Today's Topics:
1. Greece, ESE: THE STATE BUDGET FOR 2021 IS EQUAL TO
INHUMANITY AND BARBARISM [machine translation]
INHUMANITY AND BARBARISM [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. lasoli.cnt.cat: THE KURDISH MYTH: CRITICISM OF ABDULLAH
ÖCALAN'S POLITICAL PROJECT - Secretary of Criminal
ÖCALAN'S POLITICAL PROJECT - Secretary of Criminal
Action (ca,
de, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
de, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. UK, anarchist communist ACG: Interview with Goldsmiths rent
striker (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
striker (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL AL #311 - Against
racism, Cognitive dissonance: freedom of expression
racism, Cognitive dissonance: freedom of expression
under control
(de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Greece, Libertarian Initiative of Thessaloniki: Intervention
of AUTh. with paints in 3 ELTA and ELTA Courier stores in
Thessaloniki. [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
of AUTh. with paints in 3 ELTA and ELTA Courier stores in
Thessaloniki. [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Collettivo Anarchico Libertario - Livorno: A RED OAK FOR
GIUSEPPE PINELLI (ca, de, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
GIUSEPPE PINELLI (ca, de, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Icl-cit: We will celebrate the most beautiful feast on the
ruins of the 21st century's greatest hell (ca, de, it, pt)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
And yes it is a fact. In the midst of a global pandemic and as is the natural
consequence of a rapid global economic recession, the state budget for the year
2021 was submitted to the Greek parliament by the government. A budget with
strong class characteristics, like the previous governments. ---- Any common
human logic, in the midst of such a dire situation for all humanity, would expect
a state budget, which would clearly strengthen public health structures, take
care to spend funds for the protection of citizens' health, would take care to
cover the subsidy for the weaker social strata and every vulnerable group in the
country, in addition it would budget for the protection of existing jobs and
would have public money to subsidize the unemployed, whose number has increased
tragically due to the existing conditions.
But not. Against all logic, the extreme right-wing neo-liberal government of the
NEW TERRORISM, which as a "serious Golden Dawn", submits a state budget to the
Greek parliament for the year 2021, which is anything but human, health and
protective for citizens and workers / workers, it is. So this government, which
has recently exceeded all limits of state violence, unnecessary repression and
inhuman policing of the citizens, is taking care to support with big funds the
capital, the industrialists, the shipowners, the clinicians of the private
clinics and all the canals. kind of boss. To strengthen the security forces
materially and spiritually, that is, to hire other thugs, murderous cops, as if
those who already exist are not enough to kill our lives, to hire other soldiers
and invest in armaments warfare, to carry out the plans of the world imperialists
to shed more than the blood of the proletarians. In addition to all this, it cuts
public health funds, abolishes with its barbaric and anti-labor policy any labor
rights earned through bloodshed, deprives even the poorest benefits of the
unemployed and the suspended workers and every helpless man and vulnerable group
of the country.
We call on all of us to react and resist this barbaric and inhumane policy of the
government, which is reflected in the worst way, in the state budget that it
submits. To promote as an antidote to the morbid reality we live in the
self-organization of those below, the participation of all of us in the class and
social struggle and the formation of freedom fighters in independence from state
and capital in the direction of rupture with the regime "unionism" of GSEE-ADEDY
and the creation of a tertiary labor confederation.
WE REQUIRE:
-Increase health spending here and now to save lives, not reductions as planned
in the 2021 budget.
Immediate and effective enforcement of private health structures of primary and
secondary care, without compensation.
- Comprehensive design of primary care, with local covid-19 centers, for
evaluation and first treatment, for decongestion of hospitals.
- Immediate recruitment of staff, to fill as many vacancies as possible for
nursing and medical staff.
- Checking and testing, in all workplaces.
- Immediate recruitment of staff, purchase and launch of new trains and buses,
upgrade of MMM here and now.
- Hands off our labor rights and democratic freedoms.
Withdrawal of the anti-union / anti-labor law.
Liberal Union of Athens
https://ese.espiv.net/
------------------------------
Message: 2
On November 27, 1978, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) was founded in a village
in the Diyarbakir region, Turkey. Its main leader, Abdullah Öcalan, who had
worked as a civil servant, subsequently enrolled in the Faculty of Political
Science at Ankara University, where he established contact with the student
movement. Within this movement, the Kurdish identity began to be claimed,
defending a national liberation struggle that had as its final objective the
self-determination of the Kurdish people. It was precisely a group of young Kurds
and Turks, led by Öcalan, who created the PKK. This political party then declared
itself Marxist-Leninist, and embraced Kurdish nationalism. Their main base of
affiliation was among the peasantry, not among the barely existing proletariat.
After the coup d'état of the Turkish army in 1980 it would be declared illegal
and many of its members imprisoned by the military junta. Already in hiding, they
began the path of armed struggle. Öcalan was detained in early 1999 at the Greek
embassy in Kenya by the Israeli Mossad and the CIA, and handed over to the
Turkish Military Intelligence Service (MIT). Sentenced to life imprisonment,
accused of belonging to a terrorist organization, he has been held until now in
the Turkish island-prison of Imrali. and handed over to the Turkish Military
Intelligence Service (MIT). Sentenced to life imprisonment, accused of belonging
to a terrorist organization, he has been held until now on the Turkish
island-prison of Imrali. and handed over to the Turkish Military Intelligence
Service (MIT). Sentenced to life imprisonment, accused of belonging to a
terrorist organization, he has been held until now in the Turkish island-prison
of Imrali.
During the 1990s, an ideological turn of the PKK had taken place, which
culminated in its VII Extraordinary Congress, from which the political program
for the year 2000 "The Duty of Democratic Transition" was drawn up.[1]In spite of
everything, it is not very credible that overnight a typically Stalinist
hierarchical party embraced the libertarian municipalism of Murray Bookchin. It
was in prison that Öcalan ended up defining the new official ideology of the PKK,
which took the name Democratic Confederalism.[2]In May 2005, the Kurdistan
Peoples' Confederation (KCK) was founded in Turkey to spread - and put into
practice - this doctrine, an organization within which we find from civil
organizations to parties such as the PKK or their counterparts in other regions
outside of Turkey, like the Party of the Democratic Union (PYD). It would,
however, be in northern Syria, where Democratic Confederalism would be put into
practice. In July 2012, in the context of the Syrian civil war, the process known
as the "Rojava revolution" began there. This process has come to be called an
"anarchist revolution," and theorists like David Graeber have contributed to such
confusion.[3]Throughout this article we will help clarify some issues and
disprove this myth. and theorists like David Graeber have contributed to such
confusion.[3]Throughout this article we will help to clarify some issues and
disprove this myth. and theorists like David Graeber have contributed to such
confusion.[3]Throughout this article we will help clarify some issues and
disprove this myth.
DEMOCRATIC CONFEDERALISM AS A SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL PROJECT
In his writing Democratic Confederalism(2005) Öcalan presented a political
project known as Democratic Confederalism. It was considered an alternative
paradigm to that of the characteristic nation-state of capitalist modernity, as
the latter was based on a centralist and bureaucratic understanding of the
administration. The perfect example of a nation-state in the Middle East was that
embodied by the Republic of Turkey. The Öcalan project, allegedly anti-state in
color, stated that it did not intend to found a new nation-state. When referring
to Democratic Confederalism, he stated the following: "This type of
administration can be called non-state political administration or democracy
without a State[...]States are founded on power, democracies are based on
collective consensus[...]Democracies use direct elections. The State uses
coercion as a legitimate means ". Rather, his project "is flexible,
multi-cultural, anti-monopoly and consensus-oriented. Ecology and feminism are
central pillars ".[4]Of course the inspiration in the libertarian municipalism
based on the social ecology of Murray Bookchin or Janet Biehl seems clear,
maintaining that decisions are made at the local level or lie in the community.
He even went so far as to speak of a "democratic nation and democratic
communism."[5]maintaining that decisions are made at the local level or lie in
the community. He even went so far as to speak of a "democratic nation and
democratic communism."[5]maintaining that decisions are made at the local level
or lie in the community. He even went so far as to speak of a "democratic nation
and democratic communism."[5]
Later on, any trace of this supposed theoretical "anarchism" would vanish when it
manifested in War and Peace in Kurdistan.(2008), that "the immediate abolition of
the State is not a viable option".[6]But he goes further, saying clearly that all
he is seeking is a "democratization of politics." It no longer considers violence
- a path followed by the PKK in past decades - to be an acceptable route. "The
classical state structure and its despotic conception of power are unacceptable."
In his new conception of the state, he says he conceives of power simply as a
social authority. He talks about self-managed local communities, and also about
organizing in open councils, municipalities, local parliaments and general
congresses. But he also talks about political parties and an electoral system.
"The parties and the electoral system have to undergo a democratic
reform."[7]Clearly Öcalan's project does not seem to go beyond the establishment
of a bourgeois democracy, but not even independent but integrated into the
Republic of Turkey. It speaks to us of an economic policy that does not aspire
only to profit, but also oriented towards a fair distribution of resources and
that can satisfy the needs of society; far from proposing revolutionary economic
transformations.
In Öcalan's work, everything is presented as a struggle between ethnic
communities or nations, but at no time does he speak of social classes or class
struggle. It proclaims that not only that "considering history as a class
struggle is too reductionist" - thus breaking with the materialist conception of
history - but also that "the logic of confronting class against class supposes a
voluntary integration into the system of the new power (civilization)".[8]It
stands apart from both Marxism and anarchism. Regarding the "Marxist current" he
says that "it subordinates its method and the entire process of knowledge to
'economic reductionism'" and qualifies it as "left of liberalism with respect to
method and epistemology (theory of knowledge)".[9]Regarding the "anarchist
currents" he indicates that "they do not get to define the system, nor the
question of how to overcome it."[10]Anarchism is presented as a "sect that
protects itself from the evils of the system." The supposed "transition period"
before abolishing the state that it raises is not through a dictatorship of the
proletariat but through the tools of bourgeois democracy. In short, what Öcalan
defends was already invented in the 19th century, and has a name: social
democracy. And he makes it clear by stating: "the philosophical, political and
ideological line of the renewed PKK finds its most appropriate expression under
the concept of 'democratic socialism'".[eleven]The supposed "transition period"
before abolishing the state that it raises is not through a dictatorship of the
proletariat but through the tools of bourgeois democracy. In short, what Öcalan
defends was already invented in the 19th century, and has a name: social
democracy. And he makes it clear by stating: "the philosophical, political and
ideological line of the renewed PKK finds its most appropriate expression under
the concept of 'democratic socialism'".[eleven]The supposed "transition period"
before abolishing the state that it raises is not through a dictatorship of the
proletariat but through the tools of bourgeois democracy. In short, what Öcalan
defends was already invented in the 19th century, and has a name: social
democracy. And he makes it clear by stating: "the philosophical, political and
ideological line of the renewed PKK finds its most appropriate expression under
the concept of 'democratic socialism'".[eleven]political and ideological of the
renewed PKK finds its most adequate expression under the concept of 'democratic
socialism' ".[eleven]political and ideological of the renewed PKK finds its most
adequate expression under the concept of 'democratic socialism' ".[eleven]
THE MYTH OF THE ANARCHIST REVOLUTION
In the summer of 2012, just over a year after the start of the civil war, a
political vacuum had been created in northern Syria when Al-Assad's troops
withdrew to other fronts, which was exploited by the Party of the Democratic
Union (PYD), and other Kurdish political forces, to gain control of the area, and
establish a political regime based on Democratic Confederalism. Following the
dissolution of the provisional government known as the Kurdish Supreme Committee
in late 2013, the Movement for a Democratic Society (TEV-DEM), which was a new a
coalition of political parties dominated by the PYD, assumed effective
government. The three cantons in which Rojava was organized at that time, Cizîrê,
Kobanî and Efrîn, established their respective cantonal governments, known as
democratic autonomous administrations (DSA). The armed forces of the PYD, the
Popular Protection Units (YPG) and the Women's Protection Units (YPJ), played a
key role in the fighting against the Islamic State (Daesh), whose peak occurred
in January 2015 with the defeat of the fundamentalists in the city of Kobane. It
has also had to face various military operations by Turkish forces in the area,
although they have also benefited from the support of US troops, and from the
non-aggression pact with the Al-Assad regime.[12]whose high point occurred in
January 2015 with the defeat of the fundamentalists in the city of Kobane. It has
also had to face various military operations by Turkish forces in the area,
although they have also benefited from the support of US troops, and the
non-aggression pact with the Al-Assad regime.[12]whose high point occurred in
January 2015 with the defeat of the fundamentalists in the city of Kobane. It has
also had to face various military operations by Turkish forces in the area,
although they have also benefited from the support of US troops, and from the
non-aggression pact with the Al-Assad regime.[12]
The federation of cantons was formalized in March 2016 under the name of
Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (FDNS), passing in September 2018, with
the incorporation of new cantons, to be known as the Autonomous Administration of
Northern and Eastern Syria (AANES). ). The political council system of the
TEV-DEM program has been implemented. The communes are the most basic unit of
this system, being able to group from a dozen to hundreds of people from villages
or neighborhoods, and by means of an assembly they elect a board. In the higher
areas we have popular councils (with their respective boards); first the district
councils (they represent dozens of communes), later the city councils (they group
districts) and, finally, the canton councils (they group cities). Each level
sends delegations to the next, operating in principle through direct democracy.
Most of the work of the communes and councils (defense, economy, justice, etc.)
is carried out by commissions. However, we are faced with a dual power structure
since in front of the council system we have the autonomous administration of
each canton, with its legislative council (Parliament), executive council, and
municipal councils dependent on it. Parliamentary elections are held, there are
still political parties (which are in communes and councils), and a centralized
police known as Asayish. The process, then, is far from being an "anarchist
revolution."[13]. We are faced with a dual power structure, since in front of the
council system we have the autonomous administration of each canton, with its
legislative council (Parliament), executive council, and municipal councils
dependent on it. Parliamentary elections are held, there are still political
parties (which are in communes and councils), and a centralized police known as
Asayish. The process, then, is far from being an "anarchist revolution."[13]. We
are faced with a dual power structure, since in front of the council system we
have the autonomous administration of each canton, with its legislative council
(Parliament), executive council, and municipal councils dependent on it.
Parliamentary elections are held, there are still political parties (which are in
communes and councils), and a centralized police known as Asayish. The process,
then, is far from being an "anarchist revolution."[13]. well, of being an
"anarchist revolution."[13]. well, of being an "anarchist revolution."[13].
The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) has proposed an
alternative economic model based on cooperatives, which together with the
communes are considered the pillar of democratic administration. Agricultural
cooperatives are predominant (there are crops of wheat, barley, corn, cotton and
olive trees); There are also livestock, textile, service cooperatives, etc. The
industry is practically non-existent, although it produces gas, phosphates and,
especially, oil. We found oil wells and refineries. Cooperatives are dedicated to
meeting the needs of local populations, usually not generating any surplus that
allows them to market products or services, and therefore not obtaining benefits.
"This is all a slow process, from the bottom up. In the future we will gradually
move towards a cooperative economy. Of course, war is a possibility that can
destroy these efforts. We hope to achieve a society without poor or rich people,
but with an equal life for all ", says Walid, the spokesman for the AANES Office
of the Economy.[14]Community cooperatives represent a marginal part of the
economy in Rojava; and the private sector continues to exist, in the form of
small and medium-sized enterprises. In cities you can find merchants and
shopkeepers.[14]Community cooperatives represent a marginal part of the economy
in Rojava; and the private sector continues to exist, in the form of small and
medium-sized enterprises. In cities you can find merchants and
shopkeepers.[14]Community cooperatives represent a marginal part of the economy
in Rojava; and the private sector continues to exist, in the form of small and
medium-sized enterprises. In cities you can find merchants and shopkeepers.
In short, in Rojava the State has not disappeared, as this coercive apparatus is
associated with the existence of social classes. They have their central
government, their army - military service is compulsory - and their police force
(the asayish). The economic structure is totally backward, with hardly any
industrial development. This may prevent the emergence of a large bourgeoisie
(industrial and financial), but this social class continues to exist, as well as
an abundant small bourgeoisie. Capitalist social relations, private property,
exist, and even feudal social relations; there are entrepreneurs as well as
landowners. Feudal institutions such as lordships, or tribal communities persist,
all characteristic of agrarian subsistence economies. An anarchist militant
described the Rojava process as follows: "We must consider that the process in
Rojava has progressive characteristics as an important leap in the direction of
women's liberation, who have tried to develop a secular, pro-social justice, a
plural democratic structure and that other ethnic and religious groups are
involved in the administration. But the fact that the recently emerging structure
does not seek the suppression of private property, that is, the abolition of
classes, that the tribal system remains and that tribal leaders participate in
the administration, shows that the objective is not the suppression of feudal or
capitalist relations of production, but rather in his own words 'the building of
a democratic nation' ".[fifteen].
CONCLUSION
The so-called Democratic Confederalism can hardly be a political project that can
be assumed by a revolutionary syndicalist or anarcho-syndicalist organization. In
fact, the CNT already has its own "confederalism": the confederal concept of
libertarian communism. It is not necessary that they come to us with supposed
news -which are not such- in that sense. Nor does the economic model proposed in
Rojava - based on agricultural cooperatives - adapt to the realities of our
Western societies. It must also be clarified that cooperativism is not
necessarily transformative and much less revolutionary. The fact that a region
has not reached the capitalist phase of industrial development does not mean that
it has passed capitalism; it simply means that we are facing a subsistence
economy, without a significant development of the working class, and in which
even feudal relations of production survive. Contrary to what those who emphasize
cultural changes, of simple "mentality", or that do not go beyond the individual
think, any revolution that can be qualified as such requires a change in the
economic structure of society (infrastructure), the abolition of social classes
and private property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We
have to show solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not
imply assimilating their approaches or adopting their political project, nor of
course stop being critical of them. Contrary to what those who emphasize cultural
changes, of simple "mentality", or that do not go beyond the individual think,
any revolution that can be qualified as such requires a change in the economic
structure of society (infrastructure), the abolition of social classes and
private property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We have to
show solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not imply
assimilating their approaches or adopting their political project, nor of course
stop being critical of them. Contrary to what those who emphasize cultural
changes, of simple "mentality", or that do not go beyond the individual think,
any revolution that can be qualified as such requires a change in the economic
structure of society (infrastructure), the abolition of social classes and
private property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We have to
show solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not imply
assimilating their proposals or adopting their political project, nor of course
ceasing to be critical of them. the abolition of social classes and private
property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We have to show
solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not imply
assimilating their approaches or adopting their political project, nor of course
stop being critical of them. the abolition of social classes and private
property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We have to show
solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not imply
assimilating their proposals or adopting their political project, nor of course
ceasing to be critical of them.
To conclude, I want to make an observation about "pro-Kurdish" organizations and
groups that operate in our territory. They still have a very strong party
culture, as they seem to orbit under the shadow of the PKK, even though they
present themselves as "anarchists." Not even Öcalan's cult of personality goes
unnoticed and, let's not kid ourselves: it goes much further than simple
solidarity with a political prisoner. The CNT is not and will not be the
transmission belt of any political party, organization or external group with the
pretense of acting as the central committee of other organizations. Not to
mention that in certain environments the working class is rejected as a
revolutionary subject, putting only women - not even working women, but women in
an interclass sense - or youth in their place. We must prevent any possible
entryism in this sense, of "pro-Kurdish" groups or of any other type, since ours
is an organization aimed precisely at the working class, and our model is already
quite clear. We are not going to follow a certain political line, which is
foreign to us, no matter how many indoctrination formations we want to carry out,
nor are we going to be a pawn within a strategy external to our organization. I
have nothing more to say at the moment. We will continue in a future article. No
matter how many indoctrination trainings they want to carry out, we are not going
to be a pawn in a strategy external to our organization. I have nothing more to
say at the moment. We will continue in a future article. No matter how many
indoctrination trainings they want to carry out, we are not going to be a pawn in
a strategy external to our organization. I have nothing more to say at the
moment. We will continue in a future article.
OTHER
[1]For example, in its 1995 Congress they made symbols such as the hammer and
sickle disappear from their flag, they also changed the name of the Secretary
General to the President General, and they stopped talking about the Central
Committee to talk about the General Council. This shows the abandonment of
Marxism-Leninism as the official ideology of the party.
[2]Term surely conceived in opposition to typically Bolshevik Democratic Centralism.
[3]David Graeber put the spotlight on the Kurdish conflict, contributing to the
confusion, in articles such as:
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/oct/08/why-world-ignoring-revolutionary-
kurds-syria-isis . Another analysis of the supposed "anarchist revolution":
https://elordenmundial.com/rojava-la-revolucion-anarquista-de-oriente-proximo/
[4]Öcalan, A. (2012). Democratic Confederalism . International Initiative
Edition, p. 21.
[5]Ibid., P. 35.
[6]Öcalan, A. (2008). War and Peace in Kurdistan . International Initiative
Edition, p. 31.
[7]Ibid., P. 42.
[8]Öcalan, A. (2009). Manifesto for a Democratic Civilization. The Origins of
Civilization (Volume 1) . Editorial Descontrol, p. 201.
[9]Ibid., Pp. 117-118.
[10]Ibid, p. 118.
[11]Öcalan, A. (2008). War and Peace in Kurdistan . International Initiative
Edition, p. 31.
[12]There is a diverse bibliography on this topic, such as Arribas, G. (2018).
Ideological transformation of Abdullah Öcalan. The Kurdish movement and the
democratic confederation:
https://rojavaazadimadrid.files.wordpress.com/2018/07/transformacic3b3n-ideolc3b3gica-de-abdullah-ocalan-el-movimiento-kurdo-y-la-confederacic3b3n-democrc3a1tica-difusion.
pdf .
[13]Anderson, T .; Egret, E. (2016). Democratic Confederalism in Kurdistan .
Cooperative Economy:
https://rojavaazadimadrid.org/confederalismo-democratico-en-kurdistan-examen-y-analisis-de-cooperative-economy/
[14]Information dossier - Cooperatives in North and East Syria: developing a new
economy (2020). Rojava Information Center:
http://rojavaazadimadrid.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Dossier-RIC-Cooperativas-NES-081120.pdf
. On the communes we have another article:
https://rojavaazadimadrid.org/el-sistema-interno-de-comunas-de-rojava/
[15]Onar, Z. (2014). Rojava: Fantasies and Realities:
https://usa.anarchistlibraries.net/library/zafer-onat-rojava-fantasies-and-realities
[16]Baher, Z. (2014). The West Kurdistan (Syrian Kurdistan) experiment has proven
that the people can make change . Editorial Descontrol.
https://lasoli.cnt.cat/2020/12/16/opinio-el-mite-kurd-critica-del-projecte-politic-dabdullah-ocalan/
------------------------------
Message: 3
The ACG talks to a comrade from the Gold Rent Strike team ---- 1. First of all,
would you like to give us a bit of background to the Gold Rent Strike? ---- The
Goldsmiths Rent Strike is a movement that is run by primarily first year and
foundation year students. One of the things this movement, like many other
student movements popping up around the UK understands that the way in which rent
dynamics work is inherently exploitative and the commodification of human rights
such as education and housing must end. These are things in which I wanted to
stress as we felt that a lot of the media was framing these movements including
ours as just being through the consumer lens. Don't get me wrong, as we stand as
consumers today, we are being ripped off. Halls have been a mess, and Goldsmiths
have shown their further lack of care for students' well-being. We have been
subjected to inhumane conditions of halls including the following: black mold,
urine filled floors, rat infested halls, broken windows, water leaks, broken
showers, broken sinks, and so much more. Students have had trouble contacting
mental health services as they've been backed up and are just generally
underfunded. During the lockdowns students were given no support whatsoever.
There have been instances of sexual violence and racism in halls with little to
no action by the university, as the lack of support and report systems for these
things are severely lacking. This is nothing new for Goldsmiths, for example they
literally for a short time cut a project against sexual violence that was run by
the SU, and just last year treated black and brown occupiers fighting for
anti-racism action in a disgusting manner. Goldsmiths have also lured us here on
false promises of hybrid learning, when in reality it's all been online and we've
been locked down most of the time. For all these reasons we are striking!
2. And how do things stand now, as we come to the end of the academic year?
At the moment we are just trying to mobilize more and more people to sign up for
the strike, while also trying to figure out the legal side so we can understand
all of the risks and lay them out to everyone. Also really trying to not lose
much momentum for the strike over the break that students are currently on.
3. What kind of structure does the Gold Rent Strike have? Is there an intention
to make it a horizontal approach and how do you make sure that often marginalised
voices are heard?
A horizontal structure is something that I and a couple of others really pushed
for in the beginning of organizational proceedings, as we had about 5-6 meetings
really trying to push for a type of direct democracy system which I would have
liked to get everyone's voices heard, however I don't want to attack anyone
personally but we just didn't and haven't gotten enough involvement, and a lot of
the chats can seem really dead. We've decided that an alternative would be to try
and come up with an effective delegate system, where literally anyone who wants
to be involved can be a part of their halls/buildings within the halls, team that
is involved with issues relating to those halls, etc. We want as many people as
possible for this, and it's been actually pretty hard to get people for this.
Just so you know we don't have any official hierarchy, just people who are doing
more work than others. I wouldn't say I have any more authority over anyone in
the group. In terms of highlighting marginalized voices we have been trying to do
that primarily on our socials as we do have quite a large audience on there.
We've done Q and A's asking people to tell their stories in halls, and have
gotten many responses which were posted to the stories. We have been contacting
people within marginalized groups asking them if they'd want to share their
individual stories so we could highlight these issues even further. This has been
sometimes hard, as a lot of these experiences are quite traumatic and many people
aren't up for telling their stories. Hopefully we will get some replies and be
able to amplify these stories! We have also been trying to make people aware of
problems for example, POC staff facing pay cuts and job losses at a much higher
rate, as well as just generally how rent is just unaffordable for the majority of
the students, but particularly for low income and working class students.
4. There have been rent strikes at other universities and attempts to
co-ordinate. What sort of challenges have you faced?
I think one challenge that we've faced is acknowledgment of us by Frances Corner
( Editor's note: Warden of Goldsmith's and head of the Senior Management Team).
We know that the senior management team knows we are striking and is watching our
communications closely, however they haven't tried to reach out to us, and are
essentially acting like we don't exist. Trying to get a public acknowledgement
and meeting with them is important even before the strike happens
5. Goldsmith's organised workers have a reputation for militancy and successful
actions. What sort of worker-student liaision takes place?
In terms of this, we have as one of our demands that there be no job cuts and job
losses for staff at university because we know how ruthless Goldsmiths is towards
not only students, but also towards their workers, and we feel it's important
that we protect them!
6. Have efforts been made to reach out to local Further Education colleges and,
if so, what has been the aim of this and the result?
We have also gotten some messages of solidarity and support from lots of staff
like academics, cleaning teams, etc. We are definitely looking to get more
involved with staffers as we can and need to work together to help bring down the
capitalistic machines that these universities have become.
7. Where does the Gold Rent Strike go from here and how can solidarity be expressed?
This rent strike moves forward by trying to get more and more people to sign up
and join, making sure we have clear and effective plans if things go south
legally (we are hoping and thinking they won't) and we can redistribute wealth
and funds to people who need them the most so no one has to go through any
stressful financial or mental situations. In terms of solidarity, I think this is
great! Thanks for hearing us out and publishing this! It is much appreciated!
Check us out on our socials @goldrentstrike on twitter and instagram. Graphics
are on there too.
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2020/12/19/interview-with-goldsmiths-rent-striker/
------------------------------
Message: 4
At a time when a new wave of attacks is hitting Europe, the government is taking
the opportunity to pass ever more liberticidal measures. Paradoxically, in the
name of freedom of expression, the reactionaries want to hamper that of the
dominated minorities. ---- While freedom of expression is a fundamental
individual freedom, it remains a complex notion with flexible contours depending
on the political agenda of the bodies governing it. Thus, it can be limited
according to two opposing tendencies: the will of States to control the press and
public speech, or the pressure of oppressed groups wishing to restrict
expressions denying their humanity or inciting violence against them, proving
that freedom expression cannot be total in an unequal society.
But it is only at the cost of fierce struggles that minorities obtain these
concessions, which have never been won. Because in order to establish their
power, States have an interest in limiting the expression of minorities and
exploited classes while guaranteeing that of the bodies that serve them.
Thus, contrary to what the government propaganda says, it is indeed a limitation
of the expression of the Muslim minority by the State which is currently
generalizing.
In fact, under the guise of the fight against terrorism, successive governments
have severely restricted individual freedoms, so that any criticism of the
government in the area of anti-terrorism becomes suspect and liable to heavy
penalties even if in fact it is mainly people Muslim or perceived as such who are
condemned.
It is also the racialized children, who are denied any right to error or
innocence, who pay the price of these measures since after the precedent of 2015,
several children were again placed in police custody this year. denunciation of
professors.
criminalization of The fight against Islamophobia
It is ultimately the fight against Islamophobia itself that is targeted, with the
restriction of the possible forms of expression through which it is mobilized.
Thus, the main association in the fight against Islamophobia, the CCIF, was
forced to relocate part of its activity, faced with the threat of dissolution. It
is, through the law of research programming, the will to subjugate the social
sciences and to prohibit the scientific study of structural racism and more
particularly of State racism.
In the end, it was the foreign press that was censored by Macron who refused to
be able to criticize his policies. In his words: "I will not let anyone say that
France, his state, cultivates racism vis-à-vis Muslims." And indeed, all the
measures taken at present by the government are aimed at annihilating the very
expression of the fight against Islamophobia. Make no mistake, the gravediggers
of freedom of expression are not anti-racist or feminist activists, it is always
states and their governments.
Anti-racist Commission
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Dissonance-cognitive-une-liberte-d-expression-sous-controle
------------------------------
Message: 5
The government's indifference to protecting the health of the social base is now
apparent to all. Although the second wave of the pandemic, in the autumn, was
taken for granted, the state chose the tactic of death policy. Minor support of
the NSS, gold-paid rent instead of the order of the private clinics, in the state
budget for 2021 the expenses for the health are reduced by 532 million euros, the
conditions in the M.M.M. They remain miserable, as the birth of buses is not as
easy as that of patrol cars, and finally there is overcrowding in whatever
industries remain in operation. ---- One of these industries is that of couriers.
The bosses of the various courier companies saw their profits skyrocket in the
lockdown situation. To such an extent, in fact, that they came to suspend the
operation of their network, as they could not cope. As expected, despite the huge
increase in orders, no recruitments were made. The workers on both wheels are
doing the round of death under intensified working conditions, without protection
measures and often work uninsured, in order not to increase the wage costs that
will be borne by the employer. The health of the workers is endangered, so that
not an extra euro is lost for the bosses. Equally tragic and dangerous is the
situation in the sorting centers, with non-existent individual / collective
protection measures being the rule. The logical consequence was, therefore, that
an employee fell ill.
Specifically, a driver in the ELTA Courier was diagnosed positive in the
coronavirus and is now intubated in Evangelismos. The bosses / management
maintained their firm stance. That is, they treat employees as consumables.
Disinfection took place after days and the union complained. For mass tests no
reason. It is very costly and the business can not afford it ? Maybe they are
right... How much can it afford?
It withstood the project assignment (construction, maintenance and technical
support of the electronic market) in April 2020 for 250,000. euros to a company,
which was quite lucky, because it managed to set up one day before the
competition for the project! Of course the Board of ELTA Courier falsely stated
that the proposal had been submitted in March, that is, before the said company
was established. Small waste, if we consider the spring food and drink with
media, propeller shafts, toll contractors etc...
He continues to endure cooperation with terrorist contractors such as SKYCOM, a
subsidiary of ONEX SA, who are paid 1,300 euros / employee per month, while the
employee is paid 600 euros / month. With fixed-term contracts, usually monthly,
so that employees are intimidated and do not react to the ongoing abuse of their
labor rights.
Labor rights abuses, intensification, low wages, rental arrangements and
fixed-term contracts are also used as indirect blackmail by the government in its
ELTA amendment passed in early December, which provides for 2,000 voluntary
redundancies. In addition, the amendment provides for 2-speed employees: "old"
and "new". In addition, it transforms employees into a "tennis ball" from service
to service between ELTA and their subsidiaries and in general in other services
of the public sector.
This amendment of the government is added to a series of anti-labor and
anti-social bills and measures which are voted in the parliament in the middle of
quarantine. State and capital exacerbate the class war, as the pandemic treaty is
ideal for further widening the class gap that separates capital from labor, to
the benefit of the capitalists, of course. Prohibitions of rallies and
demonstrations argue precisely for the intensity of social and class rivalry in
favor of the rulers, but are clothed in sanitary pretexts in order to extract
their consensus and discipline from below in the barbarity of state and
capitalist totalitarianism.
On the night of Wednesday 16/12 we carried out symbolic interventions by throwing
paint in two ELTA and ELTA Courier stores on Lagada Street and in an ELTA store
on Papafi Street in Thessaloniki. With this symbolic action we declare our class
solidarity with the workers of modern labor schemes. Class unionism in the
workplace is the only way to stop the arbitrariness and criminal treatment of
workers by their bosses, which is supported by government policies.
IMMEDIATE TAKING OF PROTECTION MEASURES AT WORKPLACES WITH EMPLOYMENT RESPONSIBILITY
IMMEDIATE AND MASSIVE TEST FOR COVID-19 TO THOSE WHO CONTINUE WORKING AND EXPOSED
DAILY TO THE RISK OF VIRUS INFECTION
NO DISMISSAL OF AN EMPLOYEE UNDER THE PANDEMIC OF COVID-19
NO MISUSES OF LABOR OUR RIGHTS - NO FINANCIAL STRANGALISMOS SOCIAL BASELINE
PUBLIC, FREE AND DECENT HEALTH FOR ALL AND ALL - DIRECT epitaxy PRIVATE CLINICS -
DIRECT, MASS AND PERMANENT RECRUITMENT HEALTH PERSONAL
CRISIS of capitalism and COVID-19 to pay STATES AND BOSSES
Liberal Initiative of Thessaloniki (member of the Anarchist Federation)
e-mail contact:lib_thess@hotmail.com
blog: libertasalonica.wordpress.com
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2020/12/17/
------------------------------
Message: 6
51 years after the assassination of Giuseppe Pinelli, the Reggiana Anarchist
Federation - FAI intends to donate a tree dedicated to him to the city to pass on
its memory to future generations. As already happened in Milan last year in the
presence of the mayor of the city and his daughters Silvia and Claudia and in
agreement with the wife of the railway worker Licia Rognini, we would like to
plant a Red Oak in a significant place in our city. In the Lombard capital a
plaque was affixed that reads: "Tree dedicated to Giuseppe Pinelli, railway
worker, anarchist, partisan, 18th victim of Piazza Fontana, 50 years after his
tragic death in his memory in the neighborhood where he lived". The project
intends to plant this splendid tree inside the Public Gardens (Parco del Popolo).
The Anarchist Federation of Reggio has always been committed, since December
1969, to denounce the strategy of tension that caused the massacre in Piazza
Fontana, the assassination of Giuseppe Pinelli and more. And today, as then, it
is committed to fighting against all powers, for a society based on social
justice and in balance with the environment that surrounds us.
https://federazioneanarchicareggiana.noblogs.org/una-quercia-rossa-per-giuseppe-pinelli/
------------------------------
Message: 7
Camp Moria on the island Lesbos, Greece 8/30/2020 | Author Faktengebunden
We have to call matters by their name: the so-called refugee and immigrant
reception centers in Greece are places of torment and barbarity. People are
penned up here in miserable conditions. The food is uneatable, hygiene and
cleanliness are impossible, and there are no doctors or medicine. The police beat
(sometimes to death), torture and mock the residents every day. The hell of
Moria, which was illuminated for a short moment by the flames that burned the
camp, is only one of many such places of misery scattered around the Greek
territory where human life has no value.
Regardless of whether they came to Greece as immigrants or refugees, the people
who move between the camps and reception centers and our communities are the same
people who work for scraps without insurance in the fields and in construction,
as cleaners and in other similar jobs. They are part of the global multiethnic
working class who are under constant attack. Europe's labor movement and unions
are obliged to make the closure of these camps a priority. Capitalism and states
unleash wars with ever-growing profits for the bosses in mind, and then use laws
to curtail the free movement and in this way criminalize refugees from these war
zones. The undocumented migrants and refugees who manage to reach the West are
exploited as cheap labor without rights and confined in wretched reception
centers and camps. The European Union finances this modern day hell on earth and
at the same time creates the legal basis for confining refugees in Greece.
Since the pandemic began, the Greek state has been targeting the immigrants
inside and outside the reception centers, accusing them of importing and
spreading the virus. The government confines the refugees to the reception
centers where there is no protection from infection and no access to medical
care. Since the extension of quarantine measures in October, these formerly open
centers have been locked down becoming de facto prisons. The martial law under
which the refugees have been living has thus been expanded by the legalization of
their detention in these places of misery. From the new Moria that is being built
in Kara Tepe (Lesbos) to the Amigdaleza camp, and the Eleona and Petroy Ralli
districts in Athens, we have to fight for closure of all camps, whether they are
open or locked down. It's an obligation to ourselves, our class and humanity.
We call on all anarcho-syndicalist organizations in Europe and around the world
to join the struggle to close all camps and so-called reception centers. Inform
the workers in your country about this modern-day crime against humanity and
organize events and demonstrations. Let us begin discussions about coordinating a
global day of action against the camps. Let us fight against wars and racism
until we shut down every last on of these hells.
For a new world of freedom, equality and solidarity! The boat is not full! Shut
down all camps!
ESE · Greece
https://www.icl-cit.org/we-will-celebrate-the-most-beautiful-feast-on-the-ruins-of-the-21st-centurys-greatest-hell/
------------------------------
ruins of the 21st century's greatest hell (ca, de, it, pt)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
And yes it is a fact. In the midst of a global pandemic and as is the natural
consequence of a rapid global economic recession, the state budget for the year
2021 was submitted to the Greek parliament by the government. A budget with
strong class characteristics, like the previous governments. ---- Any common
human logic, in the midst of such a dire situation for all humanity, would expect
a state budget, which would clearly strengthen public health structures, take
care to spend funds for the protection of citizens' health, would take care to
cover the subsidy for the weaker social strata and every vulnerable group in the
country, in addition it would budget for the protection of existing jobs and
would have public money to subsidize the unemployed, whose number has increased
tragically due to the existing conditions.
But not. Against all logic, the extreme right-wing neo-liberal government of the
NEW TERRORISM, which as a "serious Golden Dawn", submits a state budget to the
Greek parliament for the year 2021, which is anything but human, health and
protective for citizens and workers / workers, it is. So this government, which
has recently exceeded all limits of state violence, unnecessary repression and
inhuman policing of the citizens, is taking care to support with big funds the
capital, the industrialists, the shipowners, the clinicians of the private
clinics and all the canals. kind of boss. To strengthen the security forces
materially and spiritually, that is, to hire other thugs, murderous cops, as if
those who already exist are not enough to kill our lives, to hire other soldiers
and invest in armaments warfare, to carry out the plans of the world imperialists
to shed more than the blood of the proletarians. In addition to all this, it cuts
public health funds, abolishes with its barbaric and anti-labor policy any labor
rights earned through bloodshed, deprives even the poorest benefits of the
unemployed and the suspended workers and every helpless man and vulnerable group
of the country.
We call on all of us to react and resist this barbaric and inhumane policy of the
government, which is reflected in the worst way, in the state budget that it
submits. To promote as an antidote to the morbid reality we live in the
self-organization of those below, the participation of all of us in the class and
social struggle and the formation of freedom fighters in independence from state
and capital in the direction of rupture with the regime "unionism" of GSEE-ADEDY
and the creation of a tertiary labor confederation.
WE REQUIRE:
-Increase health spending here and now to save lives, not reductions as planned
in the 2021 budget.
Immediate and effective enforcement of private health structures of primary and
secondary care, without compensation.
- Comprehensive design of primary care, with local covid-19 centers, for
evaluation and first treatment, for decongestion of hospitals.
- Immediate recruitment of staff, to fill as many vacancies as possible for
nursing and medical staff.
- Checking and testing, in all workplaces.
- Immediate recruitment of staff, purchase and launch of new trains and buses,
upgrade of MMM here and now.
- Hands off our labor rights and democratic freedoms.
Withdrawal of the anti-union / anti-labor law.
Liberal Union of Athens
https://ese.espiv.net/
------------------------------
Message: 2
On November 27, 1978, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) was founded in a village
in the Diyarbakir region, Turkey. Its main leader, Abdullah Öcalan, who had
worked as a civil servant, subsequently enrolled in the Faculty of Political
Science at Ankara University, where he established contact with the student
movement. Within this movement, the Kurdish identity began to be claimed,
defending a national liberation struggle that had as its final objective the
self-determination of the Kurdish people. It was precisely a group of young Kurds
and Turks, led by Öcalan, who created the PKK. This political party then declared
itself Marxist-Leninist, and embraced Kurdish nationalism. Their main base of
affiliation was among the peasantry, not among the barely existing proletariat.
After the coup d'état of the Turkish army in 1980 it would be declared illegal
and many of its members imprisoned by the military junta. Already in hiding, they
began the path of armed struggle. Öcalan was detained in early 1999 at the Greek
embassy in Kenya by the Israeli Mossad and the CIA, and handed over to the
Turkish Military Intelligence Service (MIT). Sentenced to life imprisonment,
accused of belonging to a terrorist organization, he has been held until now in
the Turkish island-prison of Imrali. and handed over to the Turkish Military
Intelligence Service (MIT). Sentenced to life imprisonment, accused of belonging
to a terrorist organization, he has been held until now on the Turkish
island-prison of Imrali. and handed over to the Turkish Military Intelligence
Service (MIT). Sentenced to life imprisonment, accused of belonging to a
terrorist organization, he has been held until now in the Turkish island-prison
of Imrali.
During the 1990s, an ideological turn of the PKK had taken place, which
culminated in its VII Extraordinary Congress, from which the political program
for the year 2000 "The Duty of Democratic Transition" was drawn up.[1]In spite of
everything, it is not very credible that overnight a typically Stalinist
hierarchical party embraced the libertarian municipalism of Murray Bookchin. It
was in prison that Öcalan ended up defining the new official ideology of the PKK,
which took the name Democratic Confederalism.[2]In May 2005, the Kurdistan
Peoples' Confederation (KCK) was founded in Turkey to spread - and put into
practice - this doctrine, an organization within which we find from civil
organizations to parties such as the PKK or their counterparts in other regions
outside of Turkey, like the Party of the Democratic Union (PYD). It would,
however, be in northern Syria, where Democratic Confederalism would be put into
practice. In July 2012, in the context of the Syrian civil war, the process known
as the "Rojava revolution" began there. This process has come to be called an
"anarchist revolution," and theorists like David Graeber have contributed to such
confusion.[3]Throughout this article we will help clarify some issues and
disprove this myth. and theorists like David Graeber have contributed to such
confusion.[3]Throughout this article we will help to clarify some issues and
disprove this myth. and theorists like David Graeber have contributed to such
confusion.[3]Throughout this article we will help clarify some issues and
disprove this myth.
DEMOCRATIC CONFEDERALISM AS A SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL PROJECT
In his writing Democratic Confederalism(2005) Öcalan presented a political
project known as Democratic Confederalism. It was considered an alternative
paradigm to that of the characteristic nation-state of capitalist modernity, as
the latter was based on a centralist and bureaucratic understanding of the
administration. The perfect example of a nation-state in the Middle East was that
embodied by the Republic of Turkey. The Öcalan project, allegedly anti-state in
color, stated that it did not intend to found a new nation-state. When referring
to Democratic Confederalism, he stated the following: "This type of
administration can be called non-state political administration or democracy
without a State[...]States are founded on power, democracies are based on
collective consensus[...]Democracies use direct elections. The State uses
coercion as a legitimate means ". Rather, his project "is flexible,
multi-cultural, anti-monopoly and consensus-oriented. Ecology and feminism are
central pillars ".[4]Of course the inspiration in the libertarian municipalism
based on the social ecology of Murray Bookchin or Janet Biehl seems clear,
maintaining that decisions are made at the local level or lie in the community.
He even went so far as to speak of a "democratic nation and democratic
communism."[5]maintaining that decisions are made at the local level or lie in
the community. He even went so far as to speak of a "democratic nation and
democratic communism."[5]maintaining that decisions are made at the local level
or lie in the community. He even went so far as to speak of a "democratic nation
and democratic communism."[5]
Later on, any trace of this supposed theoretical "anarchism" would vanish when it
manifested in War and Peace in Kurdistan.(2008), that "the immediate abolition of
the State is not a viable option".[6]But he goes further, saying clearly that all
he is seeking is a "democratization of politics." It no longer considers violence
- a path followed by the PKK in past decades - to be an acceptable route. "The
classical state structure and its despotic conception of power are unacceptable."
In his new conception of the state, he says he conceives of power simply as a
social authority. He talks about self-managed local communities, and also about
organizing in open councils, municipalities, local parliaments and general
congresses. But he also talks about political parties and an electoral system.
"The parties and the electoral system have to undergo a democratic
reform."[7]Clearly Öcalan's project does not seem to go beyond the establishment
of a bourgeois democracy, but not even independent but integrated into the
Republic of Turkey. It speaks to us of an economic policy that does not aspire
only to profit, but also oriented towards a fair distribution of resources and
that can satisfy the needs of society; far from proposing revolutionary economic
transformations.
In Öcalan's work, everything is presented as a struggle between ethnic
communities or nations, but at no time does he speak of social classes or class
struggle. It proclaims that not only that "considering history as a class
struggle is too reductionist" - thus breaking with the materialist conception of
history - but also that "the logic of confronting class against class supposes a
voluntary integration into the system of the new power (civilization)".[8]It
stands apart from both Marxism and anarchism. Regarding the "Marxist current" he
says that "it subordinates its method and the entire process of knowledge to
'economic reductionism'" and qualifies it as "left of liberalism with respect to
method and epistemology (theory of knowledge)".[9]Regarding the "anarchist
currents" he indicates that "they do not get to define the system, nor the
question of how to overcome it."[10]Anarchism is presented as a "sect that
protects itself from the evils of the system." The supposed "transition period"
before abolishing the state that it raises is not through a dictatorship of the
proletariat but through the tools of bourgeois democracy. In short, what Öcalan
defends was already invented in the 19th century, and has a name: social
democracy. And he makes it clear by stating: "the philosophical, political and
ideological line of the renewed PKK finds its most appropriate expression under
the concept of 'democratic socialism'".[eleven]The supposed "transition period"
before abolishing the state that it raises is not through a dictatorship of the
proletariat but through the tools of bourgeois democracy. In short, what Öcalan
defends was already invented in the 19th century, and has a name: social
democracy. And he makes it clear by stating: "the philosophical, political and
ideological line of the renewed PKK finds its most appropriate expression under
the concept of 'democratic socialism'".[eleven]The supposed "transition period"
before abolishing the state that it raises is not through a dictatorship of the
proletariat but through the tools of bourgeois democracy. In short, what Öcalan
defends was already invented in the 19th century, and has a name: social
democracy. And he makes it clear by stating: "the philosophical, political and
ideological line of the renewed PKK finds its most appropriate expression under
the concept of 'democratic socialism'".[eleven]political and ideological of the
renewed PKK finds its most adequate expression under the concept of 'democratic
socialism' ".[eleven]political and ideological of the renewed PKK finds its most
adequate expression under the concept of 'democratic socialism' ".[eleven]
THE MYTH OF THE ANARCHIST REVOLUTION
In the summer of 2012, just over a year after the start of the civil war, a
political vacuum had been created in northern Syria when Al-Assad's troops
withdrew to other fronts, which was exploited by the Party of the Democratic
Union (PYD), and other Kurdish political forces, to gain control of the area, and
establish a political regime based on Democratic Confederalism. Following the
dissolution of the provisional government known as the Kurdish Supreme Committee
in late 2013, the Movement for a Democratic Society (TEV-DEM), which was a new a
coalition of political parties dominated by the PYD, assumed effective
government. The three cantons in which Rojava was organized at that time, Cizîrê,
Kobanî and Efrîn, established their respective cantonal governments, known as
democratic autonomous administrations (DSA). The armed forces of the PYD, the
Popular Protection Units (YPG) and the Women's Protection Units (YPJ), played a
key role in the fighting against the Islamic State (Daesh), whose peak occurred
in January 2015 with the defeat of the fundamentalists in the city of Kobane. It
has also had to face various military operations by Turkish forces in the area,
although they have also benefited from the support of US troops, and from the
non-aggression pact with the Al-Assad regime.[12]whose high point occurred in
January 2015 with the defeat of the fundamentalists in the city of Kobane. It has
also had to face various military operations by Turkish forces in the area,
although they have also benefited from the support of US troops, and the
non-aggression pact with the Al-Assad regime.[12]whose high point occurred in
January 2015 with the defeat of the fundamentalists in the city of Kobane. It has
also had to face various military operations by Turkish forces in the area,
although they have also benefited from the support of US troops, and from the
non-aggression pact with the Al-Assad regime.[12]
The federation of cantons was formalized in March 2016 under the name of
Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (FDNS), passing in September 2018, with
the incorporation of new cantons, to be known as the Autonomous Administration of
Northern and Eastern Syria (AANES). ). The political council system of the
TEV-DEM program has been implemented. The communes are the most basic unit of
this system, being able to group from a dozen to hundreds of people from villages
or neighborhoods, and by means of an assembly they elect a board. In the higher
areas we have popular councils (with their respective boards); first the district
councils (they represent dozens of communes), later the city councils (they group
districts) and, finally, the canton councils (they group cities). Each level
sends delegations to the next, operating in principle through direct democracy.
Most of the work of the communes and councils (defense, economy, justice, etc.)
is carried out by commissions. However, we are faced with a dual power structure
since in front of the council system we have the autonomous administration of
each canton, with its legislative council (Parliament), executive council, and
municipal councils dependent on it. Parliamentary elections are held, there are
still political parties (which are in communes and councils), and a centralized
police known as Asayish. The process, then, is far from being an "anarchist
revolution."[13]. We are faced with a dual power structure, since in front of the
council system we have the autonomous administration of each canton, with its
legislative council (Parliament), executive council, and municipal councils
dependent on it. Parliamentary elections are held, there are still political
parties (which are in communes and councils), and a centralized police known as
Asayish. The process, then, is far from being an "anarchist revolution."[13]. We
are faced with a dual power structure, since in front of the council system we
have the autonomous administration of each canton, with its legislative council
(Parliament), executive council, and municipal councils dependent on it.
Parliamentary elections are held, there are still political parties (which are in
communes and councils), and a centralized police known as Asayish. The process,
then, is far from being an "anarchist revolution."[13]. well, of being an
"anarchist revolution."[13]. well, of being an "anarchist revolution."[13].
The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) has proposed an
alternative economic model based on cooperatives, which together with the
communes are considered the pillar of democratic administration. Agricultural
cooperatives are predominant (there are crops of wheat, barley, corn, cotton and
olive trees); There are also livestock, textile, service cooperatives, etc. The
industry is practically non-existent, although it produces gas, phosphates and,
especially, oil. We found oil wells and refineries. Cooperatives are dedicated to
meeting the needs of local populations, usually not generating any surplus that
allows them to market products or services, and therefore not obtaining benefits.
"This is all a slow process, from the bottom up. In the future we will gradually
move towards a cooperative economy. Of course, war is a possibility that can
destroy these efforts. We hope to achieve a society without poor or rich people,
but with an equal life for all ", says Walid, the spokesman for the AANES Office
of the Economy.[14]Community cooperatives represent a marginal part of the
economy in Rojava; and the private sector continues to exist, in the form of
small and medium-sized enterprises. In cities you can find merchants and
shopkeepers.[14]Community cooperatives represent a marginal part of the economy
in Rojava; and the private sector continues to exist, in the form of small and
medium-sized enterprises. In cities you can find merchants and
shopkeepers.[14]Community cooperatives represent a marginal part of the economy
in Rojava; and the private sector continues to exist, in the form of small and
medium-sized enterprises. In cities you can find merchants and shopkeepers.
In short, in Rojava the State has not disappeared, as this coercive apparatus is
associated with the existence of social classes. They have their central
government, their army - military service is compulsory - and their police force
(the asayish). The economic structure is totally backward, with hardly any
industrial development. This may prevent the emergence of a large bourgeoisie
(industrial and financial), but this social class continues to exist, as well as
an abundant small bourgeoisie. Capitalist social relations, private property,
exist, and even feudal social relations; there are entrepreneurs as well as
landowners. Feudal institutions such as lordships, or tribal communities persist,
all characteristic of agrarian subsistence economies. An anarchist militant
described the Rojava process as follows: "We must consider that the process in
Rojava has progressive characteristics as an important leap in the direction of
women's liberation, who have tried to develop a secular, pro-social justice, a
plural democratic structure and that other ethnic and religious groups are
involved in the administration. But the fact that the recently emerging structure
does not seek the suppression of private property, that is, the abolition of
classes, that the tribal system remains and that tribal leaders participate in
the administration, shows that the objective is not the suppression of feudal or
capitalist relations of production, but rather in his own words 'the building of
a democratic nation' ".[fifteen].
CONCLUSION
The so-called Democratic Confederalism can hardly be a political project that can
be assumed by a revolutionary syndicalist or anarcho-syndicalist organization. In
fact, the CNT already has its own "confederalism": the confederal concept of
libertarian communism. It is not necessary that they come to us with supposed
news -which are not such- in that sense. Nor does the economic model proposed in
Rojava - based on agricultural cooperatives - adapt to the realities of our
Western societies. It must also be clarified that cooperativism is not
necessarily transformative and much less revolutionary. The fact that a region
has not reached the capitalist phase of industrial development does not mean that
it has passed capitalism; it simply means that we are facing a subsistence
economy, without a significant development of the working class, and in which
even feudal relations of production survive. Contrary to what those who emphasize
cultural changes, of simple "mentality", or that do not go beyond the individual
think, any revolution that can be qualified as such requires a change in the
economic structure of society (infrastructure), the abolition of social classes
and private property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We
have to show solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not
imply assimilating their approaches or adopting their political project, nor of
course stop being critical of them. Contrary to what those who emphasize cultural
changes, of simple "mentality", or that do not go beyond the individual think,
any revolution that can be qualified as such requires a change in the economic
structure of society (infrastructure), the abolition of social classes and
private property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We have to
show solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not imply
assimilating their approaches or adopting their political project, nor of course
stop being critical of them. Contrary to what those who emphasize cultural
changes, of simple "mentality", or that do not go beyond the individual think,
any revolution that can be qualified as such requires a change in the economic
structure of society (infrastructure), the abolition of social classes and
private property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We have to
show solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not imply
assimilating their proposals or adopting their political project, nor of course
ceasing to be critical of them. the abolition of social classes and private
property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We have to show
solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not imply
assimilating their approaches or adopting their political project, nor of course
stop being critical of them. the abolition of social classes and private
property.[16]And this is not what we currently find in Rojava. We have to show
solidarity, of course, with the Kurdish cause, but that does not imply
assimilating their proposals or adopting their political project, nor of course
ceasing to be critical of them.
To conclude, I want to make an observation about "pro-Kurdish" organizations and
groups that operate in our territory. They still have a very strong party
culture, as they seem to orbit under the shadow of the PKK, even though they
present themselves as "anarchists." Not even Öcalan's cult of personality goes
unnoticed and, let's not kid ourselves: it goes much further than simple
solidarity with a political prisoner. The CNT is not and will not be the
transmission belt of any political party, organization or external group with the
pretense of acting as the central committee of other organizations. Not to
mention that in certain environments the working class is rejected as a
revolutionary subject, putting only women - not even working women, but women in
an interclass sense - or youth in their place. We must prevent any possible
entryism in this sense, of "pro-Kurdish" groups or of any other type, since ours
is an organization aimed precisely at the working class, and our model is already
quite clear. We are not going to follow a certain political line, which is
foreign to us, no matter how many indoctrination formations we want to carry out,
nor are we going to be a pawn within a strategy external to our organization. I
have nothing more to say at the moment. We will continue in a future article. No
matter how many indoctrination trainings they want to carry out, we are not going
to be a pawn in a strategy external to our organization. I have nothing more to
say at the moment. We will continue in a future article. No matter how many
indoctrination trainings they want to carry out, we are not going to be a pawn in
a strategy external to our organization. I have nothing more to say at the
moment. We will continue in a future article.
OTHER
[1]For example, in its 1995 Congress they made symbols such as the hammer and
sickle disappear from their flag, they also changed the name of the Secretary
General to the President General, and they stopped talking about the Central
Committee to talk about the General Council. This shows the abandonment of
Marxism-Leninism as the official ideology of the party.
[2]Term surely conceived in opposition to typically Bolshevik Democratic Centralism.
[3]David Graeber put the spotlight on the Kurdish conflict, contributing to the
confusion, in articles such as:
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/oct/08/why-world-ignoring-revolutionary-
kurds-syria-isis . Another analysis of the supposed "anarchist revolution":
https://elordenmundial.com/rojava-la-revolucion-anarquista-de-oriente-proximo/
[4]Öcalan, A. (2012). Democratic Confederalism . International Initiative
Edition, p. 21.
[5]Ibid., P. 35.
[6]Öcalan, A. (2008). War and Peace in Kurdistan . International Initiative
Edition, p. 31.
[7]Ibid., P. 42.
[8]Öcalan, A. (2009). Manifesto for a Democratic Civilization. The Origins of
Civilization (Volume 1) . Editorial Descontrol, p. 201.
[9]Ibid., Pp. 117-118.
[10]Ibid, p. 118.
[11]Öcalan, A. (2008). War and Peace in Kurdistan . International Initiative
Edition, p. 31.
[12]There is a diverse bibliography on this topic, such as Arribas, G. (2018).
Ideological transformation of Abdullah Öcalan. The Kurdish movement and the
democratic confederation:
https://rojavaazadimadrid.files.wordpress.com/2018/07/transformacic3b3n-ideolc3b3gica-de-abdullah-ocalan-el-movimiento-kurdo-y-la-confederacic3b3n-democrc3a1tica-difusion.
pdf .
[13]Anderson, T .; Egret, E. (2016). Democratic Confederalism in Kurdistan .
Cooperative Economy:
https://rojavaazadimadrid.org/confederalismo-democratico-en-kurdistan-examen-y-analisis-de-cooperative-economy/
[14]Information dossier - Cooperatives in North and East Syria: developing a new
economy (2020). Rojava Information Center:
http://rojavaazadimadrid.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Dossier-RIC-Cooperativas-NES-081120.pdf
. On the communes we have another article:
https://rojavaazadimadrid.org/el-sistema-interno-de-comunas-de-rojava/
[15]Onar, Z. (2014). Rojava: Fantasies and Realities:
https://usa.anarchistlibraries.net/library/zafer-onat-rojava-fantasies-and-realities
[16]Baher, Z. (2014). The West Kurdistan (Syrian Kurdistan) experiment has proven
that the people can make change . Editorial Descontrol.
https://lasoli.cnt.cat/2020/12/16/opinio-el-mite-kurd-critica-del-projecte-politic-dabdullah-ocalan/
------------------------------
Message: 3
The ACG talks to a comrade from the Gold Rent Strike team ---- 1. First of all,
would you like to give us a bit of background to the Gold Rent Strike? ---- The
Goldsmiths Rent Strike is a movement that is run by primarily first year and
foundation year students. One of the things this movement, like many other
student movements popping up around the UK understands that the way in which rent
dynamics work is inherently exploitative and the commodification of human rights
such as education and housing must end. These are things in which I wanted to
stress as we felt that a lot of the media was framing these movements including
ours as just being through the consumer lens. Don't get me wrong, as we stand as
consumers today, we are being ripped off. Halls have been a mess, and Goldsmiths
have shown their further lack of care for students' well-being. We have been
subjected to inhumane conditions of halls including the following: black mold,
urine filled floors, rat infested halls, broken windows, water leaks, broken
showers, broken sinks, and so much more. Students have had trouble contacting
mental health services as they've been backed up and are just generally
underfunded. During the lockdowns students were given no support whatsoever.
There have been instances of sexual violence and racism in halls with little to
no action by the university, as the lack of support and report systems for these
things are severely lacking. This is nothing new for Goldsmiths, for example they
literally for a short time cut a project against sexual violence that was run by
the SU, and just last year treated black and brown occupiers fighting for
anti-racism action in a disgusting manner. Goldsmiths have also lured us here on
false promises of hybrid learning, when in reality it's all been online and we've
been locked down most of the time. For all these reasons we are striking!
2. And how do things stand now, as we come to the end of the academic year?
At the moment we are just trying to mobilize more and more people to sign up for
the strike, while also trying to figure out the legal side so we can understand
all of the risks and lay them out to everyone. Also really trying to not lose
much momentum for the strike over the break that students are currently on.
3. What kind of structure does the Gold Rent Strike have? Is there an intention
to make it a horizontal approach and how do you make sure that often marginalised
voices are heard?
A horizontal structure is something that I and a couple of others really pushed
for in the beginning of organizational proceedings, as we had about 5-6 meetings
really trying to push for a type of direct democracy system which I would have
liked to get everyone's voices heard, however I don't want to attack anyone
personally but we just didn't and haven't gotten enough involvement, and a lot of
the chats can seem really dead. We've decided that an alternative would be to try
and come up with an effective delegate system, where literally anyone who wants
to be involved can be a part of their halls/buildings within the halls, team that
is involved with issues relating to those halls, etc. We want as many people as
possible for this, and it's been actually pretty hard to get people for this.
Just so you know we don't have any official hierarchy, just people who are doing
more work than others. I wouldn't say I have any more authority over anyone in
the group. In terms of highlighting marginalized voices we have been trying to do
that primarily on our socials as we do have quite a large audience on there.
We've done Q and A's asking people to tell their stories in halls, and have
gotten many responses which were posted to the stories. We have been contacting
people within marginalized groups asking them if they'd want to share their
individual stories so we could highlight these issues even further. This has been
sometimes hard, as a lot of these experiences are quite traumatic and many people
aren't up for telling their stories. Hopefully we will get some replies and be
able to amplify these stories! We have also been trying to make people aware of
problems for example, POC staff facing pay cuts and job losses at a much higher
rate, as well as just generally how rent is just unaffordable for the majority of
the students, but particularly for low income and working class students.
4. There have been rent strikes at other universities and attempts to
co-ordinate. What sort of challenges have you faced?
I think one challenge that we've faced is acknowledgment of us by Frances Corner
( Editor's note: Warden of Goldsmith's and head of the Senior Management Team).
We know that the senior management team knows we are striking and is watching our
communications closely, however they haven't tried to reach out to us, and are
essentially acting like we don't exist. Trying to get a public acknowledgement
and meeting with them is important even before the strike happens
5. Goldsmith's organised workers have a reputation for militancy and successful
actions. What sort of worker-student liaision takes place?
In terms of this, we have as one of our demands that there be no job cuts and job
losses for staff at university because we know how ruthless Goldsmiths is towards
not only students, but also towards their workers, and we feel it's important
that we protect them!
6. Have efforts been made to reach out to local Further Education colleges and,
if so, what has been the aim of this and the result?
We have also gotten some messages of solidarity and support from lots of staff
like academics, cleaning teams, etc. We are definitely looking to get more
involved with staffers as we can and need to work together to help bring down the
capitalistic machines that these universities have become.
7. Where does the Gold Rent Strike go from here and how can solidarity be expressed?
This rent strike moves forward by trying to get more and more people to sign up
and join, making sure we have clear and effective plans if things go south
legally (we are hoping and thinking they won't) and we can redistribute wealth
and funds to people who need them the most so no one has to go through any
stressful financial or mental situations. In terms of solidarity, I think this is
great! Thanks for hearing us out and publishing this! It is much appreciated!
Check us out on our socials @goldrentstrike on twitter and instagram. Graphics
are on there too.
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2020/12/19/interview-with-goldsmiths-rent-striker/
------------------------------
Message: 4
At a time when a new wave of attacks is hitting Europe, the government is taking
the opportunity to pass ever more liberticidal measures. Paradoxically, in the
name of freedom of expression, the reactionaries want to hamper that of the
dominated minorities. ---- While freedom of expression is a fundamental
individual freedom, it remains a complex notion with flexible contours depending
on the political agenda of the bodies governing it. Thus, it can be limited
according to two opposing tendencies: the will of States to control the press and
public speech, or the pressure of oppressed groups wishing to restrict
expressions denying their humanity or inciting violence against them, proving
that freedom expression cannot be total in an unequal society.
But it is only at the cost of fierce struggles that minorities obtain these
concessions, which have never been won. Because in order to establish their
power, States have an interest in limiting the expression of minorities and
exploited classes while guaranteeing that of the bodies that serve them.
Thus, contrary to what the government propaganda says, it is indeed a limitation
of the expression of the Muslim minority by the State which is currently
generalizing.
In fact, under the guise of the fight against terrorism, successive governments
have severely restricted individual freedoms, so that any criticism of the
government in the area of anti-terrorism becomes suspect and liable to heavy
penalties even if in fact it is mainly people Muslim or perceived as such who are
condemned.
It is also the racialized children, who are denied any right to error or
innocence, who pay the price of these measures since after the precedent of 2015,
several children were again placed in police custody this year. denunciation of
professors.
criminalization of The fight against Islamophobia
It is ultimately the fight against Islamophobia itself that is targeted, with the
restriction of the possible forms of expression through which it is mobilized.
Thus, the main association in the fight against Islamophobia, the CCIF, was
forced to relocate part of its activity, faced with the threat of dissolution. It
is, through the law of research programming, the will to subjugate the social
sciences and to prohibit the scientific study of structural racism and more
particularly of State racism.
In the end, it was the foreign press that was censored by Macron who refused to
be able to criticize his policies. In his words: "I will not let anyone say that
France, his state, cultivates racism vis-à-vis Muslims." And indeed, all the
measures taken at present by the government are aimed at annihilating the very
expression of the fight against Islamophobia. Make no mistake, the gravediggers
of freedom of expression are not anti-racist or feminist activists, it is always
states and their governments.
Anti-racist Commission
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Dissonance-cognitive-une-liberte-d-expression-sous-controle
------------------------------
Message: 5
The government's indifference to protecting the health of the social base is now
apparent to all. Although the second wave of the pandemic, in the autumn, was
taken for granted, the state chose the tactic of death policy. Minor support of
the NSS, gold-paid rent instead of the order of the private clinics, in the state
budget for 2021 the expenses for the health are reduced by 532 million euros, the
conditions in the M.M.M. They remain miserable, as the birth of buses is not as
easy as that of patrol cars, and finally there is overcrowding in whatever
industries remain in operation. ---- One of these industries is that of couriers.
The bosses of the various courier companies saw their profits skyrocket in the
lockdown situation. To such an extent, in fact, that they came to suspend the
operation of their network, as they could not cope. As expected, despite the huge
increase in orders, no recruitments were made. The workers on both wheels are
doing the round of death under intensified working conditions, without protection
measures and often work uninsured, in order not to increase the wage costs that
will be borne by the employer. The health of the workers is endangered, so that
not an extra euro is lost for the bosses. Equally tragic and dangerous is the
situation in the sorting centers, with non-existent individual / collective
protection measures being the rule. The logical consequence was, therefore, that
an employee fell ill.
Specifically, a driver in the ELTA Courier was diagnosed positive in the
coronavirus and is now intubated in Evangelismos. The bosses / management
maintained their firm stance. That is, they treat employees as consumables.
Disinfection took place after days and the union complained. For mass tests no
reason. It is very costly and the business can not afford it ? Maybe they are
right... How much can it afford?
It withstood the project assignment (construction, maintenance and technical
support of the electronic market) in April 2020 for 250,000. euros to a company,
which was quite lucky, because it managed to set up one day before the
competition for the project! Of course the Board of ELTA Courier falsely stated
that the proposal had been submitted in March, that is, before the said company
was established. Small waste, if we consider the spring food and drink with
media, propeller shafts, toll contractors etc...
He continues to endure cooperation with terrorist contractors such as SKYCOM, a
subsidiary of ONEX SA, who are paid 1,300 euros / employee per month, while the
employee is paid 600 euros / month. With fixed-term contracts, usually monthly,
so that employees are intimidated and do not react to the ongoing abuse of their
labor rights.
Labor rights abuses, intensification, low wages, rental arrangements and
fixed-term contracts are also used as indirect blackmail by the government in its
ELTA amendment passed in early December, which provides for 2,000 voluntary
redundancies. In addition, the amendment provides for 2-speed employees: "old"
and "new". In addition, it transforms employees into a "tennis ball" from service
to service between ELTA and their subsidiaries and in general in other services
of the public sector.
This amendment of the government is added to a series of anti-labor and
anti-social bills and measures which are voted in the parliament in the middle of
quarantine. State and capital exacerbate the class war, as the pandemic treaty is
ideal for further widening the class gap that separates capital from labor, to
the benefit of the capitalists, of course. Prohibitions of rallies and
demonstrations argue precisely for the intensity of social and class rivalry in
favor of the rulers, but are clothed in sanitary pretexts in order to extract
their consensus and discipline from below in the barbarity of state and
capitalist totalitarianism.
On the night of Wednesday 16/12 we carried out symbolic interventions by throwing
paint in two ELTA and ELTA Courier stores on Lagada Street and in an ELTA store
on Papafi Street in Thessaloniki. With this symbolic action we declare our class
solidarity with the workers of modern labor schemes. Class unionism in the
workplace is the only way to stop the arbitrariness and criminal treatment of
workers by their bosses, which is supported by government policies.
IMMEDIATE TAKING OF PROTECTION MEASURES AT WORKPLACES WITH EMPLOYMENT RESPONSIBILITY
IMMEDIATE AND MASSIVE TEST FOR COVID-19 TO THOSE WHO CONTINUE WORKING AND EXPOSED
DAILY TO THE RISK OF VIRUS INFECTION
NO DISMISSAL OF AN EMPLOYEE UNDER THE PANDEMIC OF COVID-19
NO MISUSES OF LABOR OUR RIGHTS - NO FINANCIAL STRANGALISMOS SOCIAL BASELINE
PUBLIC, FREE AND DECENT HEALTH FOR ALL AND ALL - DIRECT epitaxy PRIVATE CLINICS -
DIRECT, MASS AND PERMANENT RECRUITMENT HEALTH PERSONAL
CRISIS of capitalism and COVID-19 to pay STATES AND BOSSES
Liberal Initiative of Thessaloniki (member of the Anarchist Federation)
e-mail contact:lib_thess@hotmail.com
blog: libertasalonica.wordpress.com
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2020/12/17/
------------------------------
Message: 6
51 years after the assassination of Giuseppe Pinelli, the Reggiana Anarchist
Federation - FAI intends to donate a tree dedicated to him to the city to pass on
its memory to future generations. As already happened in Milan last year in the
presence of the mayor of the city and his daughters Silvia and Claudia and in
agreement with the wife of the railway worker Licia Rognini, we would like to
plant a Red Oak in a significant place in our city. In the Lombard capital a
plaque was affixed that reads: "Tree dedicated to Giuseppe Pinelli, railway
worker, anarchist, partisan, 18th victim of Piazza Fontana, 50 years after his
tragic death in his memory in the neighborhood where he lived". The project
intends to plant this splendid tree inside the Public Gardens (Parco del Popolo).
The Anarchist Federation of Reggio has always been committed, since December
1969, to denounce the strategy of tension that caused the massacre in Piazza
Fontana, the assassination of Giuseppe Pinelli and more. And today, as then, it
is committed to fighting against all powers, for a society based on social
justice and in balance with the environment that surrounds us.
https://federazioneanarchicareggiana.noblogs.org/una-quercia-rossa-per-giuseppe-pinelli/
------------------------------
Message: 7
Camp Moria on the island Lesbos, Greece 8/30/2020 | Author Faktengebunden
We have to call matters by their name: the so-called refugee and immigrant
reception centers in Greece are places of torment and barbarity. People are
penned up here in miserable conditions. The food is uneatable, hygiene and
cleanliness are impossible, and there are no doctors or medicine. The police beat
(sometimes to death), torture and mock the residents every day. The hell of
Moria, which was illuminated for a short moment by the flames that burned the
camp, is only one of many such places of misery scattered around the Greek
territory where human life has no value.
Regardless of whether they came to Greece as immigrants or refugees, the people
who move between the camps and reception centers and our communities are the same
people who work for scraps without insurance in the fields and in construction,
as cleaners and in other similar jobs. They are part of the global multiethnic
working class who are under constant attack. Europe's labor movement and unions
are obliged to make the closure of these camps a priority. Capitalism and states
unleash wars with ever-growing profits for the bosses in mind, and then use laws
to curtail the free movement and in this way criminalize refugees from these war
zones. The undocumented migrants and refugees who manage to reach the West are
exploited as cheap labor without rights and confined in wretched reception
centers and camps. The European Union finances this modern day hell on earth and
at the same time creates the legal basis for confining refugees in Greece.
Since the pandemic began, the Greek state has been targeting the immigrants
inside and outside the reception centers, accusing them of importing and
spreading the virus. The government confines the refugees to the reception
centers where there is no protection from infection and no access to medical
care. Since the extension of quarantine measures in October, these formerly open
centers have been locked down becoming de facto prisons. The martial law under
which the refugees have been living has thus been expanded by the legalization of
their detention in these places of misery. From the new Moria that is being built
in Kara Tepe (Lesbos) to the Amigdaleza camp, and the Eleona and Petroy Ralli
districts in Athens, we have to fight for closure of all camps, whether they are
open or locked down. It's an obligation to ourselves, our class and humanity.
We call on all anarcho-syndicalist organizations in Europe and around the world
to join the struggle to close all camps and so-called reception centers. Inform
the workers in your country about this modern-day crime against humanity and
organize events and demonstrations. Let us begin discussions about coordinating a
global day of action against the camps. Let us fight against wars and racism
until we shut down every last on of these hells.
For a new world of freedom, equality and solidarity! The boat is not full! Shut
down all camps!
ESE · Greece
https://www.icl-cit.org/we-will-celebrate-the-most-beautiful-feast-on-the-ruins-of-the-21st-centurys-greatest-hell/
------------------------------
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