and the calls for apologies of
militants throughout the territory, the set up of prosecutorial interventions
against ENITH doctors and other actions that unfolded they came to prove on their
own the hypocrisy of state management to anyone who had the slightest intention
of perceiving it.
This time, forces of both the parliamentary and the extra-parliamentary Left also
appeared. In our opinion, their appearance based on previous experiences (eg
Makedoniko or even recently in gatherings in Patras) was not self-evident and
there were oscillations in relation to their final attitude, which also stemmed
from their timeless legal attitude. But if the leftists at the end of the
conversation were not left with other options, the same would not be true for the
KKE. On the one hand the intensity of the ban by the government and on the other
the pressure of the revolutionary space and the anarchists, who had already
expressed their intentions (breaking the ban) but also some of their moves
(occupation of the Polytechnic) played a role in the mobilization. the forces of
a number of political actors.
The KKE, after first dealing with the shielding of its position in the
bourgeoisie, protected its ears and avoided isolation, co-signing for the first
time a joint text with the SYRIZA orthodoxists (it was preceded at the end of
October of Tsipras vs. Stournara) -while he was even looking forward to his
signing by KIN.AL. who refused - and could more comfortably make the "avant-garde
of movements" for a day. SYRIZA reiterated in practice its deeply bourgeois
nature, reflecting in its refusal to participate in a demonstration its view of
who it considers to represent. At the same time, taking the opposite path from
the KKE, he seized the opportunity presented to him -through the co-signing of
the common text- to turn left for one day. While Varoufakis chose to make the old
SYRIZA of 3%, fortunately failed. The chrysanthemums of the common bum
Chrysochoidis in Sakorafa and the conduct of a "preliminary examination" against
the party leaders simply show that they are immoderate bastards.
Throughout the country, the anarchist movement fought a hard battle and, despite
the losses that logically result in real conditions of total confrontation, won
it. Nowhere could there be even half a propaganda image of overcrowding and lack
of measures, on the basis of which the spokesmen of the authorities would try to
disorient the social body. On the contrary, the role of state administration in
the spread of the pandemic emerged even on this day, with the "gathering" of
thousands and thousands of police officers and the suffocating conditions that
were created in many cases after their intervention. Even in these two-legged
puppets of the Greek Police, their expendable nature did not go unnoticed, as
well as their bosses, but their structural stupidity and their non-negotiable
fascism, It allows them to carry out their criminal duties with joy and appetite.
Another element that we must touch on is the role of the anarchists in this
critical turning point of the confrontation with the state. The forces of the
anarchists, and in fact to a certain extent organized, all over Greece, and
especially in the periphery, were the ones who mainly raised their gloves and
defended people and meanings.
Banner of APO at the main gate of the Polytechnic in Athens.
From Xanthi, Ioannina, Patras, Karditsa to Heraklion, Rethymno and Chania, the
anarchist movement played a leading role in organizing acts of disobedience.
Everywhere with the common goal of claiming better conditions of care, providing
food and housing for all, while honoring the dead fighters of the Polytechnic
uprising and the dead of the Metapolitism. The role of the movement was extremely
important, the movements found social effects and were, above all, a clear
political response to modern totalitarianism. In any case, from the morning of
November 17 until late in the afternoon, it was in any case a resounding
response. It is becoming increasingly apparent that the government's crackdown on
the anarchist movement, which continues unabated,
As the local coordination of APO in the city, we decided without hesitation that
our dynamic presence on the road on November 17 is a one-way street. On November
9, we published a poster and a text with which we clarified our position once and
for all: "At the Polytechnic, the anarchists will be present, not because of some
ideological whim, but because if we do not ensure today that the oppressed will
be able to resist their executioners , then we are already dead! "
Our decision was to support the call of the focus students of SOFETH and at the
same time our organized participation in any central movement to break the ban.
The exemplary struggle of the students of SOFETH was the only process that was
able to set a peak in the gloomy environment of quarantine and at the same time
the only organized and real student mobilization during the days of the
Polytechnic. After many days of occupying the hearth building and turning it into
a struggle center, which the students defended against the police provocations
and after symbolically occupying the AUTh rector's office, the contestants
succeeded in (in any other self-evident) free application of the test for
covid-19. But even then mockery was the rule, as an insufficient number of tests
were sent for all interns. Equally important was the Association's decision to de
facto turn a demand struggle into a purely political field with the call for a
rally on November 17 and the breaking of the ban.
Banners and blocks of APO in the gathering that took place in the dormitories.
Thus, the Association of Focal Students of Thessaloniki, together with the
solidarity groups who chose the centers as a point of manifestation of their
disobedience to countless police forces, became the first social body to break
the ban throughout the country. The cool attitude of the comrades towards the
total confinement imposed by the police for 8 hours helped significantly, among
other things, in facilitating the movement of further forces in the city center.
The breaking of the ban was manifested by a sudden gathering (Tsimiski & Hagia
Sophia) of forces of anarchist and leftist organizations. Our decision to take an
active part in this front as well is considered appropriate, as he threw his
glove back at the state and raised the issue of dealing with an illegal
demonstration. Looking back, and having seen the face of our city early in the
morning, when hundreds of uniforms were unfolding everywhere in the absence of
even passers-by, we really can not think of what city we would wake up to on the
18th if no one left their house at 17 We consider that after the rallies of
Kamara and Propylaea in January 2018 against the fascist spirit of the national
body, the rallies of November 17 are another historic milestone in the course of
our movement, precisely those who turn the so-called "space" into something much
bigger, much bigger, much more dangerous for power. During both the quarantine
and in particular the preparation for November 17, we reaffirmed the usefulness
of the Organization in the process of the struggle.
Banners and blocks of APO in the gathering in the city center.
During the police intervention to dissolve the concentration dozens were fined in
the center (also in other places as far as we know) and the morning were also
made dozens of arrests, six of them were turned into arrests. The three belong to
different organizations of the Left and the other three are members of the APO,
while another 3 members of the APO were brought in from the same place and fined.
The three arrested, who were also fined € 300, were charged with disobedience and
violating disease prevention measures, and after spending a night in detention,
from where they were taken to court, passing the highway procedure, received a
postponement and are awaiting appointment. of their trial.
Photo of comrades and competitors through the courtroom.
The movements of resistance, disobedience and counterattack do not exclusively
concern the part of the organized forces, but at the moment they represent many
more. With this in mind in the near future we will seek the necessary political
and financial support from the oppressed, as well as seek as much interaction as
possible with the people who want to participate in the struggle, which continues
and will win. Long live Anarchy!
MATCHES ARE NOT LEGAL OR ILLEGAL ARE FAIR
RESISTANCE TO MODERN INTEGRATION | THE STRUGGLE WILL EITHER BE A REPLACEMENT OR
NOTHING
https://maurokokkino1936.wordpress.com/2020/11/27/
------------------------------
Message: 5
What role for animals in human societies ? It is a central point of ecological
reflection, where two major ethical questions converge: that of animal suffering
and exploitation on the one hand, and on the other, that of animal husbandry as
it is. is determined by capitalism, where peasants are just as much exploited
subjects by a system. Is it a question of managing the breeding as it exists, of
reducing its ecological footprint, animal and human suffering ? On the contrary,
is it a question of completely breaking away from this model ? And how ?
Alternative Libertaire invites this debate in its columns. ---- The animalist
struggle is sometimes accused of complacency towards capitalism. Far from the
individualistic aims sometimes put forward, we believe that the animal cause and
the anti-capitalist struggle can be mutually articulated and enriched.
Libertarians have always refused the hierarchy of struggles and wanted to
understand the specificities of each system of domination. The animal cause was
also one of the major interests of anarchists, especially during the Belle Époque
[1]. In this perspective, we defend the taking into account of the interests of
animals, and denounce the refusal to worry about them on the pretext of the
anti-capitalist struggle.
Read also: Jocelyne Porcher (Inrae): " Peasant breeding in coexistence with
cellular agriculture is illusory " , Alternative libertaire, November 2020.
Take into account the interests of animals
We breed, exploit and kill animals for our food or clothing consumption, we lock
them up for entertainment, we test our cosmetics and drugs on them - the list
goes on. However, scientific research, particularly in ethology [2]show us that
many species form societies, made up of sensitive individuals with specific
interests. These individuals organize themselves with social roles, feel
emotions: fear, joy, boredom or even empathy. They also have, to varying degrees,
levels of consciousness allowing them to know that they exist, that others exist,
and not wanting to die. It therefore seems to us that we must respect and take
into account these other individuals and societies, in our way of building our own.
Although we cannot " socialize " with animals the same way as with humans, we
can envision a libertarian society free from animal exploitation. Indeed,
although they are presented as evidence of the natural order, products of animal
origin are replaceable. We are thus defending a libertarian economic and
agricultural project including massive revegetation of food, especially since
plant proteins are ecologically preferable crops - they require less space and
produce (much) less greenhouse gas. greenhouse in particular [3].
For ecology as for the animal cause, the exit from capitalism is a condition
certainly insufficient, but essential.
red photo library
This libertarian and ecological society project does not require, contrary to
popular belief, advanced technologies such as synthetic meat or industrial
substitutes. The only constraint is the production of vitamin B12, not present in
the vegetable diet, but simple to produce locally and inexpensive energy [4]..
The livestock industry is currently trying to restore its image with arguments
about " exploitation on a human scale ", claiming to limit animal suffering.
For this, it uses a few farms whose practices, on the one hand, are marginal, on
the other hand, often stem more from the declaration of intent than from reality:
" small farms " and local slaughterhouses are not idyllic places. , the
animals also suffer there (and this, whereas no product resulting from the
breeding is essential for us for our consumption).
As libertarians, we share the criticisms made of vegan movements which aim to
transform society through a change in individual practices, and are often based
on guilt. We also denounce the collusion of certain organizations with parts of
the food industry. However, it is essential to remember that this collusion does
not structure the entire movement.
That multinationals invest in advance in vegan products and seize a niche market,
nothing more expected. It seems flawed to us to deduce from this a general
complicity between animal activists and industry, at the risk of an almost
conspiratorial overinterpretation: the whole of the animal cause would be
manipulated by the industry to convert us to their future products, then that
their current production already has a stranglehold on the food market ?
A society without animal exploitation is possible
As for us, the animal cause as we see it is inherently anti-capitalist. Indeed,
the transition from an industry based on livestock to a largely vegetated
production would call into question entire sections of our economy (agro-food,
clothing, pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, etc.). This transition, defended for
ethical reasons, is radically incompatible with the capitalist imperative of
profitability.
In addition, taking into account the interests of animals also necessarily
implies the end of the destruction of ecosystems (which are their living
environments), which implies urgently fighting for the preservation of the
environment - while in a capitalist regime , environmental destruction will
continue as long as it is profitable.
In other words, for ecology as for the animal cause, the exit from capitalism is
a condition certainly insufficient, but essential. We do not advocate a reformist
change based on laws concerning the types of breeding or the limits of acceptable
suffering, but a revolutionary transformation of society involving a fundamental
rethink of our relationship to the exploitation and domination of animals. .
We are opposed to the absurd logic which would like that, in order to continue to
live with animals, it is necessary to necessarily exploit and kill them without
necessity. We have confidence in the capacity of a society, freed from
capitalism, to reinvent other modes of coexistence while supporting peasant
agriculture. While this prospect may seem distant, we won't wait any longer to
work on it.
UCL Animal Condition Working Group
Validate
[1] On the animal cause and an analysis of anarchist differences on this
question, we can read Anarchy and Animal Cause , two volumes, published by Le
Monde libertaire.
[2] Discipline that studies the behavior of animal species.
[3] We also underline that the soya intended for human consumption is for the
most part cultivated in France or in neighboring countries, and not imported from
South America as we still read too often.
[4] We thus see the development of local productions of B12 in France.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Allier-cause-animale-et-anticapitalisme
------------------------------
Message: 6
The instrumentation of the crisis in health terms by the government shows that
beyond its deliberate inability to fortify the public health system, it found
suitable territory to accelerate repressive measures, with even more police
state. It imposes confinement and terrorizes her with exorbitant fines en masse
society, while pushing the vast majority of the working class into poverty and
unemployment potential. At the same time, it feeds millions of systemic media and
the "immortals", throwing a dry-cut bonus to the poor to "plug it". -- Legislates
reactionary against the working class, with bankruptcy codes, labor bills,
university police, bills criminalizing trade unionism action, while bullying
antifascists, arresting teenagers and even abusing Specifically, through the
announcements of the Prime Minister at the TIF, it is obvious that Simultaneously
with the pandemic, state mechanisms are doing "overtime", targeting whatever
has been left out of labor rights, as they are now considered "obsolete
arrangements of the last century ". In short, with the new labor bill that
It is about to be voted in November, the abolition of the 8 o'clock comes and
institutionalization 10 hours, employees should be more "flexible" and will be
more "rubber", since overtime will have no limit and will not be paid but will
"Offset" with breaks or part-time at semester depth. Still, the bill
contains the substantial abolition of the strike in public and communal services
utilities (transport, ports, telecommunications, energy), since security
personnel will should be 40%, so as not to interrupt production and promote
criminalization of the strike and the trade union action after both the strike
gathering outside the workplace as well as guarding it will be criminal
offense and sabotage of collective and trade union proceedings, if they will
must be made compulsorily and exclusively online, with a complete dossier of
participants in the General Register of Trade Unions of Employees (GEMISOE).
At the same time, the looted insurance funds are being hit even harder
pandemic, as the state, with the "soft" persuasions of large employers, reduces
the percentage of the latter's contributions to the insurance funds (ie the
amounts that so far translated into support of care, unemployment benefits and
pensions).
Through the bonus policy pursued, attempts are being made to silence the
while restricting junta-type traffic measures
in order to pass laws and regulations depriving the right to
protest. All this, following the "COOPERATION" program, where the state
He "poured" part of the salaries of the employees to the bosses, transforming,
gradually the salary in allowance and giving freedom and alibi to the latter, not
to pay her work they buy and exploit.
As for sections of society that resist, one takes place more and more
more extreme repression with raids on public spaces, evacuations of squatters and
attacks to children (14-year-old students and 5-year-old children). However,
waving his finger at social base, the government spends twice on equipment, cops,
millions in canals and "long walks" while giggling that there are no "money
trees" for health, education, insurance and transport.
Against the governmental doctrine of individual responsibility, we propose
collective and class vigilance.
We rally in the workplace, in grassroots unions and in labor unions
collectives in our area, we form Libertarian unions outside and in rupture with
him regime trade unionism of GSEE-ADEDY in the direction of the formation of a
revolutionary labor confederation.
WE ARE NOT TERRORIZED! WE ARE ANGRY!
LET'S EXPAND OUR ACCUMULATED WRATH ON THEM!
TO TRANSFORM OUR ANGRY IN A MATCH!
NO SINGLE - NO SINGLE!
NOVEMBER 26 WE STRIKE AND CLAIM:
Withdrawal of the anti-labor-anti-union bill Vroutsi.
Not in the "payment" of overtime on breaks or leave
Hands down from the unions. No to criminalizing trade union action.
Do not charge any day of regular leave
working parents for Special Purpose licenses under
measures to address the covid - 19 pandemic.
No replenishment of time off work
workers in quarantine
No withholding on the Christmas Gift
Public health system support, mass appointments
sanitary, now new ICU units, order of the private sector
health,
Strengthen MMM, hire drivers, renew and increase the bus fleet.
Free test for all, employed, unemployed, immigrants
STRIKE CONCENTRATION IN
PL. KLAFTHMONOS WITH EVERYTHING
HYGIENE MEASURES
PROTECTION AT 11:00
HYGIENE MEASURES
PROTECTION AT 11:00
Liberal Union of Athens
ese-ath@espiv.net
------------------------------
Message: 7
Fall and rise of the same political model ---- It is clear that this was always
an inter-bourgeois dispute, between two right-wing factions, each representing
their own interests and political agendas. And in this contest, the one with the
least strategic backing lost. The fall of Vizcarra demonstrates a weakened
Executive lacking governance, because - among other things - it never had a
parliamentary bench to back it up and stop the onslaught of the Legislature,
which did manage to reach a consensus on its attack en bloc under the worn out
ruse of the "anti-corruption struggle», When it was always clear that in both
powers of the State the level of putrefaction is truly alarming. Now, with the
seizure of power by Manuel Merino, who is doomed to convene a ministerial cabinet
according to his parliamentary partners, a new distribution of power begins, let
there be no doubt.
Peru is entering a new political crisis within the generalized panorama of a
health and socioeconomic megacrisis that it was already experiencing due to the
global pandemic. This time, Parliament approved the presidential vacancy against
Martín Vizcarra under the argument of "permanent moral incapacity" due to a
series of indications and blatant accusations about acts of corruption that would
come from the time he served as regional president in Moquegua. Beyond going into
well-known details about the process of defenestration of Vizcarra and the
inauguration of Manuel Merino (then president of Parliament), we are interested
in focusing on the political core of the matter and its immediate impact on our
people.
Character of the conflict
It is clear that this was always an inter-bourgeois dispute, between two
right-wing factions, each representing their own interests and political agendas.
And in this contest, the one with the least strategic backing lost. The fall of
Vizcarra demonstrates a weakened Executive lacking governance, because - among
other things - it never had a parliamentary bench to back it up and stop the
onslaught of the Legislature, which did manage to reach a consensus on its attack
en bloc under the worn out ruse of the "anti-corruption struggle», When it was
always clear that in both powers of the State the level of putrefaction is truly
alarming. Now, with the seizure of power by Manuel Merino, who is doomed to
convene a ministerial cabinet according to his parliamentary partners, a new
distribution of power begins, let there be no doubt.
Now, the mess has been eminently political, without disrupting the economic
factor. In this institutional crisis, Confiep has not been affected; on the
contrary, he had no qualms about distancing himself quickly (via public
pronouncement) from the vacant Vizcarra whom they abandon as a replaceable piece,
as a worn out politician without his own party, as a bad strategist who quickly
self-liquidated; and now they welcome Merino, a man with a traditional right-wing
party (Popular Action) and with a clear record in defense of the national status
quo. And in this shed, the Armed Forces have fulfilled the usual role:
safeguarding the interests of the elite with greater capacity for socio-political
control. While the presidency of Congress remains in the hands of Luis Valdez
(Alliance for Progress),
With regard to the legality of the approved vacancy, it should be noted that two
months ago, in the context of the first presidential vacancy attempt, the
Executive presented a competency claim and a precautionary measure, in which it
was proposed that Congress He could not vacate the President, since the
assumptions of moral incapacity are too lax. The injunction was rejected and on
that issue there is no going back, but the underlying demand still exists. So,
for some analysts, the Constitutional Court generated, in part, this problem when
it did not resolve the injunction in time. If he had admitted said measure at the
time, he would have ordered Congress not to pronounce on any vacancy in
application of the assumption of permanent moral incapacity, as long as the
underlying issue is not resolved in the aforementioned competence claim. And
although the official ruling of the TC is still awaited, this could be a mere
formal procedure that would no longer change the course of things.
Parliamentary left and popular clamor
The role of the left - in very general terms - at this juncture has been diffuse,
scattered or inconsequential. During the development of the pandemic, there was a
clear divorce between the parliamentary left and official progressivism regarding
the demands and hustle and bustle of the affected population. There were
processes of struggle or mobilization in neighborhoods and communities looking
for food and basic mechanisms of subsistence; Likewise, union protests were
generated against massive layoffs and labor abuses, but they were neither picked
up by the institutional left nor were policies in favor of these sectors
generated. And today there is talk of moving towards a process of a Constituent
Assembly and a new Constitution. As a political slogan it is encouraging, but on
what basis? About what organized community? On what level of mass representation?
With what left as a consensual vanguard?
Regarding the recent mobilizations in various parts of the country, it is true
that these are citizen marches originally convened against the spurious Congress
and its illegitimate vacancy, it is true that there is a presence of
opportunistic politicians seeking to fish in a troubled river (Guzmán, Forsyth,
Mendoza, Humala , etc.), it is true that its general character is liberal and
functional to the defense of a supposed corrupt and corrupting democracy, it is
true that it is not a working-class protest. But it is not correct to make a
derogatory analysis or to insult the bulk of the mobilized mass as if it were a
simple bourgeois parade. Right now this mobilization has brought together many
people who are not going to defend Vizcarra, because we see the presence of
workers and students who are not in favor of the vacated government,
There are several detainees who will be processed, there are wounded by tear gas
and pellets, there is generalized repression. And this should call us to
immediate solidarity and to seek to deepen the current scenario of social
conflict. The moment must be tightened to move from institutionalist defense to
popular protest, to move from diffuse indignation to open class struggle,
focusing that the vacancy is irrelevant or harmful if the abolition of the
Fujimori Constitution that we suffer is not considered.
It seems that this social demonstration is clarifying its course of not defending
a particular vacated regime or politician, but rather that it goes against the
seizure of powers by right-wing political sectors interested in polarizing the
country with their own agenda. Then, it could be opportune to continue tense the
moment and lay open criticism from the streets towards the economic model and its
reactionary Constitution.
Therefore, "criticisms" from a certain puerile sectarianism or biased purism
against the protesters in action are rejected. We can disagree, we can question
citizenship forms, we can - and we must - confront institutionalist demands, but
we do not repeat the attacks of the reactionary right itself, disqualifying the
mobilized people as simple "vizcarristas." It is urgent to have a more objective
and militant reading to interpret social processes that may be outside our
"correct leftist meter", but that are still social spaces of direct incidence to
build demands of greater historical significance. And from this,
Old chips on the new board
Before it became official, it was already known that Antero Flores-Aráoz would
assume as Prime Minister of the illegitimate government of Manuel Merino. And
beyond remembering all the racist, elitist, homophobic, arrogant, defender of the
corrupt and reactionary profile of this character (something that is obviously
true), it would be interesting to see the background and the political message of
this acceptance in that position key.
As is known, Flores-Araóz was a deputy for the Fredemo (ultra-liberal party) in
the early 90s, then he was a congressman for the conservative Christian Popular
Party (PPC) during the Fujimorato, he was also president of Parliament
(2004-2005), He was also a permanent representative of Peru to the OAS (2007),
later he became Minister of Defense (2007-2009) of the second government of Alan
García, and then we saw him running - unsuccessfully - to the presidency of Peru
for the Party Order that he himself founded and disappeared. Today he is vice
president of the Republican Coordinator (a conglomerate of ultra-conservative
politicians, denialist leaders, leaders of "With my children you don't mess with
me," followers of conspiracy theories, retired high-ranking military personnel,
self-confessed fascist, etc.).
So, this recent dispute between the right-wing, between factions of the
traditional oligarchy (entourage behind Vizcarra) and the new provincial
bourgeoisie (partners and immediate surroundings of Merino) in the eyes of big
capital had to come out of its trap and generate an air of confidence to the
owners of the national economy. If already transnational entities such as the
Bank of America showed their concern about the "populism of Merino", Confiep had
to intervene to calm the waters and place a creole and elitist guarantor for the
attempt of the provincial right.
Therefore, it is clear that the new Flores-Araóz cabinet must radiate confidence
in the national and foreign big bourgeoisie. They should be concerned that so far
no president of the region has greeted them. And you have to see who will be
appointed in the Ministry of Economy, Defense and the Foreign Ministry, which are
always key positions that paint the true profile of a regime.
And now that?
Move towards a Constituent Assembly process? Constituent Popular Assembly? New
Constitution? On what basis? Are there conditions of form and substance for such
an aspect? Is there any tangible difference between Vizcarra and Merino that
makes it possible to demand the termination of the current Constitution?
Civil disobedience and insurgency against an illegitimate government? What is the
reading on the correlation of forces in the popular field? What balance to draw
from the recent role of the parliamentary left? Is there a representative left at
the mass level? What is the scenario for 2021?
Everyone leaves? And how do you achieve that? What comes next? Is there a clear
political spectrum to the left that allows us to see what can happen after this
juncture? With what sectors, within the social movements, could a mass
articulation be generated? General Strike to defeat the current regime? What or
who assumes the call? What are the trade union centrals in our country today?
The questions are many and must be resolved in the heat of the developing popular
process itself. An alternative must be built from below that clarifies the
panorama and directs us towards a north in benefit of the interests of the
working class and social movements. It is necessary to move from citizen outrage
to confrontation with the economic model and the political system, in addition to
extending and intensifying popular protest at the national level. Clearly it is
time to bet on direct mass action and solidarity with the mobilized people and
put on the table for discussion the frontal rejection of the Fujimori
Constitution, its defenders and its false critics. Based on this dynamic, it is
possible to prepare a General Strike and an articulated platform of struggle to
establish a viable solution to the crisis generated.
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32085
------------------------------
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten