#WORLDWIDE #WORLD #ANARCHISM #News #Update #Anarchism from all over the #world - FRIDAY 26 FEBRUARY 2021

 

Today's Topics:

   

1.  Greeece, Attitude of collectivity for social anarchism
      "Black & Red" (Thessaloniki) to 6th Conference Anarchist
      Political Organization APO (23-24 January 2021) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

2.  France, UCL - Anti-fascism, Unitary anti-fascist press
      release: the complicit state of the far right (ca, de, it,
      pt)[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

3.  anarkismo.net - awsm.nz: Movie Review: 'Alone in Berlin'
      (2016) by LAMA (AWSM), Review of a movie about 

      resistance in Nazi
      Germany. (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation] 

      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

4.  Greece: Collective attitude for the 6th conference of APO by
      libertarian communism Libertatia [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

5.  Position of anarchist collectivity Omicron72 to the first
      and open part process of the 6th conference of APO-OS 23-24
      January 2021 [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

6.  Federación Anarquista de Rosario FAR Position: WITH
      STRUGGLE, WE COMBAT PRIVILEGES FOR THOSE ON TOP 

     AND ADJUSTMENT
      FOR THOSE BELOW (ca, de, it, pt)[machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1



I. The reading of the -specific- conjuncture and the political position aroundit
is particularly complex and involves serious difficulties corresponding to
itreality faced by the whole society and of course alsorevolutionary movement.
This difficulty especially with regard to anarchistscollectivities arise as much
as reason, theory and positions we havetheir own value, however they are
inspired, tested and apologized toact in the context of the daily struggle
against state barbarism -capital. The decline of social resistance in recent
timesis a derivative of the cold exploitation of the pandemic spread bystate.
Management immediately turned to the pandemic to workas a push to consolidate
repression. As is next this situationhas reduced the tank of the fight, while
also forcing us to focus onour thinking and concentrate our energy on trying to
oppose(just this time) organized and public presence on the street.

Using various means this was made possible as far as possible becauseon the one
hand the stubbornness shown by the members of the organized movement and on the
otherbecause despite the unbearable propaganda that the regime means are
constantly exercising withvarious ways it has been shown that resistance
movements are done withAwareness of the situation echo the interest and have
supportmany people of the social base. But this is exactly the social basisis
what the state has achieved, with the de facto ban on ralliesand demonstrations
all this time, to banish from the public sphere, whichoccupied entirely by the
security forces, which increasinglyoperate as an occupying army, controlling more
and more of its functionssocial life. The police are increasingly becoming their
regulatorsocial flow, the rhythm of life precisely through the control imposed by
thepower. This new treaty is possible today precisely because the state hasensure
the temporary absence of society.

II.
He tries to take advantage of this absence and use it as a weaponmethods of
political management, in order to complete the bloodlesscomplete overthrow of any
remaining conquests, such as these formed in the post-political period. We also
focused on the previous oneOur placement (see. 5 The Conference BY, 4 to 5 July
2020, Athens) howimportant were the first -then- bills that had been submitted
and constituted theinitial points of unfolding of this strategy that was
developed and continuesand today even more strongly under far-right / neoliberal
hegemony. The billsfor schools and the environment were framed by the law
restricting demonstrationsand were accompanied by a series of beatings in race
venues throughout Greece, withfocus once again on the anarchist occupiers and
their fightersmovement. Today, six months later we believe these moves and the
strategytheir depth is now clear to everyone. Modern totalitarianism ascondition
of absolute intensification of the exception is formed at a rapid pace.
THEpandemic management is used as a fuse to explode authoritarianismand
oppression. Even the junta-inspired law of restraintnot only is it applied de
facto, always under the guise of public health, but it prevailsin an even worse
form with the universal ban on mergers. Thesocial forces that the state has
currently exiled from the publicspace are essentially enclosed in a waiting room
for the slaughterhouse whilethe state is sharpening its weapons and regularly
preparing for the new tomorrow, onesocial formation - image of a real dystopia.

III.
The anti-insurgency plan of the state has an unprecedented depth at three levels
a) hcompletion in Greece of the transition process to the state prisonerwith the
complete militarization of the forces of public control isfact, not just as
applied repression by the security forces, but withthe reduction of the police to
a social player of increased importance, as thereasons why the police can
intervene in society andsuppresses its manifestations are constantly expanding,
without showing any limit tohorizon of authoritarianism and oppression b)
legislative fortification meanssomething above the level of state preparation,
through its useparliamentary majority creates an illusion of the existence of
aextended (to universal) consensus on the new orders being launchedincessantly c)
all the above shape the new relationships they formthe new everyday life, the
mind remains the goal of every power, that is where theuniversal silence that has
been imposed, the attempt for absolute control of itinformation. The state knows
that society is a boiling cauldron, whattries to avoid any sacrifice is for the
oppressed to realize itpower they can draw from recognizing their collective anger.

IV. This rage like many other elements we encounter within borderswe can also
observe the developments that are taking place in the international arena.
Unprecedented situations, new dynamic and unpredictable developments
characterizein our time. In a condition where authoritarianism takes
structurallycharacteristics, reconstructing the bourgeois-democratic example into
moretotalitarian basis, the far right is articulated again as the privileged
exponent ofauthoritarian orders and conflicts are increasingly conveyed bythe
periphery in the center, it seems that the forces of social uprising andof state
counterinsurgency come into constant conflict. Even superficial -at the moment -
threat of a diversion from the established mode of change of powerin the heart of
the capitalist Empire, the USA, showed that everything is nowagain possible. What
if intra-bourgeois antagonisms within and within the US itself escalate intolevel
of training of the new hegemonic plan of the superpower, nevertheless theimage of
the invasion of the Capitol by supporters of the incumbent president will notcan
never be understood if it is not placed next to social ragewhich broke out a few
months ago and shocked the whole country. The uprising ofblacks, the excluded,
the radicals showed that against the statebarbarism and the far-right threat the
social base does not remain silent eitherdisoriented. The rulers all over the
planet from Chile andMexico, France, Turkey and Greece are developing
counter-insurgentsplans precisely because the uprising remains alive.
V.Returning to the inner field we must note the importance of towe understand the
individual issues with total terms of resistance andconfrontation. A very typical
example on this basis isexample of universities and educational restructuring
undertaken bygovernment with the new bill. The government wants to dismantle not
only thatpublic university and impose this dissolution through the
totalitariancontrol of the resistances within it so that it is in direct
correspondence withthe current social condition of total control and
authoritarian discipline,but also attempts to dismantle the social role of youth
as a subjectresistance, as he knows that it was precisely the youth that he gave
post-governmenta series of relentless mass, relentless and militant struggles
againststate-capitalist anti-social plans for even greater looting ofexploiters'
lives for an even wider exclusion of the oppressed.That is why the student
movement should be as deeply connected as possiblepeople, it can win if it
promotes its universal role as a movement for knowledgeand freedom.

VI. In closing we want to contribute two thoughts on how we should move itnext
period. On the one hand to have this long-awaited "next period"we have to claim
it ourselves, otherwise we have to understand that sheis already present and its
basic elements are the prohibitions, the totalitarianviolation of remaining
freedoms and policing in an environmentintensification of the attack of capital
against the social base. The nexttaking advantage of all the opportunities that
social action gives to our actionresistance where they break out we must insist
on building socialfronts, in the formulation of initiatives that will aim at the
organizedmobilization of the social base, the workers, the unemployed, the young,
thepupils, students. There should be neither one partner nor onecomrade outside
militant resistance initiatives on all fronts. Whileat the same time we must keep
in the collective mind the question of how, whenand under what conditions it is
possible to functionally connect all the forcesof them. On a second level
especially in this phase where many of thesocial fields have been de facto
sublimated we should also take care ofdevelopment of organizational perception,
for the constant presence of politicsorganization, opening up and expanding its
capabilities. The previousperiod of harsh isolation that put society in
quarantine showed with himmost clearly way that condition of political action to
a very large extentis the organized mobilization in the political processes of
the movement. THEsocial anger is growing day by day it is our job to detect itin
the social body, to locate her to organize with her to takeback the space, the
breaths and the lives they steal from us. If their plan is oneplan of universal
and preventive counter-insurgency, then our plan shouldis that of preparing for
social uprising!

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Message: 2



This Saturday February 20 in Paris, the extreme right-wing group Génération
Identitaire [1]organized a demonstration against its dissolution. A unitary
anti-fascist counter-rally was organized at the same time in another place, so as
not to leave the streets to the fascists. ---- This counter-gathering was not
banned by the prefecture (which would imply a decree explaining the ban), which
contented itself with the pretext of a declaration that was too late in order not
to take an official position. At present, there is still no prefectural order
prohibiting our gathering. ---- However, many his comrades were arrested (at
least fifteen police custody in progress), checked, searched, and fined (several
dozen fines of € 135), justifying that 'they "are planning to join a prohibited
demonstration." Following which the verbalized comrades were threatened with
questioning and arrest if they were rechecked in the allegedly banned gathering.
Preventing the SO from joining the rally, however, is particularly irresponsible
for the safety of the demonstrators and the proper conduct of the rally.

At a time when the far right and the state are jointly brandishing "
Islamogauchism "By making anyone asserting an anti-racist position an ally of
Islamism, where the government criminalizes part of its population by adopting
the law on separatism, this same government confirms, through the power of its
prefecture, its political positioning favorable to the far right by allowing it
to parade. However, it is the same extreme right that has direct links with
terrorist attacks, whether through the funding it receives from Brenton Tarrant
(author of an attack that caused 51 victims against two mosques in Christchurch ,
in New Zealand) or by the presence of Maxime Brunerie (author of an assassination
attempt on the President of the Republic Jacques Chirac) at the demonstration today.

If the government in place therefore intends to dissolve Génération Identitaire
for purely electoral reasons, we can only note that it authorizes them to pound
the pavement as they wish, while banning counter-demonstrations, by
instrumentalising the health rules to sanction those who participated in this
gathering.

We demand the withdrawal of all tickets received by those who participated in
this counter-demonstration, and the release of all comrades who are currently
being held in custody !

We also have to deplore the intervention of the BRAV-M, which once again
authorized itself to charge without reason the activists outside the rally, who
were simply discussing near a subway entrance. before leaving after the premature
dispersal of the gathering. This sudden charge without any warning violently
pushed our comrades up the stairs of the metro and continued into its corridors,
which is particularly dangerous. We ask that the Paris Police Prefecture put an
end to the existence of this violent brigade that is the BRAV-M and that the hunt
for activists stop.

The repression, the only response from the Paris police headquarters, testifies
to an obvious authoritarian turn in the management of the protest. However, it
appears that the mobilization cannot only be summed up as a failure. Indeed, the
pressure exerted by this rally, combined with various other initiatives,
sufficiently hampered the demonstration planned by Génération Identitaire so that
it was ultimately limited to a rally.

Faced with identities, we will continue to step up our mobilizations. We must
more than ever actively participate in the creation of alliances between the
various oppressed groups and put in place a real broad anti-fascist front,
bringing together trade unions, anti-racists, anti-patriarchs, etc.

February 20, 2021.

Signatory organizations: Committee for Clément, Jeune Garde Antifasciste, New
Anti-Capitalist Party, Libertarian Communist Union, Union Syndicale Solidaires.

Validate

[1] Génération Identitaire is an organization that appeared in 2012 and follows
on from the "Jeunesses Identitaires" and "Autre Jeunesse" movements. It stood out
for its anti-migrant operation "Defend Europe", with punchy actions such as the
one aimed at preventing the rescues of migrants at sea in 2017 or the one carried
out at the Col de l'Échelle in 2018, or by his release of a banner demanding
"justice for the victims of anti-white racism" (sic) on June 18 during an
anti-racist demonstration and against police violence.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Communique-unitaire-antifasciste-l-Etat-complice-de-l-extreme-droite

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Message: 3



Nazi Germany continues to be a rich topic for filmmakers. There are many complex
aspects to that regime and its history. This means it can be approached in many
ways from comedy to serious drama. Alone in Berlin (2016) is an example of the
latter. It fits within a subset of movies that address opposition to the Nazis.
In this case, the source material is a 1947 book that covers the non-fiction
activities of Otto and Elise Hampel. They were a working-class couple, here named
Otto (Brendan Gleeson) and Anna Quangel (Emma Thompson). Some changes have been
made in the fictionalising of the story. In the movie, the couple becomes engaged
in their independent resistance work in reaction to news of the death of their
son. He is killed at the very start of the film while serving as a soldier. The
husband works as a foreman in a small industrial workshop. He takes it upon
himself to initiate opposition via the writing of postcards with defiant slogans
upon them, leaving them on the steps of public offices and other places. Soon the
police are on their case. That's the plot.

The acting, cinematography, music and mise-en-scene uniformly work in the movie
in a downbeat way. That is not a criticism. It wisely avoids putting a glossy
patina on what was a horrible regime. It doesn't get the usual Hollywood
treatment and that's a good thing. Gleeson in particular exudes a sorrowful
demeanour that barely allows him a smile. There is a fire underneath but
outwardly his character is just another worker drone in service of the system.
Likewise Thompson is a million miles from any sort of charisma in her portrayal
of an ordinary woman trying to deal with the death of a son at the hands of a
state she can't believe in any more. The camera work is conventional and doesn't
draw attention to itself. Likewise, the neighbourhood where the characters live
is a drab brown. These parts of the film all tend to work in its favour.

Despite the positive parts of the film, there are things that could be said to
work against it. One is the role and acting of Daniel Bruhl. He plays the Gestapo
investigator Eschereich who is assigned the task of tracking down the mysterious
card writer. Eschereich is an old-school, scientific detective who is interested
in methodically figuring out who the culprit is. That might sound weird to
mention, but in the Third Reich the internal politics were such that his
superiors are more interested in framing the first person who comes along to suit
a political need, rather than find the actual ‘wrong-doer'. Bruhl is a capable
actor who is easy to like and the contrast between his character's motivations
and his bosses, puts the viewer in an uneasy position of almost wanting him to
succeed in his mission. That's no fault of Bruhl, he's doing his job, but his
dynamism is worryingly seductive if you aren't careful. You might be kind and say
this merely makes the film more subtle than your average portrayal of Hitler's
Germany. The extent to which you see it that way will depend on your own
impression of course.

Drama should have a sense of tension to it. That can take place within a
character, between a character and others, or conflict between the character and
his/her environment. A story such as Alone in Berlin would seem to be ready-made
for building tension. In fact, though, there are very few such moments. Otto
leaves the card on some steps and walks away. Somebody finds it and reads it.
This is shown in such a perfunctory way that it elicits no jolt of concern for
Otto. There is one point where Otto is almost discovered by a bystander who
intercepts one of his cards. But there are no real heart-stopping moments where
you take the side of the character on an emotional level and feel personal
empathy with his escape. Director Perez would do well to study Hitchcock's oeuvre
to see how you could build the dramatic tension lacking in this film.

So we are provided an interesting antagonist in the shape of Eschereich and
little emotionally derived empathy for the people you should support. Since we
are never introduced to the son, we don't feel emotionally invested in the
character or his fate and by extension his parents. So all you are left with is
the need to remind yourself periodically on an intellectual, rational level that
the Nazis were bad and yes, the dowdy couple are very much worthy of the viewers'
support. That's ok but probably doesn't lend enough depth. Which is a shame.
Alone in Berlin may not be essential viewing, therefore, but any film that
positively acknowledges opposition to Hitler has to be valued.

Related Link: https://awsm.nz/?p=8953

https://awsm.nz/?p=8953

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32173

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Message: 4



Political situation analysis ---- If for some the first lockdown left doubts
about the perception of the stateon the pandemic, today class faults have emerged
in such an obvious waywhich are impossible to ignore. When the uncontrolled
opening of tourism and aidof the police fleet are priorities to the detriment of
the most inadequatehealth system we have a typical example where capitalism
proveshis commitment to cedar and maintaining his dominance over the humanof
life. More specifically, towards the lives of the oppressed. The Greek state, in
oneorgy of shamelessness and overtly serving interests, he chose not to do
eitherhalf the move to tackle the pandemic effectively, not even the superficial
onecover his image. Relying on media tricks, he distributed funds tomajor
players, literally exploited the health workers to the death and rushedto drain
down to the last drop of blood of the workers. At the same time, withemergence
(and consolidation) of the narrative of individual responsibility, which comes
toto justify the government's inaction, both its control and its repression
increasestate to society.

To this picture is added the opportunity presented againrestructuring the system
to as neoliberal as possibleimplementation, with the agenda including increasing
control and repression andbending of resistors. Under the pretext of the
extraordinary nature of the treaty, new ones are being builtbases for the
exploitation and subjugation of the whole range ofoppressed. From the plunder of
the natural world, the intensification of labor, thestrengthening the nationalist
narrative to the point of denigrating the social andclass resistance. As in the
previous lockdown, the state proceeded - andhe is still in the process of passing
laws that were his effortsGreek capital for years. The first typical example is
the bill for herdemonstrations, which found fertile ground for voting amid the
inaction they causedmeasures to prevent the virus and eventually attempt to
implement it again withpretext of the pandemic. The anti-labor bill is also
included in this directionVroutsi, which is intended to change labor and trade
union rights withlegalization of 10-hour work without overtime pay and
criminalizationstrike, but also of any trade union action. In conjunction with
the bankruptCode, which institutionalizes -among other things- the abolition of
first home protection and thenon-payment of compensation to employees by bankrupt
companies, this isanother blow to the Plebian strata. Not only that, they are
additionally removedrights by employees, but they are now deprived of the
inalienable right tohousing. The new bankruptcy code is another obvious
contradiction of the sloganof the government "We stay home, we stay safe".

In the case of the forthcoming education bill, these desiresexpressed for
decades. With universities closed and students missing out on

To a large extent from the cities where they study, the state puts forward a
planroller, which is a cut in education since the post-colonial era.

It depicts a dystopian university space, fully subordinated to its
requirementscapital, in relation to the state policy of discipline and
subordination of the socialbase. Fearing the resistance that the student
movements have produced, the stateaims to intimidate students and eliminate trade
unionism in schools.
If these aspirations are voted on and implemented, we will be called upon to face
onetotal restructuring of the Greek university into unprecedentedly conservative
andfree bases. It is also worth noting at this point of their fair fightsstudents
to claim the obvious: measures to protect health (measures thatnot in favor of
the government) and opposition to the previous secondary education billeducation.
The mass squatting movement across the country accepted relentless repression bya
system that is not ashamed to arrest and intimidate minors.

One of the strongest blows that the Plebian layers shouldface for the coming
years is the consequent financial crisis that willaccompany capitalist
drunkenness and murderous state management. It is already obviousin all and all
the overall deterioration of the living standards of the affected groups,
withunemployment preparing to reach new heights. At the same time, the situation
for thoseare on the margins of the state gaze continues to deteriorate to new
levelsinhumanity. Immigrants, prisoners, the homeless, in the midst of a
pandemicthey see their already undervalued life being degraded even more. The
treatment ofdetainees, as in the case of D. Koufontinas, reveals their treatment
asexpendable population. It is also part of a wider attack on their
rightsprisoners and the murderous management of the state in the midst of the
pandemic. It hasresulting in an increase in cases and even the death of
prisoners, but also thedeprivation of basic rights, such as the possibility of
licensing through the newbill. Living conditions in the Kara Tepe concentration
camp providetypical evidence of the state's ability to impoverish without mercy.
Here come to add the cases of racist attacks, with the mostrecent to take place
in Oreokastro, with child victims. As we already knew,so even now we have to
remind ourselves and society that, unfortunately,As long as there is a state,
there will be fascism. Despite the completion of the ATHEX trial, thevigilance
and the strengthening of the anti-fascist movement must not be diminished. In
addition,specifically for 2021, the celebrations and holidays on the occasion of
the 200th anniversary ofrevolution is expected to give a new step to national
rhetoric. The deposit of oursanalysis is not only useful but also necessary.

The consequences of public administration and its increase are also
importantsexist violence, with studies proving the expected. In a more general
context, theconditions of confinement and teleworking create a suffocating
environment for themworking mothers, enhancing the already burdensome selective
burden-sharing.We must not forget that female oppression has its roots within the
structure itselfof the state and is another form of exploitation that must be
addressed withinfrom the overall struggle against all forms of power and
exploitation.

Globally, although management seems to vary superficially, a common onecomponent
joins the cases: the state and capital are aggressively trying tooccupy as much
space as they can claim and as much space as is given to them. THEincreasing
repression and fast track passing reactionary bills is onereality common. In this
context, the uprisings andthe struggles that break out from below, such as in
France, Argentina, the USA. Its worth toIt should be noted that even in poorer
countries there is resistance, but its natureinformation and the lack of contacts
does not allow us, for the time being, to formulate clearlyimage (eg India).
As in the rest of the world, so in Greece, his effort is typicalstate to weaken
and uproot every social and class struggle. In the field ofrepression, the
priorities of sovereignty are clear and the goal is twofold. On the one handthey
want to put the movement in retreat, occupying as many forts as possiblethey can,
on the other hand, try to impose themselves to such an extent as to limitas a
precaution any insurgent prospect may follow its endpandemic.
In the gloom of the day, the emerging social and class structures give
hopesolidarity, proving once again, as in previous historical onesperiods of
crisis, how useful, necessary and important their mutual support isoppressed.
Respectively, the ongoing, as it seems, invasion of the state oppositein every
conquest, labor rights and class resistance must encounter strugglesand
embankments. We already know that we are called and we have to take a position there.
At this point, once again, we find ourselves confirmingour participation in an
organizational structure greater than our collectivity. Inside themadverse
conditions, with the state holding the largest share of their
initiativemovements, the only element we believe can provide adequate and
consistentresistance is the organization. At the risk of sounding graphic, only
one movementorganized and with clear targeting and navigation can provide the
necessary yeastfor the struggles that will inevitably come.
In closing, we would like to briefly mention her particular strugglerebuilding
our occupation. Three years later, stubbornly and against everyoneviciousness,
the repair of the building continues and in fact has to show a significantwin.
The installation of the roof, in addition to the technical benefits, strengthens
it moreour presence there and leads the roots of the struggle even deeper into
the soil. Like we havementions in the past, this is a case of the whole movement.
Inside the generalizedcondition of repressive mania, with so many squats
evacuated, we believe that therebuilding Libertatia can send a strong message
against fascist violenceand state attacks. We, for our part, will continue as we
didlast years with our morale strong and our hammers ready.

http://apo.squathost.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/

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Message: 5



We welcome all the comrades of Anarchist PoliticsOrganization, the comrades who
responded to our calland are with us today as observer teams in the first and
openconference process, where the positions are made in relation
tosocio-political situation. Let us say here that we are very glad to see you
all,but we miss that this does not happen up close, due to the conditions they
haveshaped. ---- Companions, ---- We have closed a year since the beginning of an
unprecedented health and social crisis. ---- More than 2cm. people dead and 90
million sick. COVID-19 diseasedid not break out in a world perfectly created. She
broke out in an environment that favored herits spread by the plunder of socially
produced wealth, theover-concentration in large urban centers, massive
workplaces, confinementlarge populations in concentration camps and prisons, with
lootingand plunder of nature. And the disease may not discriminate - as it
doesthe sovereigns and the media stop saying - but the state and thecapital do.
Not everyone is equal to the disease and this is due tosocial and class
inequalities imposed by the state-capitalist system.Thus, it strikes the most
impoverished, those who lived and always live on its edgeof poverty and misery,
strikes the weak, those who spend their whole livesstriving to get by, the
excluded from the elementary socialgoods.The pandemic did not give birth to "new
necessary" transformations but already accelerated themdesigned and promoted and
provided the ideal framework to impose thisthat states and bosses want over time.
The complete submission ofsocieties in power of political and economic elites.
They try to take advantageto the maximum the deadly disease, in order to maintain
their privileges and toexpand their power by expanding social control and
surveillancereality and introducing new and even more disgusting terms into its
chainexploitation. An attempt is being made to impose a new model of work and
social lifeand inequalities and exclusions deepen. The exemption regime is
imposed ongrowing social groups (refugees, immigrants, prisoners,struggling,
working, unemployed) which further reinforces the notion thatnot all lives are
worth the same. Those at the bottom of the class pyramid eitherare sentenced to
death because of their exclusion from basic goods eitherbecause they are forced
to work in precarious conditions so that they cansurvive the capitalist system.

The spread of fear and the promotion of the irrational are fundamental elements
of itauthoritarian narrative, cultivating insecurity on the one hand and him on
the otherconservatism and irrationality. The reactionary reason, though presented
toopposes the orders of domination, is issued and promoted by itself, bothto
appear the same as the best choice as well as why only with irrationality in
generalthe anti-social nature of the state-capitalist system can be accepted.

Conspiracy theories, opposition to masks and vaccines, are thesought-after and
cultivated extreme expressions of precisely this authoritariannarrative - hence
they are pronounced by the same people who claimed its GreeknessNorthern
Macedonia, the nationalists and the intolerant, the races and the Greek flags-and
not the healthy expressions of a society that judges, raises questions, seeks
answers,chooses and claims. While similar perceptions, when submitted as a
proposal within itmovement form only a sterile "instead" of the lack of a
counter-proposal,nurture anti-social logics and obscure the existing and material
fields in whichcollectively the movement can intervene.

What is produced, in the end, is nothing but a dead end and that nothing can be
donefor what is happening, nothing can be done to change it. It is promoted,
thus, asOne way and necessity is the existence of states - which will be its
guarantorssocial "security" (with the required sacrifice of freedoms) - and
bosses- as custodians of "prosperity" (at the sacrifice of labor rights).
THEperception that things could not be otherwise is what in principleestablishes
the world of power. As if we have to accept exploitation andoppression, that the
few will reap the wealth and the many who produce itthey will die of wars,
famines and diseases. Like the only thingwe can "realistically" claim and perhaps
succeed - temporarily - is a littleless exploitation, a little less oppression, a
little less death but not hertheir elimination. Why; Because this is the only
way!The pandemic could be a global "opportunity" for states to implementmore
totalitarian policies but their social legitimacy collapses. Thesocial contract
has been violated. Lack of support and refusal to upgradepublic health
structures, exploiting the pandemic to impose restrictions andprohibitions that
have nothing to do with the health crisis, extreme violence,repressive businesses
highlight only one thing. There is no one leftargument on the basis of which an
extended social consensus can be generated. THEpower imposes what it wants and at
the same time prepares and shields itselfin the coming social upheavals,
upgrading its repressive tools, bothat the legislative and military levels.

 From the great uprising in the USA and the cracks created in the centerof
Western power until the uprising in Albania. From the militant and
massivedemonstrations in France as far as Poland and Argentina with thousands of
women toflood the streets. From Latin American countries to Turkey andin Greece
there are people who believe that the defense of societyis in her own hands.
Struggles break out and movements are created thatoppose the ruling order of
things. They are the ones who shout that the worldmust and can change. At this
time the two worlds, that of power and that of freedom, clash with increasing
intensity, as anarchistswe have a responsibility:

** Do not leave the narrative of better system management for anotheronce, to
plunder the games and soften the differences between themof the two worlds to
give another extension of life to its rotten edificesovereignty.

** To intensify this conflict, radicalizing the individual struggles
andconnecting them with the overthrow and end of the state-capitalistsystemic

** In addition to the complaint and the intervention, to file and towe compare in
the state-capitalist way another model of socialorganization on the principles
and values of freedom, equality,solidarity, hierarchy, collectivization,
self-government,self-organization and emancipation of societies. A model that
will not be an exceptionthe weakest and will not oppress the different. A world
foreveryone.

** In order for all the above to happen, we must advance with even more dynamic
onesterms the necessity of organizing and creating a mass anda radical
international movement that, in principle, will believe but also movein the
direction of overthrowing the world of power.

In Greece, the second round of outbreaks of the pandemic came after its
summer2020. The state and its political administrators, the far-right government
of the N.D., openedthe economy without caring about the cost to human lives. Its
openingThe country's heavy industry, tourism, shaped the field so that after its
endsummer, gradually, the spread of the virus in the community is no longer
uncontrollable.

Imposing only prohibitions on people's social life and investing in itto
"individual responsibility" to disorient society from seeing itcriminal state
management of the pandemic. They did not take any action for herupgrade of the
public health system, did not provide the necessary healthequipment and material
to employees, did not hire teachers, did notdecongested prisons and concentration
camps. On the contrary, they were exhaustedand continue to deplete all state
resources in recruiting police officers andin upgrading their equipment,
unfolding steadily and continuously the basictheir design for the complete
disarmament of movements. And this designexpressed - only in recent months - with
the evacuations of squatters (RosaNera, Terra Incognita, Dervenia, invasion of
Libertatia), the new labor bill,the bill on prisons and the implementation of the
law banning themdemonstrations (anti-fascist rally in Galatsi November 1,
November 17,November 26, December 6), with the suppression of mobilizations, the
invasions inhouses and arrests of fighters, surveillance, retaliatory
transfersanarchist and communist prisoners, the creation of a new repressive
bodyfor demonstrations and for universities.

The fields in which the movements were moving and operating more widely, as well
as in particularanarchist-anti-authoritarian space, the means of struggle are
shrinkingreceive overwhelming blows. As already stated by A.P.O. we are talking
about the endof the post-political period. From the abolition of university
asylum, thecriminalization of trade union action, the substantive ban on
strikes,the restriction of demonstrations until the abolition of 8 o'clock, the
furtherthe elaboration of labor relations, the privatization of universities,
theprivate "initiative" in health, education, nature exploitation, landscapethat
people move, live, work and the conditions that all come truedaily activities
have changed and even at unimaginable speeds.

The far-right government of N.D. has imposed a "semi-junta" regime, where theAll
issues are managed in police terms while they are addressedexclusively in the
most conservative part of society. Restrictions, prohibitions,fines, control,
beatings, torture, monologue in the media. and gebelisticpropaganda,
strengthening of private capital and absolute surrender of control andeconomy in
the hands of the elites.The other institutional forces and especially those with
leftist references havingcompletely lose their meanings and without possessing a
measurable part ofmechanisms, are unable to make any kind of opposition and
ultimatelyassist in the conservatism of the whole regime. However, you should
notto be complacent about current or future moves by parts of the institutionleft
whose purpose will be to seize the struggles that erupt from below and theattempt
to beautify the system.
Inevitably, opponents of domination are those organized from below, nothey are
incorporated, they are not assimilated, they do not submit, they do not retreat,
they do not believeat the end of History and the undisputed victory of the
existing system. Andthey are none other than the world of self-organization, the
political collectives, thesquats and venues, the resistance that erupts in
schools and colleges,the struggles against the plunder of nature, class
initiatives and unionsassemblies in neighborhoods.
But what are the characteristics of this space that has produced and continues,
inmore or less depending on the wider conditions, to produce a hugea wealth of
struggles and resistances that are responsible for the inability to create a
capable oneradical pole, which will oppose the existing and why, if we are
talking andwe are referring to and to all, do we find it difficult to broaden the
meanings of freedom?

1) The restriction on the complaint, the intervention and the creation of small
onesislands of freedom that can be conquered - inevitably in the short term -and
the absence from the central battles that the movement has to give.

2) The fragmentation and opportunism, the lack of continuity and consistency
thatresult in the impossibility of conquering some fields, the constantconnection
with struggles and the deepening and development of political discourse anddeed.

3) Informalism: Depending on the circumstances, occasional collaborations are
createdand reflexive answers are given, which may in a previous periodbe able to
temporarily curb state aggression, but nowas much as they are characterized by
militancy and selflessness, they are movementssymbolic content. Although they
keep the spark of resistance alive, they do notcan inspire many beyond us, they
do not give wider perspectivesand outlets. And to the extent that their
continuation and deepening is not soughtpolitical agreements, no prospects are
given for the development of a movement either.

4) The monothematicity. Dealing with topics is not in our opinionproblem in
principle. But the perception through which it starts shouldis comprehensive and
seeks to connect with other races in the directiona comprehensive understanding
of the system itself but also of the struggles.

The answer to all of the above is the existence of a stable organization that
believesin overthrow, it analyzes the authoritarian world as a whole and can on
the basis of depthpolicy agreements to draw up both short-term and long-term
planningto fight against what is directly imposed but also to be the inspiration
and tolay the foundations for the creation of a radical and mass movement that
will fightin terms of victory now the state-capitalist system.

Having the A.P.O. closed 5 years since its founding, and considering that for its
youngage, as an organization, has achieved a number of its stated goalsand the
involvement and activity of collectives within A.P.O, we consider that it is time
to take the next step. To set specificsgoals based on its dynamics, to think
about whether it manages to accomplish them inlevel that it wants, to act and
take initiatives and responsibilities and based on these tomass, to involve more
collectives in it. Contemplating themacting forces and the characteristics that
govern them, we do not think it is something thatcan be achieved immediately but
that is where we should aim. We have to open againthe dialogue on the necessity
of the Organization, but this time from the position of thosethey have created it
and communicate their experience, the positives they haveand what they gained,
the prospects and responsibilities of the future.

** For us, as Omicron72, the A.P.O. is an inspiration and gives us strengthto
move on, he asks us questions, he opens fields for us and he gives
uspossibilities, brings us to our responsibilities and mobilizes us so muchsame
as the individual collectives that make it up.

** A huge range of political agreements has been developed thatallow us to move
and intervene in a multitude of struggles,maximizing the penetration of our
actions and speech as wellhas enabled us to be present in fields that could
hardly bethe anarchist space intervenes in the past, without being
assimilated,incorporate or suppress its presence.

** Has helped in the political maturation of collectives and indeepening of the
political discourse, both of the APO itself and ofindividual groups.

** It has won with its consistent and continuous presence, in the fields
thatdecides to move, visibility and clarity regarding the ideologicalits
political position, its cinematic and social logic and it hassubmit to the
anarchist movement with clarity the positions and means of strugglewhich she
believes can move us forward.

** Undivided solidarity, moral, material and political, has been achieved
inspecific weight issues for each group.

** Quality fermentation and dialogue have been developed, an essential element
forour processes and goals.

** In the direction of International Solidarity and international contactshas
managed to create bridges of communication with other movements andto build
stable collaborations with anarchist organizations.

We consider that we have conquered all the above but it is debatable to be able
toand maintain them. The reality we face is completely differentand with great
pressures as well as challenges. Maintaining cohesion is a priorityand our
grouping, something that will be ensured through joint interpretation and
understandingthe new conditions and the interaction on how they are expressed in
places,and our capabilities according to social and cinematic reality.

A second point that we consider to be a necessary condition for wideningof the
political perception of A.P.O. , both in the organizational part and incontent is
our creation and participation on fronts. With her experienceour participation in
them, we consider to be such a way out of dynamic responsesin the attack of
domination as well as direct fields of deposition of our perceptions
andinteraction with other parts of the movement. Our participation in them should
behas clear objectives, to recognize the political struggle taking place
withinthese, a struggle that should take place in a spirit of camaraderie and
awarenesschoice of cooperation and collectivization, as well as the limits of the
agreements but also oftheir potential.
Political cooperation and alliances are an essential element for us indirection
of creating a movement where its parties talk, interact,coordinate, co-create,
moving in the same direction as that of overthrowof the world of Power and the
building of a world of Equality, Freedom,Justice and Solidarity.
To achieve this requires our involvement and our organized intervention
throughoutand more fields of human activity, such as the classroom,
schools,schools etc. As the submission of a program by us is required, thewhich
will outline another model of social organization that will be promoted in allour
fields of presence. This will first give us the impetus to shape everythingwe
imagine, but it will also help to awaken the consciences of society andto the
persuasiveness of what we propose.

In the big issues we have to face our ways of moving will be thesewhich will be
the model of the society we envision and our involvementin the games that will
come must aim at all of the above.
 From the development of mutual aid and solidarity to the great poverty
thatcomes, with the creation of self-organized structures, the configuration of
open fields andaccessible to society so they can get in touch, beyond the pieceof
the road, with the perception, the ways of the race and our goals and thethe
possibility of their involvement in it, up to the greatest intensity of its
promotionlibertarian culture as we believe is the portal, but also through
publicationsprinted material.As a team we are in a period of exploring new data
and possibilitiesof our movement. The conclusion we draw from the observation of
motion more broadlypolitical forces in this first period of complete change, is
how they chooseto do what they know best, returning to their hard core. This
fromalone is not bad in a struggle for survival. As long as we understand thatis
a temporary and reflexive movement, as well as that not all correspond toanswers
given until yesterday, to the attack we are receiving today, an attack thataims
at our very existence. That is why we have to evolve. Definitely theAnswers are
neither ready nor guaranteed. The state-capitalist systemreproduces itself, and
to achieve this it spreads to more and morefields. If, as an
anarchist-anti-authoritarian space, we continue to reproduce only themways of the
past without aiming at our political composition, for the wholeand greater
penetration and widening of our projects, for our massification,for the
realization of those we fight, we will not only give up, we will lose. And notwe
are here to lose. We must be ready, having taken advantage of everythingvaluable
conclusions of the past. And the A.P.O. is a child of theseconclusions and
especially those drawn from the 2008 uprisingvaluable for us that exists and we
believe that with this vehicle we will be able tomeet the great challenges that
have already come. To contribute topaving the way to victory. The victory of the
world of freedom. To make it happenthe Social Revolution, to give birth to
anarchist-communist society.

STRUGGLE FOR THE WORLD SOCIAL REVOLUTION

http://apo.squathost.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/

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Message: 6



The year 2021 begins strongly marked by the pandemic and its consequences. As we
have been saying in the different analyzes we carried out over the past year, it
is not so much about the causes of the pandemic, but about its effects. And these
have been devastating for those below, mainly due to the fact that it takes place
in a historical time marked by capitalist domination in its neoliberal facet,
which unceremoniously leaves important portions of the world population in total
helplessness. For this reason, geopolitical and commercial disputes over
vaccines, and the difference in access to them between poor and rich countries,
was to be expected.
Argentina does not escape this general panorama. The social situation is truly
dramatic with poverty rates above 50%, job loss, a drop in the purchasing power
of wages (with an average decrease of 4% year-on-year), and the consolidation of
job insecurity schemes and restriction of tools union. To complete this picture
of extreme social inequality -which has been continuously deepening-, more and
more people live in neighborhoods that do not have access to essential public
services, the larger the sectors of the population are unemployed and with a
increasingly restricted access to education (especially remotely).
The government has decided to follow exactly what the capitalist premise
dictates, that is: the interests of the powerful do not touch each other. While
he has outlined patches like the IFE, he has not been able to even sustain it
over time. At this point we must include the "solidarity and extraordinary
contribution to help mitigate the effects of the pandemic" of some privileged
people, who due to their uselessness and lukewarmness no one remembers, beyond
the 15 days that the official media operation lasted. In this sense, the
government has been skillful in executing distributive threats (such as the
announcement of an increase in withholdings for agro-exporters) which, in the
face of the resistance of this powerful sector, has used it to convey the message
of a "correlation of unfavorable force ",
In fact, at the economic and social level, the only sectors "sacrificed" by the
context of the pandemic have been the popular sectors and the working class,
whose adjustment in wages and living conditions are paying the costs of the
social crisis and the pandemic.
At the health level, the numbers of infected and dead have not been encouraging
either, the country being very high on the world scales, with more than 2 million
infected and more than 50,000 deaths. Which, together with the agonizing arrival
of vaccines, projects a panorama where more infections and deaths are to be
expected during the course of the year, especially if one takes into account that
little has improved in the response capacity of the health system. In this sense,
the buffer has been the workers on the front line against the pandemic, with work
overload and in spaces where supplies and personnel are lacking to withstand
another "wave" of infections. It is worth mentioning that this has been more
pressing the further we get from the Federal Capital.
Currently, it seems that the prevention policy passes, on the one hand, by
transferring to the population the absolute responsibility of health policy
(through campaigns such as that of the Cuidadanistas or the exacerbated discourse
against youth due to the new wave of infections), focusing exclusively on social
encounters as a contagion factor, excluding the questionable criteria to define
the essentiality of the jobs that in fact, implied that a large part of the
working class could not make a proper quarantine. On the other hand, with social
control measures, often selective, which has led to innumerable cases of police
abuses, confinements and violation of rights that contribute to the consolidation
of the repressive state policy.
But the greatest calamity of the national state's health policy became clear in
the last few hours, with the appearance of the "vaccinated VIPs". The ruling
party speaks of "traitors" and press operations. The reactionary opposition
speaks of "swindling the Nation." However, this scandal clearly reveals a policy
of privileged immunity for those at the top, which tries to put the political
class and businessmen as the main beneficiaries of the vaccine, without
distinction of political color or side of the crack. At this point, we know very
well that corruption and privilege are inherent to the state and the capitalists,
All this without any realistic policy to stop the contagions that the return to
closed spaces will bring in autumn.
We must add here the demagogic position of the Ministry of Education, enabling
the opening of face-to-face classes without planning, prevention measures or
adequate infrastructure in this context, in an approach that will need the firm
resistance of the teacher unions genuinely concerned about the health situation ,
educational and social support of the educational community. In turn, it seems
that the national government will use the coronavirus crisis as an excuse to pass
the IMF program, which includes labor and fiscal reform, freezing of wages and
pensions, dollarization of utility rates, among others. Some of these items have
already been executed even if you have signed the agreement. Inflation does not
give truce and the year began with an increase in the vast majority of public
services, social works, food and essential items such as gasoline, which
accumulates eight increases in the months of January and February. A clear
example of this is the pro-management position of the Ministry of Labor by
delaying as much as possible the homologation of salary agreements - with
recompositions above the average - of oil producers and banks.
Thus, with lukewarm rhetoric, and with the specter of the possible return of
macrismo, the Frente de Todos finds a more fertile ground to adjust than a
blatantly neoliberal government. This is supported by the bureaucratic union
leaderships and the official social organizations, which have not lifted a finger
to face this situation.
In an electoral year, recompositions and disputes within the political field of
the system are to be expected. Distinctions are emerging within the governing
coalition with the intention of detaching Cristina from possible scenarios of
thunderous failures of the model. At the same time, we are witnessing the growth
of an ultra-liberal right that takes advantage of the contradictions of
progressivism to create a hate speech against the popular.
It is also to be expected that this government continues to seek to contain any
spillover that could be promoted from below due to the devastating conditions in
which it is living. Just as a year ago he presented himself with the goal of a
great social agreement, the president has been meeting with businessmen and
bureaucratic union leaders under the same logic. May the growing inequality bleed
silently as it has been shown by the increase in social violence that in our city
has claimed more than a daily death, including children, dismemberment of corpses
and shootings everywhere.
In this context of health uncertainty, social fragmentation, demobilization
promoted from above, greater social control and violence; We must go beyond the
margins of action that last year left us for those below. Community, union, and
student action must be strengthened by redoubling our efforts to put a stop to
the adjustment of those at the top.
It is essential that we continue to promote and support sector-specific measures
of struggle in the union, such as those that managed to twist some employer
advances, especially in terms of dismissals, suspensions and brutal salary
adjustments. Here we highlight examples such as the historic strike led by the
Oil Federation and the Grain Receivers, at the end of 2020 -which culminated in a
deserved salary recomposition-. It will also be strategic for our militancy to
continue fighting for safe working conditions and a massive vaccination that
reaches all popular neighborhoods, rejecting any health privilege that the
dominant sectors try to impose from above. Therefore, the strategy of organized
anarchism in this context must bet on the construction of a Strong People,
For socialism and freedom!

Anarchist Federation of Rosario

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