Today's Topics:
1. Romania, Anarcho-Syndicalist Initiative - ASI: Solidarity
with protests in Spain against arrest of Pablo Hasel, [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
with protests in Spain against arrest of Pablo Hasel, [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, UCL AL #313 - Culture, Read: Souvarine, "The
counter-revolution on the march" (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
counter-revolution on the march" (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, UCL AL #313 - Culture, Read: Souvarine, "The
counter-revolution on the march" (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
counter-revolution on the march" (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. cnt.es: [8M] Our best defense: class feminism, unionist and
combative (ca, pt) [machine translation]
combative (ca, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Greece, Patras: Concentration Thursday
4/3 12M. Sq. Georgiou
| BLOCK IN THE NEW ANTI-EDUCATIONAL LAW
| BLOCK IN THE NEW ANTI-EDUCATIONAL LAW
[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. UK, AFED, organise magazine: Kronstadt diary - Feb 28th |
Historical (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
According to the information of the yellow trade union UGS Nezavisnost concerning
the so-called Harassment in the workplace, who knows how many times it turns out
that this is a phenomenon that continues to "flourish" in Serbia and takes on new
dimensions. Abusers in most such cases successfully avoid facing the law, which
only contributes to the further development of abuse in the workplace. ---- Great
poverty and unemployment, further deepened by the health crisis, and even greater
negligence of state institutions towards workers in Serbia, have created ideal
conditions for the abuse of workers by bosses. ---- Workers in Serbia were
exploited "to the limit of endurance", working overtime, without the right to
sick leave, without the right to rest, and it is often said that employees are
denied the right to perform normal physiological needs. In addition to this,
there are often situations where workers are mistreated on a daily basis by their
superiors in the hope that they will resign, so that the bosses avoid the legal
obligations they have when they are fired.
The yellow unions also admit that judicial protection is in the case of "the most
classic forms of unscrupulous exploitation", ie. due to the "violation of the
basic rights of workers guaranteed by domestic legislation and numerous
international conventions" is extremely inefficient, and that is why there is a
fear among workers in Serbia of losing their jobs and additional repression if
they speak out.
All this confirms to us, for who knows how many times, that the rule of law is
not here because of us - the workers, but because of the bosses and politicians.
However, within it, it is possible to win certain battles with minimal initial
requirements to improve the working position. However, as the history of the
workers 'struggle has shown us so far, this can only be achieved with workers'
solidarity and continuous pressure from mutually organized workers.
It is also important to understand why and how bosses and politicians, as well as
the yellow unions, are trying to convince us that abuse is a deviation from the
norm and that it is actually a problem that workers have. They all deliberately
avoid saying that any hired work is abuse and exploitation. It is not a matter of
bosses being nice and addressing us politely, or even fulfilling all the
obligations prescribed to them by their fellow politicians, while exploiting us
on a daily basis by robbing us of the value we create with our work. Only
citizens can expect decency and respect for the agreement from someone whose job
is to rob workers. It is up to us workers to abolish such social relations and
organize production without bosses and other social positions that are inherently
abusive!
------------------------------
Message: 2
In this collection of texts and articles, Boris Souvarine analyzes, among other
things, the deviations of the Revolution of 1917 and the appalling conditions
imposed on the Russian proletariat. ---- Boris Souvarine (1895-1984)[1]is known
above all for his masterpiece Stalin. Historical overview of Bolshevism , on
which he worked between 1930 and 1935, during five years which were for him a
period of intense political and intellectual activity, of which the collection
recently published by Smolny is a faithful reflection. ---- Expelled from the
Communist International ---- Moderator from 1919 of the Committee of the III th
International, leader of the young French Communist Party, it will represent in
the Communist International (CI), support the theses of the new courses Trotsky
is his first deportation of the IC in 1924. He relaunched Le Bulletin communiste
in October 1925, now a tool of the communist opposition, where in January 1926 he
called for the formation of a Communist Circle of Marx and Lenin, later renamed
the Democratic Communist Circle. In November of that same year 1926, having
obtained a copy of the said " Testament " from Lenin, put under wraps by the
Russian authorities, he published it for the first time in La Révolution
prolétarienne .
While he has irremediably distanced himself from "official" communism , Souvarine
launched in March 1931 what was to be, with his volume on Stalin, the finest of
his intellectual successes: the review La Critique sociale , in which a few major
contributors would collaborate. names of the critical intelligentsia, including
Georges Bataille, Michel Leiris, Raymond Queneau, Simone Weil as well as the
philosopher Karl Korsch, close to German councilist circles. Finally, from
February 1933, he wrote regularly for the newspaper Le Travailleur run by
defectors from the PCF.
The book La Contre-Révolution en Marche collects a good part of his articles
published in three of the periodicals previously cited. As the title of the
volume implies, the main subject of the texts collected here by Charles Jacquier
and Julien Chuzeville is the fate of the Russian revolution some 15 years after
the "ten days that shook the world" .
The observation Souvarine draws from this is overwhelming in all respects:
impoverishment and petrification of Marxist thought in the USSR and in the
parties which claim it, disappearance of all the objectives that Lenin gave to
the communist movement, transformation of the party in power into "A new
privileged class" .
A damning report on the USSR
Certainly, says Souvarine, the regime held out despite the efforts of world
reaction, but this was done to the detriment of "all the notions accepted during
the initial phase of the October Revolution": "The State and the Revolution. has
become subversive literature, the Soviet Constitution is a scrap of paper and the
word liberty, struck out of the vocabulary, the crime of lese-revolution." As for
the real situation of the proletariat in the regime resulting from the Revolution
of 1917, he judges it to be far inferior to what it is in the advanced capitalist
countries, as evidenced by the appalling working conditions in the mines of the
Donetz or famine in the countryside in the south of the country, caused by the
collectivization forcibly imposed on the peasants.
Among many others, we recommend reading the 1934 article on the February Days, in
which Souvarine gives some interesting keys to reading the emergence of fascist
movements in Europe or the decomposition of the two major Marxist parties in
Europe. Germany, unable to react in time to the surge of Nazism.
Finally, we also recommend reading the final part, which testifies to the
campaigns carried out in the West against the treatment reserved by the so-called
" Soviet " state to militants who took refuge in the USSR, such as Francesco
Ghezzi or Victor Serge, or to Russian intellectuals. , including Ryazanov, the
founder of the Marx-Engels Institute in Moscow. A very good book, in short, very
carefully presented and annotated by its two managers.
Miguel Chueca
Boris Souvarine, The Counter-Revolution on the Move . Political writings
(1930-1934). Edition established by Charles Jacquier and Julien Chuzeville,
Smolny, Toulouse, 2020, 286 pages, 12 euros
Validate
[1]Souvarine is the name that Boris Lifschitz, born in a Jewish family in Kiev,
borrowed from one of the characters in Germinal de Zola to sign his first
articles, and to which he remained faithful until his death.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Dans-ce-recueil-de-textes-et-d-articles-Boris
------------------------------
Message: 3
In this collection of texts and articles, Boris Souvarine analyzes, among other
things, the deviations of the Revolution of 1917 and the appalling conditions
imposed on the Russian proletariat. ---- Boris Souvarine (1895-1984)[1]is known
above all for his masterpiece Stalin. Historical overview of Bolshevism , on
which he worked between 1930 and 1935, during five years which were for him a
period of intense political and intellectual activity, of which the collection
recently published by Smolny is a faithful reflection. ---- Expelled from the
Communist International ---- Moderator from 1919 of the Committee of the III th
International, leader of the young French Communist Party, it will represent in
the Communist International (CI), support the theses of the new courses Trotsky
is his first deportation of the CI in 1924. He relaunched Le Bulletin communiste
in October 1925, now a tool of the communist opposition, where in January 1926 he
called for the formation of a Marx and Lenin Communist Circle, later renamed the
Democratic Communist Circle. In November of that same year 1926, having obtained
a copy of the said "Testament" of Lenin, put under a bushel by the Russian
authorities, he published it for the first time in La Révolution prolétarienne .
While he had irremediably moved away from "official" communism , Souvarine
launched in March 1931 what was to be, with its volume on Stalin, the finest of
his intellectual successes: the review La Critique sociale , in which a few great
contributors would collaborate. names of the critical intelligentsia, including
Georges Bataille, Michel Leiris, Raymond Queneau, Simone Weil as well as the
philosopher Karl Korsch, close to German councilist circles. Finally, from
February 1933, he wrote regularly for the newspaper Le Travailleur run by
defectors from the PCF.
The book La Contre-Révolution en Marche collects a good part of his articles
which appeared in three of the periodicals cited above. As the title of the
volume implies, the main subject of the texts collected here by Charles Jacquier
and Julien Chuzeville is the fate of the Russian revolution some 15 years after
the "ten days that shook the world" .
The observation Souvarine draws from this is overwhelming in all respects:
impoverishment and petrification of Marxist thought in the USSR and in the
parties which claim it, disappearance of all the objectives that Lenin gave to
the communist movement, transformation of the party in power into "A new
privileged class" .
A damning report on the USSR
Certainly, says Souvarine, the regime held out despite the efforts of world
reaction, but this was done to the detriment of "all the notions accepted during
the initial phase of the October Revolution": "The State and the Revolution. has
become subversive literature, the Soviet Constitution is a scrap of paper and the
word liberty, struck out of the vocabulary, the crime of lese-revolution." As for
the real situation of the proletariat in the regime resulting from the Revolution
of 1917, he judges it to be far inferior to what it is in the advanced capitalist
countries, as evidenced by the appalling working conditions in the mines of the
Donetz or famine in the countryside in the south of the country, caused by the
collectivization forcibly imposed on the peasants.
Among many others, we recommend reading the 1934 article on the February Days,
where Souvarine gives some interesting keys to reading the emergence of fascist
movements in Europe or even on the decomposition of the two great Marxist parties
of Germany, unable to react in time to the surge of Nazism.
Finally, we also recommend reading the final part, which testifies to the
campaigns carried out in the West against the treatment reserved by the so-called
"Soviet" state to militants who took refuge in the USSR, such as Francesco Ghezzi
or Victor Serge, or to Russian intellectuals. , including Ryazanov, the founder
of the Marx-Engels Institute in Moscow. A very good book, in short, very
carefully presented and annotated by its two managers.
Miguel Chueca
Boris Souvarine, The Counter-Revolution on the Move . Political writings
(1930-1934). Edition established by Charles Jacquier and Julien Chuzeville,
Smolny, Toulouse, 2020, 286 pages, 12 euros
Validate
[1] Souvarine is the name that Boris Lifschitz, born into a Jewish family in
Kiev, borrowed from one of the characters in Germinal de Zola to sign his first
articles, and to which he remained faithful until his death.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Dans-ce-recueil-de-textes-et-d-articles-Boris
------------------------------
Message: 4
This year we have experienced an exceptional situation that has allowed us, to a
greater or lesser extent, to contemplate the ravages of a society whose
priorities are based on capitalism: economic profit, unstoppable frenetic
activity and excessive consumption. We have watched in amazement as, once again,
the economy was prioritized over life. Which means, as we all know, losing human
lives in exchange for saving the summer or Christmas season. We cannot forget
that the dire consequences due to COVID-19 have fallen especially on working
women, who have been essential in the fight against the pandemic from the
essential sectors (cleaning, food, social health, education, etc.). Again,
working women have had to deal with the problems of conciliation. This time,
Given the obvious need to protect people and value care, from the National Labor
Confederation, on this March 8 we vindicate class feminism, unionist and
combative, as our best defense. A feminism that transforms life from the roots
and delves into the keys to achieving a society oriented towards caring for life
and putting it at the center. A feminism that finds in the union an effective
tool to recover our lives, to protect them and to dignify them. To reconcile life
and work and to have OUR time and prioritize what is important.
Because it is in the union where, day by day, we win our rights and gain ground
to exploitation and precariousness; to forced and unpaid overtime, to endless
working hours, to schedule changes that disable us to have a life beyond work, to
discrimination and abuse, to dismissals ... In short, to the lack of control over
our livelihood and our lives.
It is in combative unionism, where we recover what is ours and we work together
to bend that burden that is posed - especially to women - by the double and
triple shifts we deal with on a daily basis: at work, at home, during motherhood.
... A unionism from which we fight so that these burdens are really distributed
and responsibility is shared, to have guarantees and care covered for all
dependent persons and to achieve conciliations that do not involve expelling
women from work.
A useful and effective unionism, a space for learning and review , where we
remember those who preceded us and from where we fight daily to eradicate
violence against women, creating real support networks that affect the lives of
each woman and improve it through the defense of our rights. Where we involve all
the people who make up the union to build a more just society that sustains us as
people and prioritizes life above all else.
For all these reasons, it is important to remember that this March 8, like every
day of the year, is in the combative unionism, in the CNT, the place where we can
fight from a class feminism, continued and sustained over time . That is why we
must continue to learn, militate and be an example in our unions: training other
women, encouraging more colleagues to be part of the change, all being
participants and recognizing our capacity.
For a class, unionist and combative feminism, and for us in CNT: Long live March
8 and the struggle of the workers!
https://www.cnt.es/noticias/8m-nuestra-mejor-defensa-feminismo-de-clase-sindicalista-y-combativo/
------------------------------
Message: 5
Recently, following the educational restructuring that has been taking place in
recent years, the new bill on education was passed, which, among other things,
provides for changes in the way of admission to higher education, introduces a
student limit and establishes the creation of a university police corps. These
changes are aimed at strengthening class barriers, further restricting admissions
to higher education, intensifying studies, disciplining, controlling and
suppressing student struggles. All this is happening in the midst of a pandemic
and a traffic ban, with universities being completely wiped out as they operate
through distance learning and the resistances that spring from there are quite
reduced. Of course, passing bills in dead time,
The way of admission to higher education is changing radically, as now the
minimum admission base is defined by the average performance of all candidates in
the courses of each scientific field and by a factor determined by the university
department and derived from this average. This will create a different entry base
for each section, which will vary from year to year. The computer programs will
now be done in two phases, where in the second one those who failed to catch the
minimum admission base of the limited schools that had the opportunity to declare
in the first phase (10% of the total faculties and departments of the relevant
scientific field). On the one hand, this leads to the exclusion of many students
from higher education and, on the other hand, it turns schools into examination
centers, the feeling of competition between the students is cultivated but also
the stress, as they are called to constantly prove their "value" and "ability".
The exclusion of so many students from access to public higher education will
force many of them to turn to private vocational schools, thus enhancing private
education and profitability.
Regarding the changes in the higher education, the attendance limit is set n + 2
for the fourth-year schools and n + 3 for those that require more years of study,
which will result in the mass expulsion of students. It is a clear revenge
measure that comes to the already intensified pace of study, with application
limits, course chains and aims to discipline students and turn the university
into an incubator of graduates - workers who will be productive to ensure greater
profitability. of bosses and submissive to their commands and appetites. In fact,
any student who finds it difficult to cope with the increasingly intensified pace
of studies is punished by expulsion. any student in this class-structured society
is punished by belonging to the lower social strata and cannot cover the
ever-increasing tuition costs. Any student who considers it his inalienable right
to determine the pace at which he will study and the years it will take to
receive his degree is punished, since their very system is what pushes many of us
into the blackmailing situation of black , uninsured work to make a living so
that we can study at the same time.
The central point of this bill is the issue of "security and protection" of
universities. This plan includes the controlled entry of university premises, the
surveillance by cameras of both the interior and exterior of the institutions,
the establishment of a "Security and Protection Committee" and a number of other
reactionary provisions. The university institution protection group (OPPI) that
is established, belongs to the Hellenic Post and has as its main responsibilities
the fight against "lawlessness and delinquency" within the universities as well
as the execution of patrols. At the same time, the disciplinary code concerning
criminal acts within the institutions is being upgraded (copies, obstruction of
the proper functioning of the institution, use of unlicensed facilities, etc.).
The penalties provided in case of performing the above acts include from a simple
reprimand to a ban on participation in the exams and even a final deletion. It is
obvious that the rulers seek to transform the open and public character of the
university into a closed, guarded space in which any activity not directly
related to the academic function will be criminalized and banned.
The establishment of university police, face control, surveillance and control in
schools, disciplinary proceedings, the abolition of asylum express the ultimate
goal of the rulers which is none other than the disarmament, fortification and
retreat of the student movement, so that to launch their attacks on our acquis
and interests with the best possible terms and correlations. They seek to form a
university sterile from every trace of political fermentation, friction and
discussion among students about their problems. A university where class student
unionism and any attempt to organize collective resistance as well as any attempt
to challenge state and capital plans will be fully supervised and criminalized.
The presence of the police in the universities and the upgrading of the sentences
have as a clear goal the breaking of student occupations, imposing a condition
where "law and order reigns". Law and order of the market, capitalist
profitability, all kinds of arbitrariness (teachers and non-teachers),
discipline, intensification and control. They crave a university fully aligned
with the requirements of the state and capital, a university of larger class
barriers, where attendance is the prerogative of the few, the elite and the
affluent, with student benefits evaporating and basic needs for food, housing and
transportation relocated. fully. Law and order of the market, capitalist
profitability, all kinds of arbitrariness (teachers and non-teachers),
discipline, intensification and control. They crave a university fully aligned
with the requirements of the state and capital, a university of larger class
barriers, where attendance is the prerogative of the few, the elite and the
affluent, with student benefits evaporating and basic necessities for food,
housing and transportation relocated. fully. Law and order of the market,
capitalist profitability, all kinds of arbitrariness (teachers and non-teachers),
discipline, intensification and control. They crave a university fully aligned
with the requirements of the state and capital, a university of larger class
barriers, where attendance is the prerogative of the few, the elite and the
affluent, with student benefits evaporating and basic needs for food, housing and
transportation relocated. fully.
Against this dystopian reality, against the sterilization of universities and the
denervation of struggles inside and outside schools, against the criminalization
of social and class resistance and the suppression of demonstrations, let us be
inspired by the struggles of the past and catch the thread. of resistance and
struggle. From the Polytechnic of 73 ', the dynamic mobilizations in 06'-07' with
the law of Giannakou, and in '11 with the law of Diamantopoulou to remember that
nothing was given to us, everything is won through struggles. In the face of a
culture of defeatism, individualization and assignment, let us promote faith in
collective struggle, solidarity and self-organization. To turn the schools into
living centers of struggle, into places of collective discussion, fermentation,
challenge and resistance.
AGAINST ANY ANTI-EDUCATIONAL STATE PLANNING
THE COPS ARE OUT OF THE SCHOOLS
NO INTRODUCTION BASE
NO DISCIPLINARY PROSECUTION AND DELETION OF STUDENTS
THE ONLY SOLUTION IS THE WAY OF THE FIGHTING RESISTANCE AND THE STRUGGLE
JOINT STUDENTS - STUDENTS - TEACHERS
THE LAWS ARE ABOLISHED AT THE ROAD BLOCKS
Liberal Scheme of the University of Patras
https://eleftheriakosxhmapatras.wordpress.com/2021/03/02/
------------------------------
Message: 6
PETROGRAD, 1921 ---- February 28-Strikers' proclamations have appeared on the
streets today. They cite cases of workers found frozen to death in their homes.
The main demand is for winter clothing and more regular issue of rations. Some of
the circulars protest against the suppression of factory meetings. "The people
want to take counsel together and find means of relief," they state. Zinoviev
asserts the whole trouble is due to Menshevik and Social Revolutionist plotting.
---- For the first time a political turn is being given to the strikes. Late in
the afternoon a proclamation was posted containing larger demands. "A complete
change is necessary in the policies of the Government," it reads. "First of all,
the workers and peasants need freedom. They don't want to live by the decrees of
the Bolsheviki; they want to control their own destinies. We demand the
liberation of all arrested socialists and non-partisan workingmen; abolition of
martial law; freedom of speech, press, and assembly for all who labour; free
election of shop and factory committees, of labour union and Soviet
representatives.".
Kronstadt diary - Mar 1st | Historical
PETROGRAD, 1921
March l--Many arrests are taking place. Groups of strikers surrounded by
Chekists, on their way to prison, are a common sight. Much indignation in the
city. I hear that several unions have been liquidated and their active members
turned over to the Cheka. But proclamations continue to appear. The arbitrary
stand of the authorities is having the effect of rousing reactionary tendencies.
The situation is growing tense. Calls for the Uichredilka (Constituent Assembly)
are being heard. A manifesto is circulating, signed by the "Socialist Workers of
the Nevsky District", openly attacking the Communist regime. "We know who is
afraid of the Constituent Assembly," it declares. "It is they who will no longer
be able to rob us. Instead they will have to answer before the representatives of
the people for their deceit, their thefts, and all their crimes."
Zinoviev is alarmed; he has wired Moscow for troops. The local garrison is said
to be in sympathy with the strikers. Military from the provinces has been ordered
to the city: special Communist regiments have already arrived. Extraordinary
martial law has been declared today.
Kronstadt diary - Mar 2nd | Historical
PETROGRAD, 1921
March 2-Most disquieting reports. Large strikes have broken out in Moscow. In the
Astoria I heard today that armed conflicts have taken place near the Kremlin and
blood has been shed. The Bolsheviki claim the coincidence of events in the two
capitals as proof of a counterrevolutionary conspiracy.
It is said that Kronstadt sailors have come to the city to look into the cause of
trouble. Impossible to tell fact from fiction. The absence of a public press
encourages the wildest rumours. The official papers are discredited.
Kronstadt diary - Mar 3rd | Historical
PETROGRAD, 1921
March 3-Kronstadt is disturbed. It disapproves of the Govemment's drastic methods
against the dissatisfied workers. The men of the warship Petropavlovsk have
passed a resolution of sympathy with the strikers.
It has become known today that on February 28 a committee of sailors was sent to
this city to investigate the strike situation. Its report was unfavourable to the
authorities. On March l the crews of the First and Second Squadrons of the Baltic
Fleet called a public meeting at Yakorny Square. The gathering was attended by
16,000 sailors, Red Army men, and workers. The Chairman of the Executive
Committee of the Kronstadt Soviet, the communist Vassiliev, presided. The
audience was addressed by Kalinin. President of the Republic, and by Kuzmin,
Commissar of the Baltic Fleet. The attitude of the sailors was entirely friendly
to the Soviet Government, and Kalinin was met on his arrival in Kronstadt with
military honours, music, and banners.
At the meeting the Petrograd situation and the report of the sailors'
investigating committee were discussed. The audience was outspoken in its
indignation at the means employed by Zinoviev against the workers. President
Kalinin and Commissar Kuzmin berated the strikers and denounced the Petropavlovsk
Resolution as counter-revolutionary. The sailors emphasized their loyalty to the
Soviet system, but condemned the Bolshevik bureaucracy. The resolution was passed.
Alexander Berkman
https://organisemagazine.org.uk/2021/02/28/kronstadt-diary-historical/
------------------------------
Historical (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
According to the information of the yellow trade union UGS Nezavisnost concerning
the so-called Harassment in the workplace, who knows how many times it turns out
that this is a phenomenon that continues to "flourish" in Serbia and takes on new
dimensions. Abusers in most such cases successfully avoid facing the law, which
only contributes to the further development of abuse in the workplace. ---- Great
poverty and unemployment, further deepened by the health crisis, and even greater
negligence of state institutions towards workers in Serbia, have created ideal
conditions for the abuse of workers by bosses. ---- Workers in Serbia were
exploited "to the limit of endurance", working overtime, without the right to
sick leave, without the right to rest, and it is often said that employees are
denied the right to perform normal physiological needs. In addition to this,
there are often situations where workers are mistreated on a daily basis by their
superiors in the hope that they will resign, so that the bosses avoid the legal
obligations they have when they are fired.
The yellow unions also admit that judicial protection is in the case of "the most
classic forms of unscrupulous exploitation", ie. due to the "violation of the
basic rights of workers guaranteed by domestic legislation and numerous
international conventions" is extremely inefficient, and that is why there is a
fear among workers in Serbia of losing their jobs and additional repression if
they speak out.
All this confirms to us, for who knows how many times, that the rule of law is
not here because of us - the workers, but because of the bosses and politicians.
However, within it, it is possible to win certain battles with minimal initial
requirements to improve the working position. However, as the history of the
workers 'struggle has shown us so far, this can only be achieved with workers'
solidarity and continuous pressure from mutually organized workers.
It is also important to understand why and how bosses and politicians, as well as
the yellow unions, are trying to convince us that abuse is a deviation from the
norm and that it is actually a problem that workers have. They all deliberately
avoid saying that any hired work is abuse and exploitation. It is not a matter of
bosses being nice and addressing us politely, or even fulfilling all the
obligations prescribed to them by their fellow politicians, while exploiting us
on a daily basis by robbing us of the value we create with our work. Only
citizens can expect decency and respect for the agreement from someone whose job
is to rob workers. It is up to us workers to abolish such social relations and
organize production without bosses and other social positions that are inherently
abusive!
------------------------------
Message: 2
In this collection of texts and articles, Boris Souvarine analyzes, among other
things, the deviations of the Revolution of 1917 and the appalling conditions
imposed on the Russian proletariat. ---- Boris Souvarine (1895-1984)[1]is known
above all for his masterpiece Stalin. Historical overview of Bolshevism , on
which he worked between 1930 and 1935, during five years which were for him a
period of intense political and intellectual activity, of which the collection
recently published by Smolny is a faithful reflection. ---- Expelled from the
Communist International ---- Moderator from 1919 of the Committee of the III th
International, leader of the young French Communist Party, it will represent in
the Communist International (CI), support the theses of the new courses Trotsky
is his first deportation of the IC in 1924. He relaunched Le Bulletin communiste
in October 1925, now a tool of the communist opposition, where in January 1926 he
called for the formation of a Communist Circle of Marx and Lenin, later renamed
the Democratic Communist Circle. In November of that same year 1926, having
obtained a copy of the said " Testament " from Lenin, put under wraps by the
Russian authorities, he published it for the first time in La Révolution
prolétarienne .
While he has irremediably distanced himself from "official" communism , Souvarine
launched in March 1931 what was to be, with his volume on Stalin, the finest of
his intellectual successes: the review La Critique sociale , in which a few major
contributors would collaborate. names of the critical intelligentsia, including
Georges Bataille, Michel Leiris, Raymond Queneau, Simone Weil as well as the
philosopher Karl Korsch, close to German councilist circles. Finally, from
February 1933, he wrote regularly for the newspaper Le Travailleur run by
defectors from the PCF.
The book La Contre-Révolution en Marche collects a good part of his articles
published in three of the periodicals previously cited. As the title of the
volume implies, the main subject of the texts collected here by Charles Jacquier
and Julien Chuzeville is the fate of the Russian revolution some 15 years after
the "ten days that shook the world" .
The observation Souvarine draws from this is overwhelming in all respects:
impoverishment and petrification of Marxist thought in the USSR and in the
parties which claim it, disappearance of all the objectives that Lenin gave to
the communist movement, transformation of the party in power into "A new
privileged class" .
A damning report on the USSR
Certainly, says Souvarine, the regime held out despite the efforts of world
reaction, but this was done to the detriment of "all the notions accepted during
the initial phase of the October Revolution": "The State and the Revolution. has
become subversive literature, the Soviet Constitution is a scrap of paper and the
word liberty, struck out of the vocabulary, the crime of lese-revolution." As for
the real situation of the proletariat in the regime resulting from the Revolution
of 1917, he judges it to be far inferior to what it is in the advanced capitalist
countries, as evidenced by the appalling working conditions in the mines of the
Donetz or famine in the countryside in the south of the country, caused by the
collectivization forcibly imposed on the peasants.
Among many others, we recommend reading the 1934 article on the February Days, in
which Souvarine gives some interesting keys to reading the emergence of fascist
movements in Europe or the decomposition of the two major Marxist parties in
Europe. Germany, unable to react in time to the surge of Nazism.
Finally, we also recommend reading the final part, which testifies to the
campaigns carried out in the West against the treatment reserved by the so-called
" Soviet " state to militants who took refuge in the USSR, such as Francesco
Ghezzi or Victor Serge, or to Russian intellectuals. , including Ryazanov, the
founder of the Marx-Engels Institute in Moscow. A very good book, in short, very
carefully presented and annotated by its two managers.
Miguel Chueca
Boris Souvarine, The Counter-Revolution on the Move . Political writings
(1930-1934). Edition established by Charles Jacquier and Julien Chuzeville,
Smolny, Toulouse, 2020, 286 pages, 12 euros
Validate
[1]Souvarine is the name that Boris Lifschitz, born in a Jewish family in Kiev,
borrowed from one of the characters in Germinal de Zola to sign his first
articles, and to which he remained faithful until his death.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Dans-ce-recueil-de-textes-et-d-articles-Boris
------------------------------
Message: 3
In this collection of texts and articles, Boris Souvarine analyzes, among other
things, the deviations of the Revolution of 1917 and the appalling conditions
imposed on the Russian proletariat. ---- Boris Souvarine (1895-1984)[1]is known
above all for his masterpiece Stalin. Historical overview of Bolshevism , on
which he worked between 1930 and 1935, during five years which were for him a
period of intense political and intellectual activity, of which the collection
recently published by Smolny is a faithful reflection. ---- Expelled from the
Communist International ---- Moderator from 1919 of the Committee of the III th
International, leader of the young French Communist Party, it will represent in
the Communist International (CI), support the theses of the new courses Trotsky
is his first deportation of the CI in 1924. He relaunched Le Bulletin communiste
in October 1925, now a tool of the communist opposition, where in January 1926 he
called for the formation of a Marx and Lenin Communist Circle, later renamed the
Democratic Communist Circle. In November of that same year 1926, having obtained
a copy of the said "Testament" of Lenin, put under a bushel by the Russian
authorities, he published it for the first time in La Révolution prolétarienne .
While he had irremediably moved away from "official" communism , Souvarine
launched in March 1931 what was to be, with its volume on Stalin, the finest of
his intellectual successes: the review La Critique sociale , in which a few great
contributors would collaborate. names of the critical intelligentsia, including
Georges Bataille, Michel Leiris, Raymond Queneau, Simone Weil as well as the
philosopher Karl Korsch, close to German councilist circles. Finally, from
February 1933, he wrote regularly for the newspaper Le Travailleur run by
defectors from the PCF.
The book La Contre-Révolution en Marche collects a good part of his articles
which appeared in three of the periodicals cited above. As the title of the
volume implies, the main subject of the texts collected here by Charles Jacquier
and Julien Chuzeville is the fate of the Russian revolution some 15 years after
the "ten days that shook the world" .
The observation Souvarine draws from this is overwhelming in all respects:
impoverishment and petrification of Marxist thought in the USSR and in the
parties which claim it, disappearance of all the objectives that Lenin gave to
the communist movement, transformation of the party in power into "A new
privileged class" .
A damning report on the USSR
Certainly, says Souvarine, the regime held out despite the efforts of world
reaction, but this was done to the detriment of "all the notions accepted during
the initial phase of the October Revolution": "The State and the Revolution. has
become subversive literature, the Soviet Constitution is a scrap of paper and the
word liberty, struck out of the vocabulary, the crime of lese-revolution." As for
the real situation of the proletariat in the regime resulting from the Revolution
of 1917, he judges it to be far inferior to what it is in the advanced capitalist
countries, as evidenced by the appalling working conditions in the mines of the
Donetz or famine in the countryside in the south of the country, caused by the
collectivization forcibly imposed on the peasants.
Among many others, we recommend reading the 1934 article on the February Days,
where Souvarine gives some interesting keys to reading the emergence of fascist
movements in Europe or even on the decomposition of the two great Marxist parties
of Germany, unable to react in time to the surge of Nazism.
Finally, we also recommend reading the final part, which testifies to the
campaigns carried out in the West against the treatment reserved by the so-called
"Soviet" state to militants who took refuge in the USSR, such as Francesco Ghezzi
or Victor Serge, or to Russian intellectuals. , including Ryazanov, the founder
of the Marx-Engels Institute in Moscow. A very good book, in short, very
carefully presented and annotated by its two managers.
Miguel Chueca
Boris Souvarine, The Counter-Revolution on the Move . Political writings
(1930-1934). Edition established by Charles Jacquier and Julien Chuzeville,
Smolny, Toulouse, 2020, 286 pages, 12 euros
Validate
[1] Souvarine is the name that Boris Lifschitz, born into a Jewish family in
Kiev, borrowed from one of the characters in Germinal de Zola to sign his first
articles, and to which he remained faithful until his death.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Dans-ce-recueil-de-textes-et-d-articles-Boris
------------------------------
Message: 4
This year we have experienced an exceptional situation that has allowed us, to a
greater or lesser extent, to contemplate the ravages of a society whose
priorities are based on capitalism: economic profit, unstoppable frenetic
activity and excessive consumption. We have watched in amazement as, once again,
the economy was prioritized over life. Which means, as we all know, losing human
lives in exchange for saving the summer or Christmas season. We cannot forget
that the dire consequences due to COVID-19 have fallen especially on working
women, who have been essential in the fight against the pandemic from the
essential sectors (cleaning, food, social health, education, etc.). Again,
working women have had to deal with the problems of conciliation. This time,
Given the obvious need to protect people and value care, from the National Labor
Confederation, on this March 8 we vindicate class feminism, unionist and
combative, as our best defense. A feminism that transforms life from the roots
and delves into the keys to achieving a society oriented towards caring for life
and putting it at the center. A feminism that finds in the union an effective
tool to recover our lives, to protect them and to dignify them. To reconcile life
and work and to have OUR time and prioritize what is important.
Because it is in the union where, day by day, we win our rights and gain ground
to exploitation and precariousness; to forced and unpaid overtime, to endless
working hours, to schedule changes that disable us to have a life beyond work, to
discrimination and abuse, to dismissals ... In short, to the lack of control over
our livelihood and our lives.
It is in combative unionism, where we recover what is ours and we work together
to bend that burden that is posed - especially to women - by the double and
triple shifts we deal with on a daily basis: at work, at home, during motherhood.
... A unionism from which we fight so that these burdens are really distributed
and responsibility is shared, to have guarantees and care covered for all
dependent persons and to achieve conciliations that do not involve expelling
women from work.
A useful and effective unionism, a space for learning and review , where we
remember those who preceded us and from where we fight daily to eradicate
violence against women, creating real support networks that affect the lives of
each woman and improve it through the defense of our rights. Where we involve all
the people who make up the union to build a more just society that sustains us as
people and prioritizes life above all else.
For all these reasons, it is important to remember that this March 8, like every
day of the year, is in the combative unionism, in the CNT, the place where we can
fight from a class feminism, continued and sustained over time . That is why we
must continue to learn, militate and be an example in our unions: training other
women, encouraging more colleagues to be part of the change, all being
participants and recognizing our capacity.
For a class, unionist and combative feminism, and for us in CNT: Long live March
8 and the struggle of the workers!
https://www.cnt.es/noticias/8m-nuestra-mejor-defensa-feminismo-de-clase-sindicalista-y-combativo/
------------------------------
Message: 5
Recently, following the educational restructuring that has been taking place in
recent years, the new bill on education was passed, which, among other things,
provides for changes in the way of admission to higher education, introduces a
student limit and establishes the creation of a university police corps. These
changes are aimed at strengthening class barriers, further restricting admissions
to higher education, intensifying studies, disciplining, controlling and
suppressing student struggles. All this is happening in the midst of a pandemic
and a traffic ban, with universities being completely wiped out as they operate
through distance learning and the resistances that spring from there are quite
reduced. Of course, passing bills in dead time,
The way of admission to higher education is changing radically, as now the
minimum admission base is defined by the average performance of all candidates in
the courses of each scientific field and by a factor determined by the university
department and derived from this average. This will create a different entry base
for each section, which will vary from year to year. The computer programs will
now be done in two phases, where in the second one those who failed to catch the
minimum admission base of the limited schools that had the opportunity to declare
in the first phase (10% of the total faculties and departments of the relevant
scientific field). On the one hand, this leads to the exclusion of many students
from higher education and, on the other hand, it turns schools into examination
centers, the feeling of competition between the students is cultivated but also
the stress, as they are called to constantly prove their "value" and "ability".
The exclusion of so many students from access to public higher education will
force many of them to turn to private vocational schools, thus enhancing private
education and profitability.
Regarding the changes in the higher education, the attendance limit is set n + 2
for the fourth-year schools and n + 3 for those that require more years of study,
which will result in the mass expulsion of students. It is a clear revenge
measure that comes to the already intensified pace of study, with application
limits, course chains and aims to discipline students and turn the university
into an incubator of graduates - workers who will be productive to ensure greater
profitability. of bosses and submissive to their commands and appetites. In fact,
any student who finds it difficult to cope with the increasingly intensified pace
of studies is punished by expulsion. any student in this class-structured society
is punished by belonging to the lower social strata and cannot cover the
ever-increasing tuition costs. Any student who considers it his inalienable right
to determine the pace at which he will study and the years it will take to
receive his degree is punished, since their very system is what pushes many of us
into the blackmailing situation of black , uninsured work to make a living so
that we can study at the same time.
The central point of this bill is the issue of "security and protection" of
universities. This plan includes the controlled entry of university premises, the
surveillance by cameras of both the interior and exterior of the institutions,
the establishment of a "Security and Protection Committee" and a number of other
reactionary provisions. The university institution protection group (OPPI) that
is established, belongs to the Hellenic Post and has as its main responsibilities
the fight against "lawlessness and delinquency" within the universities as well
as the execution of patrols. At the same time, the disciplinary code concerning
criminal acts within the institutions is being upgraded (copies, obstruction of
the proper functioning of the institution, use of unlicensed facilities, etc.).
The penalties provided in case of performing the above acts include from a simple
reprimand to a ban on participation in the exams and even a final deletion. It is
obvious that the rulers seek to transform the open and public character of the
university into a closed, guarded space in which any activity not directly
related to the academic function will be criminalized and banned.
The establishment of university police, face control, surveillance and control in
schools, disciplinary proceedings, the abolition of asylum express the ultimate
goal of the rulers which is none other than the disarmament, fortification and
retreat of the student movement, so that to launch their attacks on our acquis
and interests with the best possible terms and correlations. They seek to form a
university sterile from every trace of political fermentation, friction and
discussion among students about their problems. A university where class student
unionism and any attempt to organize collective resistance as well as any attempt
to challenge state and capital plans will be fully supervised and criminalized.
The presence of the police in the universities and the upgrading of the sentences
have as a clear goal the breaking of student occupations, imposing a condition
where "law and order reigns". Law and order of the market, capitalist
profitability, all kinds of arbitrariness (teachers and non-teachers),
discipline, intensification and control. They crave a university fully aligned
with the requirements of the state and capital, a university of larger class
barriers, where attendance is the prerogative of the few, the elite and the
affluent, with student benefits evaporating and basic needs for food, housing and
transportation relocated. fully. Law and order of the market, capitalist
profitability, all kinds of arbitrariness (teachers and non-teachers),
discipline, intensification and control. They crave a university fully aligned
with the requirements of the state and capital, a university of larger class
barriers, where attendance is the prerogative of the few, the elite and the
affluent, with student benefits evaporating and basic necessities for food,
housing and transportation relocated. fully. Law and order of the market,
capitalist profitability, all kinds of arbitrariness (teachers and non-teachers),
discipline, intensification and control. They crave a university fully aligned
with the requirements of the state and capital, a university of larger class
barriers, where attendance is the prerogative of the few, the elite and the
affluent, with student benefits evaporating and basic needs for food, housing and
transportation relocated. fully.
Against this dystopian reality, against the sterilization of universities and the
denervation of struggles inside and outside schools, against the criminalization
of social and class resistance and the suppression of demonstrations, let us be
inspired by the struggles of the past and catch the thread. of resistance and
struggle. From the Polytechnic of 73 ', the dynamic mobilizations in 06'-07' with
the law of Giannakou, and in '11 with the law of Diamantopoulou to remember that
nothing was given to us, everything is won through struggles. In the face of a
culture of defeatism, individualization and assignment, let us promote faith in
collective struggle, solidarity and self-organization. To turn the schools into
living centers of struggle, into places of collective discussion, fermentation,
challenge and resistance.
AGAINST ANY ANTI-EDUCATIONAL STATE PLANNING
THE COPS ARE OUT OF THE SCHOOLS
NO INTRODUCTION BASE
NO DISCIPLINARY PROSECUTION AND DELETION OF STUDENTS
THE ONLY SOLUTION IS THE WAY OF THE FIGHTING RESISTANCE AND THE STRUGGLE
JOINT STUDENTS - STUDENTS - TEACHERS
THE LAWS ARE ABOLISHED AT THE ROAD BLOCKS
Liberal Scheme of the University of Patras
https://eleftheriakosxhmapatras.wordpress.com/2021/03/02/
------------------------------
Message: 6
PETROGRAD, 1921 ---- February 28-Strikers' proclamations have appeared on the
streets today. They cite cases of workers found frozen to death in their homes.
The main demand is for winter clothing and more regular issue of rations. Some of
the circulars protest against the suppression of factory meetings. "The people
want to take counsel together and find means of relief," they state. Zinoviev
asserts the whole trouble is due to Menshevik and Social Revolutionist plotting.
---- For the first time a political turn is being given to the strikes. Late in
the afternoon a proclamation was posted containing larger demands. "A complete
change is necessary in the policies of the Government," it reads. "First of all,
the workers and peasants need freedom. They don't want to live by the decrees of
the Bolsheviki; they want to control their own destinies. We demand the
liberation of all arrested socialists and non-partisan workingmen; abolition of
martial law; freedom of speech, press, and assembly for all who labour; free
election of shop and factory committees, of labour union and Soviet
representatives.".
Kronstadt diary - Mar 1st | Historical
PETROGRAD, 1921
March l--Many arrests are taking place. Groups of strikers surrounded by
Chekists, on their way to prison, are a common sight. Much indignation in the
city. I hear that several unions have been liquidated and their active members
turned over to the Cheka. But proclamations continue to appear. The arbitrary
stand of the authorities is having the effect of rousing reactionary tendencies.
The situation is growing tense. Calls for the Uichredilka (Constituent Assembly)
are being heard. A manifesto is circulating, signed by the "Socialist Workers of
the Nevsky District", openly attacking the Communist regime. "We know who is
afraid of the Constituent Assembly," it declares. "It is they who will no longer
be able to rob us. Instead they will have to answer before the representatives of
the people for their deceit, their thefts, and all their crimes."
Zinoviev is alarmed; he has wired Moscow for troops. The local garrison is said
to be in sympathy with the strikers. Military from the provinces has been ordered
to the city: special Communist regiments have already arrived. Extraordinary
martial law has been declared today.
Kronstadt diary - Mar 2nd | Historical
PETROGRAD, 1921
March 2-Most disquieting reports. Large strikes have broken out in Moscow. In the
Astoria I heard today that armed conflicts have taken place near the Kremlin and
blood has been shed. The Bolsheviki claim the coincidence of events in the two
capitals as proof of a counterrevolutionary conspiracy.
It is said that Kronstadt sailors have come to the city to look into the cause of
trouble. Impossible to tell fact from fiction. The absence of a public press
encourages the wildest rumours. The official papers are discredited.
Kronstadt diary - Mar 3rd | Historical
PETROGRAD, 1921
March 3-Kronstadt is disturbed. It disapproves of the Govemment's drastic methods
against the dissatisfied workers. The men of the warship Petropavlovsk have
passed a resolution of sympathy with the strikers.
It has become known today that on February 28 a committee of sailors was sent to
this city to investigate the strike situation. Its report was unfavourable to the
authorities. On March l the crews of the First and Second Squadrons of the Baltic
Fleet called a public meeting at Yakorny Square. The gathering was attended by
16,000 sailors, Red Army men, and workers. The Chairman of the Executive
Committee of the Kronstadt Soviet, the communist Vassiliev, presided. The
audience was addressed by Kalinin. President of the Republic, and by Kuzmin,
Commissar of the Baltic Fleet. The attitude of the sailors was entirely friendly
to the Soviet Government, and Kalinin was met on his arrival in Kronstadt with
military honours, music, and banners.
At the meeting the Petrograd situation and the report of the sailors'
investigating committee were discussed. The audience was outspoken in its
indignation at the means employed by Zinoviev against the workers. President
Kalinin and Commissar Kuzmin berated the strikers and denounced the Petropavlovsk
Resolution as counter-revolutionary. The sailors emphasized their loyalty to the
Soviet system, but condemned the Bolshevik bureaucracy. The resolution was passed.
Alexander Berkman
https://organisemagazine.org.uk/2021/02/28/kronstadt-diary-historical/
------------------------------
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