Today's Topics:
1. France, Union Communiste Libertaire UCL AL #311 -
Anti-fascism, Far right and jihadism: convergence for civil war
(ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
Anti-fascism, Far right and jihadism: convergence for civil war
(ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. [Barcelona] 50 pickets and 6 strike days in 180 days, the
battle of the CNT section of the Eurest Compass Group
battle of the CNT section of the Eurest Compass Group
by Gavroche
(ca, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(ca, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. anarkismo.net - Self and Others: Max Stirner and
Revolutionary Anarchism by Wayne Price
Revolutionary Anarchism by Wayne Price
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. asr anarshism: Neighborhood protests [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. asr anarshism: Anarchist Federation: The people are
preparing for the final confrontation with the government
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
preparing for the final confrontation with the government
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Greece, Libertarian Initiative of Thessaloniki:
Interventions with paints and sprays in 3 branches of
Interventions with paints and sprays in 3 branches of
the General
Post Office [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Following the Conflans and Nice attacks, several members of the government,
followed by academics and zealous editorialists, launched the hunt for
"Islamo-leftists". Thus, campaigning for equal rights and against discrimination
would amount to being an "accomplice" in the attacks. However, there is a
political family whose political objectives meet those of the jihadists: the
extreme right. ---- The investigation into the 2015 attacks revealed the
involvement of Claude Hermant, a figure of Lille fascism[1]. The arrest of
Abdelhakim Sefrioui in the investigation into the assassination of Conflans once
again sheds light on links with the far right. This radical Islamist, creator of
the anti-Semitic collective Cheikh Yacine, to which the anti-fascists have
opposed several times, was for a time active in the pro-Palestinian mobilizations.
Sefrioui was close to Dieudonné, and through this, in contact with several
far-right officials, including Frédéric Chatillon, formerly of Gud and close to
Marine Le Pen[2]. Yet the liberals prefer to focus their attacks on anti-racist
movements, diverting attention to their own responsibilities in the development
of jihadist ideologies[3].
The collusion between the extreme right and jihadists should not surprise us as
their objectives are converging. The jihadists advocate a strategy of terror
based on increasing hostility towards Muslims, hoping to rally them to their
cause in order to wage a holy war to unify the global Muslim community against
the "disbelievers" (including, in their ideology, a number of Muslims deemed
impious).
The investigation into the 2015 attacks revealed that a figure of the extreme
right in Lille, Claude Hermant (here on the right, next to his friend Serge
Ayoub), had supplied the jihadist Amedy Coulibaly with weapons)
This strategy to impose a totalitarian politico-religious system is today a
resounding failure, and the global jihadist networks (Al-Qaida and Daesh for
example) are weakened and almost without support in Europe. However, the recent
attacks show that their supporters retain a capacity for terror, with limited
damage but with indisputable symbolic effects.
It is these effects that feed the far right. The political legitimacy of the
latter asserts itself more, positioning itself as a slayer of "Islamism", which
it uses to disseminate its racist ideas. At the same time, its members are more
or less openly preparing for the "race war" which they are in fact seeking to
provoke. Some already practice violent action against minorities and political
activists[4].
Their goal: a deadly struggle
The anti-fascist camp for its part is fiercely committed to equality and freedom
for all. In the face of racism, we are right to stand alongside those who want to
defend their rights. We must also continue to denounce imperialist interventions
and participate in international solidarity towards those who fight on the front
line and in a concrete way, whether against the jihadist politico-religious
project or the imposition of identity fascism.
The Antifascist Commission
Validate
[1] "Five services knew that Hermant was selling weapons, why didn't they arrest
him before the attacks? » , October 2, 2020, Streetpress.com.
[2] "About Abdelhakim Sefrioui and the Cheikh Yassine collective" , October 20,
2020, Lahorde.samizdat.net.
[3] "The West and the Jihadists: Chronicles of a Hypocrisy" , October 24, 2020,
Acta.zone.
[4] Generation Hate , visible on Youtube, an undercover documentary conducted by
an Al Jazeera journalist on Generation Identity is enlightening on this point.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Extreme-droite-et-djihadisme-convergence-pour-la-guerre-civile
------------------------------
Message: 2
Last March, the section declared a conflict against the multinational, owned by
the Black Rock vulture fund, for breach of agreements. The actions begin on July
3, to the violation of agreements is added violation of the ERTE. ---- Banners,
flags, stickers, leaflets, megaphone with the siren at maximum volume, and some
explanatory speech for more than 1 hour. Sometimes we are 6, and sometimes 16. It
is cold or hot. Entrance to the center, explanation of the situation and the
determination of the CNT in defending the interests of the working class. ----
Meetings, preparation of actions, visibility of the conflict on social networks.
Press releases and articles in own and related media. We exhibit Cas Manga, also
what happened at IFEMA. Complaints to the Labor Inspectorate (won), union visits
to work centers. Claim tables, formal communications with contractors and
different positions of Eurest / Compass Group. Call for a strike. Meanwhile,
Eurest's predatory policy generates conflict in Girona and a couple of centers in
the Basque Country by colleagues from other unions.
Sanctions with falsified reasons, plus sanctions, up to 5 to 4 workers in the
section. Delegate, organizational secretary, general secretary and treasury.
3-day strike in the cafeterias of the funeral homes owned by Memora, Sancho de
Ávila and Les Corts in Barcelona. They denounce us. Negotiation attempt. They
want us to stop claiming our rights, in exchange they offer to withdraw the
complaint and reduce penalties. The CNT section refuses, the company exercises
union repression against another worker in response. We carry out coordinated
action with the compas of the Girona committee, who have also been standing up
for years.
The most cohesive and self-confident section ever. More participatory and
motivated, than we have been in these more than 6 years of experience. There are
50, and there will be many more, as many as necessary to make EUREST understand
that the CNT is not going to give up in the defense of our class interests. For
the defense of jobs, union agreements and against union repression.
Without released, without subsidies, with COMMITMENT.
Do you work at Eurest, Vitarest, Escolarest, Catering Vilaplana, Medirest, or any
other company of the Compass Group?
Contact the Trade Union Section CNT - Eurest / Compass
Group:seccio.eurest@barcelona.cnt.es
CNTBarcelona:sov@barcelona.cnt.es
#teamcompassgroupes #comedoresseguros #comedoresempresa
- Trade union section of Eurest in CNT
http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/45151
------------------------------
Message: 3
Review of Jacob Blumenfeld. All Things Are Nothing to Me: The Unique Philosophy
of Max Stirner. ---- The individualist- egoism of Max Stirner, its strengths and
weaknesses, in comparison with the views of Bakunin, Landauer, and Karl Marx.
---- Max Stirner was the pen name of Johann Kasper Schmidt (1806-56). He was part
of a milieu of young philosophers who sought to develop further the philosophy of
the great German thinker Georg W. F. Hegel, who had died in 1831. This milieu has
been referred to as the Young Hegelians or Left Hegelians. While Hegel's system
had solidified into a reactionary form, they mainly tried to rework it in more
humanistic, naturalistic, and democratic directions. The most well-known of these
young men today (there were women in the grouping, but their names have dropped
out of history) are Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. (Engels had been a personal
friend of Stirner's for a time.) Michael Bakunin-later a founder of revolutionary
socialist-anarchism-also studied Hegel and was in contact with this milieu.
Stirner wrote his masterwork, Der Einzige und sein Eigentum, in 1844. In 1907 it
was translated into English as The Ego and His Own, although a current
translation by Wolfi Landstriecher (2017) more correctly has it as The Unique and
Its Property. At the time, its extreme individualism and amoralism created a
stir. Various Young Hegelians wrote rebuttals. Marx and Engels wrote a lengthy
book, The German Ideology (1846), most of which was a response to
Stirner.[1]However, interest died down, especially after the 1848 failed European
revolution. Marx and Engels did not publish their book. Stirner had no influence
on the anarchist movement of the time.
John Henry Mackay was to rediscover Stirner and published his biography in 1897.
Individualist anarchists, such as Benjamin Tucker, adopted Stirner's book into
their canon. Emma Goldman also admired his work. Today he is included in
selections of anarchist theorists. Some regard him as a predecessor of
"postanarchism," which seeks to integrate anarchism with poststructuralism,
postmodernism, and postleftism. This brings me to Jacob Blumenfeld's All Things
Are Nothing to Me: The Unique Philosophy of Max Stirner.
Stirner's Thought
Most of this work is an exposition of Stirner's thought. But that is not a simple
matter and this is not a simple (or clear) book. According to Blumenthal, this is
at least partially due to Stirner. The author refers to "Stirner's erratic
thinking" (p. 3); "Stirner's language cannot be taken at face value.... I propose
numerous translations of Stirnerisms in order to make sense of what appears
senseless" (pp. 15-16). Stirner's theory has a "fundamental ambiguity" (p. 23).
Blumenfeld refers to "the strange logic of Stirner's argument" (p. 51). The
writer chides Marx for misreading Stirner: "He takes him to be laying out thesis
after thesis, building up a system" (p. 15). Then Marx criticizes his system for
being illogical. Instead, Stirner was providing a poetic "performance," using
"deduction, dialectic, etymology, allegory, repetition, shock, syllogism,
metaphor, neologism, aphorism" to provide "a text which provokes an experience in
the reader" (p. 15).
To fill in the holes in Stirner's work and to clarify the ambiguities, Blumenthal
uses other philosophers. These include Friedrich Nietzsche, Martin Heidegger,
Michel Foucault, Hegel, Jacques Derrida, Guy Debord, and Emmanuel Levinas. Using
Baruch Spinoza's philosophy, "it is possible to reconstruct an ontology that
makes sense of Stirner's views" (p. 60). The thinker he most uses is Marx. Except
for a few brief statements, he does not cite other anarchists, with the exception
of Gustav Landauer. Borrowing from such sources, and relying on his own insights,
Blumenthal creates his personal Stirner, whom he refers to as "My Stirner" (p. 51).
Stirner was a supreme nominalist. While admitting that abstractions may be useful
at times, he insisted that they did not exist. The "I" would be mistaken to be
committed to them or to be guided by them. This was not only true of God but also
of humanity, not only of the state, but also of society, not to mention love,
justice, mercy, kindness, country, class, freedom, chastity, honor, property, and
so on. These were all "spooks" in the head, fixed thoughts, delusions foisted
upon the I by society (p. 18). The only thing which mattered was the I ("Ich,"
also translated as "ego"). Even that does not truly exist, since labels are not
reality; the self is an undefinably unique, creative, nothing (no-thing). Out of
this void, motives, behavior, and thoughts are produced. Only my own motives
count, since otherwise I am an alienated thing.
The I owns itself and owns whatever it has the power to take from others. The
central life process is not labor but consumption-of others, of their ideas, of
their property. Socialization is only participated in for what each one can get
out of it. This is the hypothetical Association (or Union) of Egoists. These
views are opposed to republican democracy, because that would make the state
dominate the I, and to socialism, because that would make society dominate the I.
Rather than argue the weaknesses of Stirner's nominalist egoism, I contrast his
views with those of the socialist anarchist Michael Bakunin. Bakunin referred to
"the materialistic conception of freedom" (from his 1871 God and the State): "Man
completely realizes his individual freedom as well as his personality only
through the individuals who surround him and thanks only to the labor and the
collective power of society.... I am truly free only when all human beings, men
and women, are equally free. The freedom of other men, far from negating or
limiting my freedom, is, on the contrary, its necessary premise and confirmation.
It is the slavery of other men that sets up a barrier to my freedom ...[and]is
the negation of my humanity."[2]
If we agree with Bakunin that individuals develop out of and through the society
of other individuals, then values and ethics are not extrinsic to the self.
Individuals are born with feelings of empathy, dependence, and other social
emotions (even hatred is a social emotion). And society has norms, rational and
irrational, that keep it functioning. These are passed on to individuals (mostly
through the family). As individuals mature, some accept these standards
unthinkingly. Others work their way through them, to develop their own values.
But no one starts from an asocial blank slate.
Stirner and Marx
Rarely noted, Marx saw positive aspects in Stirner's work. These are summarized
by Sidney Hook (written when he was a revolutionary Marxist): "The realistic
impact of[Stirner's]criticism of the empty and abstract appeal to reason,
justice, and humanity served as an effective antidote to ... vapid
sentimentalism.... Stirner's repudiation of inherent natural rights cleared the
ground for the revolutionist's attacks upon the absolute right of property....[He
attacked]the absolutist state as a fiction imposed on the community for the
benefit of a few.... The most significant of all of Stirner's views was his
emphasis upon the fact that formal freedom was an empty abstraction. Freedom is a
freedom to do."[3]
Blumenthal makes a similar analysis. He writes, "It was Marx's brilliance to
embed Stirner's critique of ideology within a historical analysis of class
antagonisms and social relations of production" (p. 132). Both Stirner and Marx
rejected abstract moral generalizations in favor of the self-interest of
individuals. This included groups of individuals, particularly for Marx, classes.
What drives people to struggle for a better world is not a vapid belief in
Justice but the actual experience of oppression on their own backs. Engels said
of Stirner, "His egoistic man is bound to become communist out of sheer egoism"
(p. 133).
Even for those not directly oppressed but who chose to identify with those who
are, Engels wrote, "We must certainly make a cause our own, egoistic cause,
before we can do anything to further it-and hence that in this sense,
irrespective of any material aspirations, we are communists out of egoism also"
(p. 133).
Self-determining, unique selves can only flourish in a stateless communist
society. Blumenthal concludes, "Stirner's unique individual, the Einzige or I
capable of fully developing its own powers, is only possible in fully developed
communism" (p. 138). Conversely, as Engels wrote, "Society cannot free itself
unless every individual is freed. The old mode of production must therefore be
revolutionized from top to bottom."[4]
Contradictions
So far, such views are consistent with those of the socialist anarchists, from
Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin to the communist-anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists.
But while Blumenthal believes that a full egoism is consistent with communism,
this was not Stirner's opinion. Stirner was not interested in working out a new
society with freedom for all individuals. His primary focus was on the
self-development of the I, by itself.
Stirner and Marx had a nonmoral approach in common. They rejected an abstract,
suprahuman, and classless morality in favor of a focus on self-interest. Marx and
Engels were clearly motivated by moral values, but this was not part of their
system. They never wrote that people should be for communism.
But a rejection of an abstract pie-in-the-sky morality does not rule out the
possibility of a naturalistic and nonmoralistic ethics. This was the opinion of
Bakunin and Kropotkin. A completely nonmoral view of socialism has led many
socialists to accept the totalitarian, mass-murdering, Stalinist regimes as
"socialist." They appeared to be the product of the historical process. These
Marxists lacked ethical standards rooted in historical reality. If Marx developed
his nonmoral approach through responding to Stirner (as Blumenthal suggests),
then Stirner's influence was not all positive.
On the other hand, Marx is often criticized as being a teleological determinist,
who believed that "socialism is inevitable." He is blamed for seeing the laws of
political economy he developed as absolutely true laws that must dominate
people's behavior. It is argued that these failings led Marx's "orthodox"
followers in a totalitarian direction.[5]Whether this is a correct interpretation
of Marx is controversial. Some note that Marx and Engels had also said that the
alternatives were "ruin or revolution," providing more than one possibility.[6]In
my opinion, Marx was ambiguous in his determinism and abstraction, leaving room
for various interpretations. In any case, Stirner's complete rejection of
determinism and abstractions has certain benefits compared to determinist
interpretations of Marxism.
For both Marx and the revolutionary anarchists, there is a reason to look at
class self-interest. They did not believe that the capitalist class would
surrender its wealth and power to the workers because it is the right thing to
do. They did not expect the bourgeoisie to give up its rule because the workers
won a peaceful and legal democratic election. The ruling rich and their minions
are not motivated by Christian or democratic ideals, whatever they say. Therefore
Marx and Engels, Bakunin and Kropotkin, concluded that the exploited (out of
their class self-interest) had to eventually take away the industries, land, and
wealth of the rich, break up their military-police-bureaucratic state, and create
new, radically democratic institutions. Marxists and anarchists often differ on
what these new institutions might be, but agree that a revolution would be necessary.
At times, Stirner suggested support for expropriating the capitalists, but this
was not his main interest. He rejected "revolution" in favor of "insurrection"
(or "rebellion"). To him, that meant individual self-awareness and
self-development, breaking free of the "spooks" in one's head.
Blumenthal concludes, "To make the world one's property cannot occur without the
dissolution of the state and civil society, and replacing it with communes,
associations, unions, and councils" (p. 144). Very good. This is consistent with
both anarchism and libertarian versions of Marxism. But how can we dissolve the
state and capital and replace them? Blumenthal's response is essentially
nonrevolutionary. He does not present a strategy for building popular movements
which might lead to overthrowing capitalism and the state and replacing them with
libertarian communism. Instead he suggests looking toward changes in the
consciousness of individuals and small groups.
For example, he presents a section on Gustav Landauer, a German anarchist
(1870-1919). He is the only anarchist besides Stirner whom Blumenthal discusses.
Landauer proposed that workers withdraw from industry and cities to establish
agricultural communes, or to build combination consumer-and-producer
cooperatives. "Landauer's mystical appropriation of Stirner is completely his
own.... Against reform[or]revolution ... Landauer's communism or anarchy is
primarily ethical ... to foster the rebirth of the unique, the singular, the
contingent" (p. 111). In 1919, a workers' revolution broke out in Bavaria,
Germany. To his credit, Landauer joined it-even though this had not been the
strategy he had been advocating. Unfortunately he was murdered by
counterrevolutionary thugs-similar to the fate of Rosa Luxemburg.[7]
Conclusion
This is not a Stirner-Made-Easy book. It seems to be written for graduate
students who have some background in Hegel, Marx, and current French philosophy.
The author grapples with Stirner's not-always clear texts, and tries to make
sense of them, often by integrating Stirner with other philosophers. The results
are interesting, although not always Stirner. I doubt that Stirner would have
agreed with Blumenthal's integration of his work with that of Marx.
Radicals have varying responses to Stirner. For example, Daniel Guerin was a
French revolutionary after World War II who wanted a synthesis of Marxism and
anarchism. As might be expected, he focused on revolutionary, class-oriented
anarchist-socialists. But he was also attracted to the individualist-egoist
Stirner. As a gay activist, he valued Stirner's opposition to puritanism,
patriarchy, and moralism-very unlike Stirner's anarchist contemporary, P. J.
Proudhon.[8]
Many people might find this book interesting, especially if they are interested
in abstract anarchist theory-particularly if they are already individualist
anarchists. Others, committed to revolutionary anarchist-socialism, would
probably find it less useful. It is not the place to start to learn about Max
Stirner's egoism and commitment to the unique self.
Notes
[1]. Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx; Studies in the Intellectual Development of
Karl Marx (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962).
[2]. Cited in Sam Dolgoff, ed. and trans., Bakunin on Anarchism (Montreal: Black
Rose Books, 1980), 236-37.
[3]. Hook, From Hegel to Marx, 174-75.
[4]. Frederick Engels, Anti-Duhring; Herr Eugen Duhring's Revolution in Science
(Moscow: Foreign Language Publishing House, 1954), 408.
[5]. Ron Tabor, The Tyranny of Theory; A Contribution to the Anarchist Critique
of Marxism (Edmonton, Canada: Black Cat Press, 2013).
[6]. Engels, Anti-Duhring, 228.
[7]. Wayne Price, "Landauer's Fallacy," Anarkismo, July 28, 2011,
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/20188?search_text=Wayne+Price.
[8]. Daniel Guerin, ed., No Gods, No Masters: An Anthology of Anarchism, Book
One, trans. Paul Sharkey (Edinburgh: AK Press, 1998).
Citation: Wayne Price. Review of Blumenfeld, Jacob, All Things Are Nothing to Me:
The Unique Philosophy of Max Stirner. H-Socialisms, H-Net Reviews. December, 2020.
Written for H-Net
URL: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=56060
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution--Noncommercial-No
Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32118
------------------------------
Message: 4
The best method of rebellion against governments is scattered and neighborhood;
Because if all the protesters in the city, region or village gather in a certain
place. It will be easier to suppress them, but if they revolt in groups of 100 in
different neighborhoods, the repression will not be easy. In the neighborhood,
you can act as a guerrilla, and defending and escaping is even easier; Suppose
one can easily leave the area after setting fire to a police station or a Basij
or IRGC base (no one is as familiar as you are with the context, conditions, and
facilities of your area of residence) or you can easily use the alliance of
protesters and forces. End repression. In neighborhood-based riots, there should
be no hesitation in setting fire to government-affiliated locations. Military
bases in the region must be besieged and weapons seized.
(Be sure to note that parks, elementary schools, and daycare centers should not
be approached during the riot, and that children or adolescents should not be
around. Help them get away quickly)
Airports will be the place of escape for the thieves and murderers of our
brothers and sisters. Let's not forget the airports on that day.
https://t.me/asranarshism
https://asranarshism.com/1399/09/25/neighborhood-oriented-protests/
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Message: 5
The analysis and evaluation of many activists of the Anarchist Federation who are
present in the geographical area of Iran is based on the fact that people are
preparing for the last confrontation, so a flood of people will take to the
streets to get rid of the military-Islamic government. ---- We, the anarchists of
the geographical region of Iran, as a broad force, active and with a strong
social body of people who have always been under severe repression of the
government, this time we have prepared ourselves together with the people. ----
The question for some is whether we, as a militant section of society, should
first strike our blows all over the stinking body of the regime and be a
suffocating spark, or wait for the people to come first.
It seems that everyone is waiting for the flood of people to enter the streets so
that they too can join the rebellious, oppressed and hungry people. We should not
act passively. As a self-organized and militant section of society, we must be
aware of our role before and after the final popular uprising. We need to assess
the social context and the preparations needed for this battle and the final
popular confrontation.
Do we anarchists have television and radio and mass media to inform the people?
If not (which it certainly is not), will media independent of governments make
our voices heard? Will the people themselves use their social networks to reach
out to us anarchists?
We, the anarchists of Iran, as a radical force with a strong social body, not
only want practical action to break the general repression and complete
annihilation, in the full sense of the military-Islamic government, of the
geographical region of Iran; On the contrary, after the overthrow of this evil
regime, we will not hesitate to preserve and protect this popular revolution.
These guerrilla and scattered anarchist actions have been and will be in
different parts of the region; But this time, these guerrilla-anarchist actions
will be public, with serious damage to the system and in line with the goal of a
single people, that is, the complete elimination of this government and then the
protection of this popular revolution.
The Federation of the Anarchist Age proposes to all social forces, and the
freedom-loving people present in the region, to equip themselves to overthrow
this totalitarian government and to protect their lives against the military and
paramilitary forces of this government (if necessary, the acquisition and use of
weapons, especially firearms). Gives.
The Federation of the Age of Anarchism believes that: It is the beginning of
scattered, independent and widespread anarchist uprisings that Create sovereignty
and, with anarchist-local self-organizations and the alternative manifestation of
socialism, pave the way for any authoritarianism of the system.
The beginning and continuation of this popular movement is conditional and
depends on the voluntary cooperation of various independent, non-governmental or
popular media.
"Only with the maximum cooperation and participation of the people and the
above-mentioned media can the voices of anarchists and libertarians from
different parts of the world be heard for the end of this cruel and bloodthirsty
regime. "We need it."
https://asranarshism.com/1399/09/23/federation-of-anarchism-era-4/
------------------------------
Message: 6
Intervention in 3 branches of the General Post Office by the Liberal Initiative
of Thessaloniki. On Monday 21/12/2020 we carried out coordinated interventions in
3 stores of the "General Post Office" in Thessaloniki, specifically in the stores
at 50 Agiou Dimitriou (Center), at 49 G. Papandreou (Depo) and at 17 Ano
Tzoumagias (Kato Toumpa), throwing paint on the facades of the stores and
spray-painting the company's parcel vehicles. ---- General Post is one of the
main courier companiesin Greece (ACS, General Post, Speedex, ELTA courier). In
the midst of the pandemic and its devastating consequences for entire sectors of
the economy, these companies have seen their profits skyrocket. But the boss's
profit, as usual, translated into stretching, stretching and a little more
stretching of the workers. With more and more purchases being made over the
Internet, couriers are facing up to ten times the volume of work. However, the
bosses of these companies, at the same time that they obviously accept the
increasing orders, did not consider it necessary to sufficiently support -
corresponding to the increase of their work - the staff of the respective stores.
So stores with the same or a little more staff are required to serve dozens more
orders per day.
Distributors who run up and down in panic to load and leave the stores as quickly
as possible, who are pressed all the time and catch up, who load ten times more
packages so that they have no visibility and put themselves in danger every
moment. And of course distributors who as always do not have adequate means of
protection, do not have the necessary breaks provided by both the labor
legislation and the KOK, so as not to drive exhausted and who often work with
their own motorbike and they are burdened its maintenance costs are not even paid
for all the fuel necessary for their work, they have no or no stamp. And of
course distributors who... are killed.
The work of the distributor is one of those with a higher rate of accidents at
work and unfortunately also murders - if of course they were declared. Because
the vast majority of them are simply declared as traffic accidents, although it
is absolutely clear from labor law that they are accidents at work. After all, it
is easier to say "he was running" than that "the boss is timing him in every
order and he, in order not to lose his job, would be pressed". Easier said than
done "he did not look" than "he had loaded so many packages that he saw nothing".
Another distributor who was killed was Antonis, who, having worked for years in
this sector, passing through both the work galleries of ACS and Speedex, got a
job at the General Post Office, in the Alexandroupolis branch. On the first day
of his work, on December 2, he lost his life on the Alexandroupolis ring road.
Antonis was not a "motorbike kid" who lost control.
He was another worker who was killed.
He was assassinated by the unthinkable intensification of his work. He was killed
by insufficient protection measures.
He was killed by his boss.
We do not care if the company operates centrally or through a franchise. We do
not care if the responsibility in each case lies with the "mom" company or the
owners of each store. We care that we are tired of the profits of each boss
coming out absolutely tangible and literally FROM OUR OWN BLOOD. At the same time
that the bosses are making huge profits, the distributors are getting more and
more tense and risk their lives every day for a part-time tip.
If we do not resist ourselves, if we do not organize in our workplaces, if we do
not demand our rights, we will become modern slaves. We are not beggars, nor do
we owe it to the bosses that we sell our labor to make them rich. For all of us
who have no other means of survival, this is all we have to sell. Only with our
own organization in our workplaces, only with militant trade union action of the
employees themselves can a brake on employer impunity finally come.
State and capital are exacerbating the class war, as the pandemic treaty is ideal
for further widening the class gap that separates capital from labor, to the
benefit of the capitalists, of course. Prohibitions of rallies and demonstrations
speak precisely to the intensity of social and class competition in favor of the
rulers, but are clothed in sanitary pretexts, in order to extract their consent
and discipline from below in the barbarity of state and capitalist totalitarianism.
It is time to counterattack. Let not let the intensification, the degrading
behaviors and the degradation of the value of our own life become the rule for
all of us. Let us not let the murders of people in our class become a daily
occurrence. TO RESIST.
THEIR PROFITS, OUR
DEATH IMMEDIATE RECRUITMENT OF DISTRIBUTORS TO ALL COURIER COMPANIES
PROVIDING THE COMPANY'S VEHICLE AND MEANS OF PROTECTION THROUGHOUT
DIAGHIROT
Freedom Initiative of Thessaloniki (member of the Anarchist Federation)
e-mail contact: lib_thess @ hotmail.com
blog: https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2020/12/21
------------------------------
Post Office [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Following the Conflans and Nice attacks, several members of the government,
followed by academics and zealous editorialists, launched the hunt for
"Islamo-leftists". Thus, campaigning for equal rights and against discrimination
would amount to being an "accomplice" in the attacks. However, there is a
political family whose political objectives meet those of the jihadists: the
extreme right. ---- The investigation into the 2015 attacks revealed the
involvement of Claude Hermant, a figure of Lille fascism[1]. The arrest of
Abdelhakim Sefrioui in the investigation into the assassination of Conflans once
again sheds light on links with the far right. This radical Islamist, creator of
the anti-Semitic collective Cheikh Yacine, to which the anti-fascists have
opposed several times, was for a time active in the pro-Palestinian mobilizations.
Sefrioui was close to Dieudonné, and through this, in contact with several
far-right officials, including Frédéric Chatillon, formerly of Gud and close to
Marine Le Pen[2]. Yet the liberals prefer to focus their attacks on anti-racist
movements, diverting attention to their own responsibilities in the development
of jihadist ideologies[3].
The collusion between the extreme right and jihadists should not surprise us as
their objectives are converging. The jihadists advocate a strategy of terror
based on increasing hostility towards Muslims, hoping to rally them to their
cause in order to wage a holy war to unify the global Muslim community against
the "disbelievers" (including, in their ideology, a number of Muslims deemed
impious).
The investigation into the 2015 attacks revealed that a figure of the extreme
right in Lille, Claude Hermant (here on the right, next to his friend Serge
Ayoub), had supplied the jihadist Amedy Coulibaly with weapons)
This strategy to impose a totalitarian politico-religious system is today a
resounding failure, and the global jihadist networks (Al-Qaida and Daesh for
example) are weakened and almost without support in Europe. However, the recent
attacks show that their supporters retain a capacity for terror, with limited
damage but with indisputable symbolic effects.
It is these effects that feed the far right. The political legitimacy of the
latter asserts itself more, positioning itself as a slayer of "Islamism", which
it uses to disseminate its racist ideas. At the same time, its members are more
or less openly preparing for the "race war" which they are in fact seeking to
provoke. Some already practice violent action against minorities and political
activists[4].
Their goal: a deadly struggle
The anti-fascist camp for its part is fiercely committed to equality and freedom
for all. In the face of racism, we are right to stand alongside those who want to
defend their rights. We must also continue to denounce imperialist interventions
and participate in international solidarity towards those who fight on the front
line and in a concrete way, whether against the jihadist politico-religious
project or the imposition of identity fascism.
The Antifascist Commission
Validate
[1] "Five services knew that Hermant was selling weapons, why didn't they arrest
him before the attacks? » , October 2, 2020, Streetpress.com.
[2] "About Abdelhakim Sefrioui and the Cheikh Yassine collective" , October 20,
2020, Lahorde.samizdat.net.
[3] "The West and the Jihadists: Chronicles of a Hypocrisy" , October 24, 2020,
Acta.zone.
[4] Generation Hate , visible on Youtube, an undercover documentary conducted by
an Al Jazeera journalist on Generation Identity is enlightening on this point.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Extreme-droite-et-djihadisme-convergence-pour-la-guerre-civile
------------------------------
Message: 2
Last March, the section declared a conflict against the multinational, owned by
the Black Rock vulture fund, for breach of agreements. The actions begin on July
3, to the violation of agreements is added violation of the ERTE. ---- Banners,
flags, stickers, leaflets, megaphone with the siren at maximum volume, and some
explanatory speech for more than 1 hour. Sometimes we are 6, and sometimes 16. It
is cold or hot. Entrance to the center, explanation of the situation and the
determination of the CNT in defending the interests of the working class. ----
Meetings, preparation of actions, visibility of the conflict on social networks.
Press releases and articles in own and related media. We exhibit Cas Manga, also
what happened at IFEMA. Complaints to the Labor Inspectorate (won), union visits
to work centers. Claim tables, formal communications with contractors and
different positions of Eurest / Compass Group. Call for a strike. Meanwhile,
Eurest's predatory policy generates conflict in Girona and a couple of centers in
the Basque Country by colleagues from other unions.
Sanctions with falsified reasons, plus sanctions, up to 5 to 4 workers in the
section. Delegate, organizational secretary, general secretary and treasury.
3-day strike in the cafeterias of the funeral homes owned by Memora, Sancho de
Ávila and Les Corts in Barcelona. They denounce us. Negotiation attempt. They
want us to stop claiming our rights, in exchange they offer to withdraw the
complaint and reduce penalties. The CNT section refuses, the company exercises
union repression against another worker in response. We carry out coordinated
action with the compas of the Girona committee, who have also been standing up
for years.
The most cohesive and self-confident section ever. More participatory and
motivated, than we have been in these more than 6 years of experience. There are
50, and there will be many more, as many as necessary to make EUREST understand
that the CNT is not going to give up in the defense of our class interests. For
the defense of jobs, union agreements and against union repression.
Without released, without subsidies, with COMMITMENT.
Do you work at Eurest, Vitarest, Escolarest, Catering Vilaplana, Medirest, or any
other company of the Compass Group?
Contact the Trade Union Section CNT - Eurest / Compass
Group:seccio.eurest@barcelona.cnt.es
CNTBarcelona:sov@barcelona.cnt.es
#teamcompassgroupes #comedoresseguros #comedoresempresa
- Trade union section of Eurest in CNT
http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/45151
------------------------------
Message: 3
Review of Jacob Blumenfeld. All Things Are Nothing to Me: The Unique Philosophy
of Max Stirner. ---- The individualist- egoism of Max Stirner, its strengths and
weaknesses, in comparison with the views of Bakunin, Landauer, and Karl Marx.
---- Max Stirner was the pen name of Johann Kasper Schmidt (1806-56). He was part
of a milieu of young philosophers who sought to develop further the philosophy of
the great German thinker Georg W. F. Hegel, who had died in 1831. This milieu has
been referred to as the Young Hegelians or Left Hegelians. While Hegel's system
had solidified into a reactionary form, they mainly tried to rework it in more
humanistic, naturalistic, and democratic directions. The most well-known of these
young men today (there were women in the grouping, but their names have dropped
out of history) are Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. (Engels had been a personal
friend of Stirner's for a time.) Michael Bakunin-later a founder of revolutionary
socialist-anarchism-also studied Hegel and was in contact with this milieu.
Stirner wrote his masterwork, Der Einzige und sein Eigentum, in 1844. In 1907 it
was translated into English as The Ego and His Own, although a current
translation by Wolfi Landstriecher (2017) more correctly has it as The Unique and
Its Property. At the time, its extreme individualism and amoralism created a
stir. Various Young Hegelians wrote rebuttals. Marx and Engels wrote a lengthy
book, The German Ideology (1846), most of which was a response to
Stirner.[1]However, interest died down, especially after the 1848 failed European
revolution. Marx and Engels did not publish their book. Stirner had no influence
on the anarchist movement of the time.
John Henry Mackay was to rediscover Stirner and published his biography in 1897.
Individualist anarchists, such as Benjamin Tucker, adopted Stirner's book into
their canon. Emma Goldman also admired his work. Today he is included in
selections of anarchist theorists. Some regard him as a predecessor of
"postanarchism," which seeks to integrate anarchism with poststructuralism,
postmodernism, and postleftism. This brings me to Jacob Blumenfeld's All Things
Are Nothing to Me: The Unique Philosophy of Max Stirner.
Stirner's Thought
Most of this work is an exposition of Stirner's thought. But that is not a simple
matter and this is not a simple (or clear) book. According to Blumenthal, this is
at least partially due to Stirner. The author refers to "Stirner's erratic
thinking" (p. 3); "Stirner's language cannot be taken at face value.... I propose
numerous translations of Stirnerisms in order to make sense of what appears
senseless" (pp. 15-16). Stirner's theory has a "fundamental ambiguity" (p. 23).
Blumenfeld refers to "the strange logic of Stirner's argument" (p. 51). The
writer chides Marx for misreading Stirner: "He takes him to be laying out thesis
after thesis, building up a system" (p. 15). Then Marx criticizes his system for
being illogical. Instead, Stirner was providing a poetic "performance," using
"deduction, dialectic, etymology, allegory, repetition, shock, syllogism,
metaphor, neologism, aphorism" to provide "a text which provokes an experience in
the reader" (p. 15).
To fill in the holes in Stirner's work and to clarify the ambiguities, Blumenthal
uses other philosophers. These include Friedrich Nietzsche, Martin Heidegger,
Michel Foucault, Hegel, Jacques Derrida, Guy Debord, and Emmanuel Levinas. Using
Baruch Spinoza's philosophy, "it is possible to reconstruct an ontology that
makes sense of Stirner's views" (p. 60). The thinker he most uses is Marx. Except
for a few brief statements, he does not cite other anarchists, with the exception
of Gustav Landauer. Borrowing from such sources, and relying on his own insights,
Blumenthal creates his personal Stirner, whom he refers to as "My Stirner" (p. 51).
Stirner was a supreme nominalist. While admitting that abstractions may be useful
at times, he insisted that they did not exist. The "I" would be mistaken to be
committed to them or to be guided by them. This was not only true of God but also
of humanity, not only of the state, but also of society, not to mention love,
justice, mercy, kindness, country, class, freedom, chastity, honor, property, and
so on. These were all "spooks" in the head, fixed thoughts, delusions foisted
upon the I by society (p. 18). The only thing which mattered was the I ("Ich,"
also translated as "ego"). Even that does not truly exist, since labels are not
reality; the self is an undefinably unique, creative, nothing (no-thing). Out of
this void, motives, behavior, and thoughts are produced. Only my own motives
count, since otherwise I am an alienated thing.
The I owns itself and owns whatever it has the power to take from others. The
central life process is not labor but consumption-of others, of their ideas, of
their property. Socialization is only participated in for what each one can get
out of it. This is the hypothetical Association (or Union) of Egoists. These
views are opposed to republican democracy, because that would make the state
dominate the I, and to socialism, because that would make society dominate the I.
Rather than argue the weaknesses of Stirner's nominalist egoism, I contrast his
views with those of the socialist anarchist Michael Bakunin. Bakunin referred to
"the materialistic conception of freedom" (from his 1871 God and the State): "Man
completely realizes his individual freedom as well as his personality only
through the individuals who surround him and thanks only to the labor and the
collective power of society.... I am truly free only when all human beings, men
and women, are equally free. The freedom of other men, far from negating or
limiting my freedom, is, on the contrary, its necessary premise and confirmation.
It is the slavery of other men that sets up a barrier to my freedom ...[and]is
the negation of my humanity."[2]
If we agree with Bakunin that individuals develop out of and through the society
of other individuals, then values and ethics are not extrinsic to the self.
Individuals are born with feelings of empathy, dependence, and other social
emotions (even hatred is a social emotion). And society has norms, rational and
irrational, that keep it functioning. These are passed on to individuals (mostly
through the family). As individuals mature, some accept these standards
unthinkingly. Others work their way through them, to develop their own values.
But no one starts from an asocial blank slate.
Stirner and Marx
Rarely noted, Marx saw positive aspects in Stirner's work. These are summarized
by Sidney Hook (written when he was a revolutionary Marxist): "The realistic
impact of[Stirner's]criticism of the empty and abstract appeal to reason,
justice, and humanity served as an effective antidote to ... vapid
sentimentalism.... Stirner's repudiation of inherent natural rights cleared the
ground for the revolutionist's attacks upon the absolute right of property....[He
attacked]the absolutist state as a fiction imposed on the community for the
benefit of a few.... The most significant of all of Stirner's views was his
emphasis upon the fact that formal freedom was an empty abstraction. Freedom is a
freedom to do."[3]
Blumenthal makes a similar analysis. He writes, "It was Marx's brilliance to
embed Stirner's critique of ideology within a historical analysis of class
antagonisms and social relations of production" (p. 132). Both Stirner and Marx
rejected abstract moral generalizations in favor of the self-interest of
individuals. This included groups of individuals, particularly for Marx, classes.
What drives people to struggle for a better world is not a vapid belief in
Justice but the actual experience of oppression on their own backs. Engels said
of Stirner, "His egoistic man is bound to become communist out of sheer egoism"
(p. 133).
Even for those not directly oppressed but who chose to identify with those who
are, Engels wrote, "We must certainly make a cause our own, egoistic cause,
before we can do anything to further it-and hence that in this sense,
irrespective of any material aspirations, we are communists out of egoism also"
(p. 133).
Self-determining, unique selves can only flourish in a stateless communist
society. Blumenthal concludes, "Stirner's unique individual, the Einzige or I
capable of fully developing its own powers, is only possible in fully developed
communism" (p. 138). Conversely, as Engels wrote, "Society cannot free itself
unless every individual is freed. The old mode of production must therefore be
revolutionized from top to bottom."[4]
Contradictions
So far, such views are consistent with those of the socialist anarchists, from
Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin to the communist-anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists.
But while Blumenthal believes that a full egoism is consistent with communism,
this was not Stirner's opinion. Stirner was not interested in working out a new
society with freedom for all individuals. His primary focus was on the
self-development of the I, by itself.
Stirner and Marx had a nonmoral approach in common. They rejected an abstract,
suprahuman, and classless morality in favor of a focus on self-interest. Marx and
Engels were clearly motivated by moral values, but this was not part of their
system. They never wrote that people should be for communism.
But a rejection of an abstract pie-in-the-sky morality does not rule out the
possibility of a naturalistic and nonmoralistic ethics. This was the opinion of
Bakunin and Kropotkin. A completely nonmoral view of socialism has led many
socialists to accept the totalitarian, mass-murdering, Stalinist regimes as
"socialist." They appeared to be the product of the historical process. These
Marxists lacked ethical standards rooted in historical reality. If Marx developed
his nonmoral approach through responding to Stirner (as Blumenthal suggests),
then Stirner's influence was not all positive.
On the other hand, Marx is often criticized as being a teleological determinist,
who believed that "socialism is inevitable." He is blamed for seeing the laws of
political economy he developed as absolutely true laws that must dominate
people's behavior. It is argued that these failings led Marx's "orthodox"
followers in a totalitarian direction.[5]Whether this is a correct interpretation
of Marx is controversial. Some note that Marx and Engels had also said that the
alternatives were "ruin or revolution," providing more than one possibility.[6]In
my opinion, Marx was ambiguous in his determinism and abstraction, leaving room
for various interpretations. In any case, Stirner's complete rejection of
determinism and abstractions has certain benefits compared to determinist
interpretations of Marxism.
For both Marx and the revolutionary anarchists, there is a reason to look at
class self-interest. They did not believe that the capitalist class would
surrender its wealth and power to the workers because it is the right thing to
do. They did not expect the bourgeoisie to give up its rule because the workers
won a peaceful and legal democratic election. The ruling rich and their minions
are not motivated by Christian or democratic ideals, whatever they say. Therefore
Marx and Engels, Bakunin and Kropotkin, concluded that the exploited (out of
their class self-interest) had to eventually take away the industries, land, and
wealth of the rich, break up their military-police-bureaucratic state, and create
new, radically democratic institutions. Marxists and anarchists often differ on
what these new institutions might be, but agree that a revolution would be necessary.
At times, Stirner suggested support for expropriating the capitalists, but this
was not his main interest. He rejected "revolution" in favor of "insurrection"
(or "rebellion"). To him, that meant individual self-awareness and
self-development, breaking free of the "spooks" in one's head.
Blumenthal concludes, "To make the world one's property cannot occur without the
dissolution of the state and civil society, and replacing it with communes,
associations, unions, and councils" (p. 144). Very good. This is consistent with
both anarchism and libertarian versions of Marxism. But how can we dissolve the
state and capital and replace them? Blumenthal's response is essentially
nonrevolutionary. He does not present a strategy for building popular movements
which might lead to overthrowing capitalism and the state and replacing them with
libertarian communism. Instead he suggests looking toward changes in the
consciousness of individuals and small groups.
For example, he presents a section on Gustav Landauer, a German anarchist
(1870-1919). He is the only anarchist besides Stirner whom Blumenthal discusses.
Landauer proposed that workers withdraw from industry and cities to establish
agricultural communes, or to build combination consumer-and-producer
cooperatives. "Landauer's mystical appropriation of Stirner is completely his
own.... Against reform[or]revolution ... Landauer's communism or anarchy is
primarily ethical ... to foster the rebirth of the unique, the singular, the
contingent" (p. 111). In 1919, a workers' revolution broke out in Bavaria,
Germany. To his credit, Landauer joined it-even though this had not been the
strategy he had been advocating. Unfortunately he was murdered by
counterrevolutionary thugs-similar to the fate of Rosa Luxemburg.[7]
Conclusion
This is not a Stirner-Made-Easy book. It seems to be written for graduate
students who have some background in Hegel, Marx, and current French philosophy.
The author grapples with Stirner's not-always clear texts, and tries to make
sense of them, often by integrating Stirner with other philosophers. The results
are interesting, although not always Stirner. I doubt that Stirner would have
agreed with Blumenthal's integration of his work with that of Marx.
Radicals have varying responses to Stirner. For example, Daniel Guerin was a
French revolutionary after World War II who wanted a synthesis of Marxism and
anarchism. As might be expected, he focused on revolutionary, class-oriented
anarchist-socialists. But he was also attracted to the individualist-egoist
Stirner. As a gay activist, he valued Stirner's opposition to puritanism,
patriarchy, and moralism-very unlike Stirner's anarchist contemporary, P. J.
Proudhon.[8]
Many people might find this book interesting, especially if they are interested
in abstract anarchist theory-particularly if they are already individualist
anarchists. Others, committed to revolutionary anarchist-socialism, would
probably find it less useful. It is not the place to start to learn about Max
Stirner's egoism and commitment to the unique self.
Notes
[1]. Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx; Studies in the Intellectual Development of
Karl Marx (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962).
[2]. Cited in Sam Dolgoff, ed. and trans., Bakunin on Anarchism (Montreal: Black
Rose Books, 1980), 236-37.
[3]. Hook, From Hegel to Marx, 174-75.
[4]. Frederick Engels, Anti-Duhring; Herr Eugen Duhring's Revolution in Science
(Moscow: Foreign Language Publishing House, 1954), 408.
[5]. Ron Tabor, The Tyranny of Theory; A Contribution to the Anarchist Critique
of Marxism (Edmonton, Canada: Black Cat Press, 2013).
[6]. Engels, Anti-Duhring, 228.
[7]. Wayne Price, "Landauer's Fallacy," Anarkismo, July 28, 2011,
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/20188?search_text=Wayne+Price.
[8]. Daniel Guerin, ed., No Gods, No Masters: An Anthology of Anarchism, Book
One, trans. Paul Sharkey (Edinburgh: AK Press, 1998).
Citation: Wayne Price. Review of Blumenfeld, Jacob, All Things Are Nothing to Me:
The Unique Philosophy of Max Stirner. H-Socialisms, H-Net Reviews. December, 2020.
Written for H-Net
URL: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=56060
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution--Noncommercial-No
Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32118
------------------------------
Message: 4
The best method of rebellion against governments is scattered and neighborhood;
Because if all the protesters in the city, region or village gather in a certain
place. It will be easier to suppress them, but if they revolt in groups of 100 in
different neighborhoods, the repression will not be easy. In the neighborhood,
you can act as a guerrilla, and defending and escaping is even easier; Suppose
one can easily leave the area after setting fire to a police station or a Basij
or IRGC base (no one is as familiar as you are with the context, conditions, and
facilities of your area of residence) or you can easily use the alliance of
protesters and forces. End repression. In neighborhood-based riots, there should
be no hesitation in setting fire to government-affiliated locations. Military
bases in the region must be besieged and weapons seized.
(Be sure to note that parks, elementary schools, and daycare centers should not
be approached during the riot, and that children or adolescents should not be
around. Help them get away quickly)
Airports will be the place of escape for the thieves and murderers of our
brothers and sisters. Let's not forget the airports on that day.
https://t.me/asranarshism
https://asranarshism.com/1399/09/25/neighborhood-oriented-protests/
------------------------------
Message: 5
The analysis and evaluation of many activists of the Anarchist Federation who are
present in the geographical area of Iran is based on the fact that people are
preparing for the last confrontation, so a flood of people will take to the
streets to get rid of the military-Islamic government. ---- We, the anarchists of
the geographical region of Iran, as a broad force, active and with a strong
social body of people who have always been under severe repression of the
government, this time we have prepared ourselves together with the people. ----
The question for some is whether we, as a militant section of society, should
first strike our blows all over the stinking body of the regime and be a
suffocating spark, or wait for the people to come first.
It seems that everyone is waiting for the flood of people to enter the streets so
that they too can join the rebellious, oppressed and hungry people. We should not
act passively. As a self-organized and militant section of society, we must be
aware of our role before and after the final popular uprising. We need to assess
the social context and the preparations needed for this battle and the final
popular confrontation.
Do we anarchists have television and radio and mass media to inform the people?
If not (which it certainly is not), will media independent of governments make
our voices heard? Will the people themselves use their social networks to reach
out to us anarchists?
We, the anarchists of Iran, as a radical force with a strong social body, not
only want practical action to break the general repression and complete
annihilation, in the full sense of the military-Islamic government, of the
geographical region of Iran; On the contrary, after the overthrow of this evil
regime, we will not hesitate to preserve and protect this popular revolution.
These guerrilla and scattered anarchist actions have been and will be in
different parts of the region; But this time, these guerrilla-anarchist actions
will be public, with serious damage to the system and in line with the goal of a
single people, that is, the complete elimination of this government and then the
protection of this popular revolution.
The Federation of the Anarchist Age proposes to all social forces, and the
freedom-loving people present in the region, to equip themselves to overthrow
this totalitarian government and to protect their lives against the military and
paramilitary forces of this government (if necessary, the acquisition and use of
weapons, especially firearms). Gives.
The Federation of the Age of Anarchism believes that: It is the beginning of
scattered, independent and widespread anarchist uprisings that Create sovereignty
and, with anarchist-local self-organizations and the alternative manifestation of
socialism, pave the way for any authoritarianism of the system.
The beginning and continuation of this popular movement is conditional and
depends on the voluntary cooperation of various independent, non-governmental or
popular media.
"Only with the maximum cooperation and participation of the people and the
above-mentioned media can the voices of anarchists and libertarians from
different parts of the world be heard for the end of this cruel and bloodthirsty
regime. "We need it."
https://asranarshism.com/1399/09/23/federation-of-anarchism-era-4/
------------------------------
Message: 6
Intervention in 3 branches of the General Post Office by the Liberal Initiative
of Thessaloniki. On Monday 21/12/2020 we carried out coordinated interventions in
3 stores of the "General Post Office" in Thessaloniki, specifically in the stores
at 50 Agiou Dimitriou (Center), at 49 G. Papandreou (Depo) and at 17 Ano
Tzoumagias (Kato Toumpa), throwing paint on the facades of the stores and
spray-painting the company's parcel vehicles. ---- General Post is one of the
main courier companiesin Greece (ACS, General Post, Speedex, ELTA courier). In
the midst of the pandemic and its devastating consequences for entire sectors of
the economy, these companies have seen their profits skyrocket. But the boss's
profit, as usual, translated into stretching, stretching and a little more
stretching of the workers. With more and more purchases being made over the
Internet, couriers are facing up to ten times the volume of work. However, the
bosses of these companies, at the same time that they obviously accept the
increasing orders, did not consider it necessary to sufficiently support -
corresponding to the increase of their work - the staff of the respective stores.
So stores with the same or a little more staff are required to serve dozens more
orders per day.
Distributors who run up and down in panic to load and leave the stores as quickly
as possible, who are pressed all the time and catch up, who load ten times more
packages so that they have no visibility and put themselves in danger every
moment. And of course distributors who as always do not have adequate means of
protection, do not have the necessary breaks provided by both the labor
legislation and the KOK, so as not to drive exhausted and who often work with
their own motorbike and they are burdened its maintenance costs are not even paid
for all the fuel necessary for their work, they have no or no stamp. And of
course distributors who... are killed.
The work of the distributor is one of those with a higher rate of accidents at
work and unfortunately also murders - if of course they were declared. Because
the vast majority of them are simply declared as traffic accidents, although it
is absolutely clear from labor law that they are accidents at work. After all, it
is easier to say "he was running" than that "the boss is timing him in every
order and he, in order not to lose his job, would be pressed". Easier said than
done "he did not look" than "he had loaded so many packages that he saw nothing".
Another distributor who was killed was Antonis, who, having worked for years in
this sector, passing through both the work galleries of ACS and Speedex, got a
job at the General Post Office, in the Alexandroupolis branch. On the first day
of his work, on December 2, he lost his life on the Alexandroupolis ring road.
Antonis was not a "motorbike kid" who lost control.
He was another worker who was killed.
He was assassinated by the unthinkable intensification of his work. He was killed
by insufficient protection measures.
He was killed by his boss.
We do not care if the company operates centrally or through a franchise. We do
not care if the responsibility in each case lies with the "mom" company or the
owners of each store. We care that we are tired of the profits of each boss
coming out absolutely tangible and literally FROM OUR OWN BLOOD. At the same time
that the bosses are making huge profits, the distributors are getting more and
more tense and risk their lives every day for a part-time tip.
If we do not resist ourselves, if we do not organize in our workplaces, if we do
not demand our rights, we will become modern slaves. We are not beggars, nor do
we owe it to the bosses that we sell our labor to make them rich. For all of us
who have no other means of survival, this is all we have to sell. Only with our
own organization in our workplaces, only with militant trade union action of the
employees themselves can a brake on employer impunity finally come.
State and capital are exacerbating the class war, as the pandemic treaty is ideal
for further widening the class gap that separates capital from labor, to the
benefit of the capitalists, of course. Prohibitions of rallies and demonstrations
speak precisely to the intensity of social and class competition in favor of the
rulers, but are clothed in sanitary pretexts, in order to extract their consent
and discipline from below in the barbarity of state and capitalist totalitarianism.
It is time to counterattack. Let not let the intensification, the degrading
behaviors and the degradation of the value of our own life become the rule for
all of us. Let us not let the murders of people in our class become a daily
occurrence. TO RESIST.
THEIR PROFITS, OUR
DEATH IMMEDIATE RECRUITMENT OF DISTRIBUTORS TO ALL COURIER COMPANIES
PROVIDING THE COMPANY'S VEHICLE AND MEANS OF PROTECTION THROUGHOUT
DIAGHIROT
Freedom Initiative of Thessaloniki (member of the Anarchist Federation)
e-mail contact: lib_thess @ hotmail.com
blog: https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2020/12/21
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